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FACING 

THE 

TWENTIETH CENTURY 

®ur Country: Its power anb peril 



The POWER of Our Country, generated by Anglo-Saxon civilization 
and made effective through the American institutions of State, 
Church, and School. 

The PERIL of Our Country, manifest in the claims of Politico- Eccle- 
siastical Romanism to universal dominion, and in its relations 
to political parties, politicians, platforms, legislation, schools, 
charities, labor, and tvar. 

The Republic FACES the twentieth century ivith the power to avert 
the peril when both power and peril are recognized. 



PRUBENS FUTURI 
QUI TAGET CONSENTIT 

BY 

JAMES M. KING 

General Secretary National League for the Protection 
of American Institutions 



NEW YORK 

AMERICAN UNION LEAGUE SOCIETY 

1899 

# 






4 Qg. 



4848' 

Copyright, 1899, 



JAMES M. KING. 



AU tights teterved. 






AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 

The Republic, with the momentum secured in mating more 
than a century of glorious history, is about to move into the 
twentieth century and work out its manifest destiny in 
extending civil and religious liberty to the millions Avhich 
come under its benign rule. 

. Without attempting an elaborate discussion of any one of 
the themes here considered, I have essayed to give a brief 
survey of the sources of our civilization, of the institutions 
which conserve and promote this civilization; of the peril 
which menaces these institutions, and of the legal, organic, 
and moral forces which may be depended upon to protect 
them. 

I hope to contribute a mite in producing that disposition 
of mind and poise of judgment among citizens which are 
indispensable to a people confronted with difficult problems 
for solution, and who have great responsibilities to meet and 
priceless liberties to perpetuate. 

I desire to reach that honest citizen on the farm, in the 
workshop, in the factory, and in the different departments of 
industry in city and village, who does his own thinking and 
voting, and who counts one in the class of citizens who give 
character to American citizenship and vigor to American 
patriotism. 

I seek to inspire that kind of patriotic pride of country, 
which is based upon an intelligent conception of the cost and 
character of our institutions, and which is jealously alert 
against the insidious approaches of any foe that would either 
compromise or undermine our constitutional liberties. 

We are living in a seriously interesting and instructive 
period of both national and international history. The men 

3 



4 Authors Preface. 

wlio created the Republic faced their responsibilities 
effectively and magnificently. We shall have both the 
coiirat'-e and ability to face our broader responsibilities if 
we adhere to the principle that the safe method of procedure 
is for a nation to act from high-minded and unselfish motives. 

New YonK, January, 1899. 



NOTE. 

In a won! I dpsirc to record my gratitude for all the assistance I have received in 
tlip preparation of Ihis volume. Tiiose who have aided me in any measure liave one 
and all nMiucsted llial no mention be made of their names. Their request is com- 
plied with, but their help is appreciated. 

Conscious of llic imperfect presentation I have made of the information imparted 
lo me from many sources, I am thankful for the valuable and authentic facts, and 
IruKl that the readers will weigh these facts and bear with the inadequate method of 
thtir array. J. M. K. 



CONTENTS. 



PART I. 



The Sources of American Republican Christian 
Civilization. 

PAGE 

The Hollander, . . . 13 

The Pilgrim, 19 

The Puritan, 28 

The Huguenot, 38 

The Quaker, 53 

The Scotch, 56 

The Cavalier, 57 

The English Roman Catholic, ....... 59 

Other Mention, 60 

PART II. 

American Institutions. 

The State. 

Liberty and Law, 62 

The State and Its Power, 66 

Nationality and Sovereignty, 66 

Sources of the Powers of the State, 68 

Historic Origin of the Republic, . ...... 69 

Material Resources and Strength, 72 

The Church. 

The Relations of Civil and Religious Liberty, .... 78 

Sphere and Function of Church and State, 79 

Limitations of Civil and Religious Liberty, 80 

Separation of Church and State, . 81 

5 



6 Contents. 

PAGE 

Dangers from the Union of Clnnch and State, .... 82 

Historic Siatenifiit of \.\w Origin of Religious Liberty in America, 84 

Anurica's Contribution to Religious Libert}', .... 90 
Hfligious Resources, ........ 



93 



The School. 

Free Common-Scljool System, 96 

Higlier Education Accessible to All, ...... 106 

Kducation Out of School, . 110 

The Free Press as an Educator, 112 

PART in. 

Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 
Spain in History the Representative Latin Type, .... 121 
America's Early Escape from the Grasp of Latin Civilization, . 133 

American Populations and Civilization Essentially Anglo-Saxon, . 140 
The Spanish-American War of Civilizations, .... 146 

Our New Possessions, .163 

PART IV. 

The Menace to American Institutions from Politico- 
Ecclesiastical Romanism. 

PnliiMinary, ........... 175 

Claims. 

Concerning Universal Dominion in both Spiritual and Temporal 

Affairs, 187 

Concerning the Essential Character of Civil Liberty, . . 208 

Concerning Religious Liberty and the Relations of Church and 

Sliite, 218 

Concerning the Voter as a Responsible Sovereign, . . . 230 

Relations. 

T.< Party Pnlilici an.] to Politicians, 250 

To LegihlaticjM, .......... 287 



Contents. ^ 

PAGE 

To Judicial Administration, 308 

To Executive Administration, 311 

To Education and the Schools, 319 

To the Press and Literature, 358 

To Charitable, Reformatory, and Penal Institutions, . . . 371 

To Labor and other Organizations, 392 

To the Boycott and the Boss, 403 

To " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," 409 

To the Government of the Commercial Metropolis of the New- 
World, 418 

To the Spanish- American War, 461 

Methods. 
To Make Condescending Concessions to American Institutions, . 477 
Concerted Action as Romanists; Promoting Isolation and Soli- 
darity, and Obstructing Assimilation in Citizenship, . . 481 

Decline. 

Decline in Numbers and in Political Power throughout the World, 501 



PART V. 

Powers to Protect American Institutions. 

Constitutional Intrenchment of American Principles and Institu- 
tions in the Organic Laws of the Nation and of the States, . 518 

The National League for the Protection of American Institutions, 519 

The Free Common Schools. The Free Principle Must Be De- 
fended. Patriotic Platform for the Defense of the Schools, 544 

The Recognition and Nurture of the New Patriotism, Manifested 
in the Multiplication of Patriotic Organizations. Organiza- 
tions Based upon Revolutionary Ancestry or Patriotic 
Heredity, . 549 

Organizations Based upon Consciousness of Present Perils from 

Ecclesiasticism, . . . . . . . . .561 

The Safe and Rational Restriction of Immigration, . . . 567 



g Contents. 

PAGE 

Safeguarding the Ballot, 569 

A Perfected Civil Service, 572 

Tlie Spoils System and the Merit System, 573 

The Princ'ij.les of Unsectarian Christianity the Basis of Our Civil- 

izHtiuM, ;incl the Guarantee for Its Perpetuity, . . . 679 

PART VI. 
Manifest Destiny, 585 

PART VII. 

Appendix. 

Memorable Events in American History, 1492-1899, . . . 595 

Some Ecclesiastical Definitions: 

Elements of Ecclesiastical Law, 602 

Gladstone on the Vatican Decrees, 612 

Some Chronological Records of the Pope's Relations to the Span- 
ish-American War, . . . . . . . . .614 

Vatican and Papal Authorities Friendly to Spain and Hostile to 

the United States during the Spanish-American War, . .619 

The Pope's Letter on " Americanism "; the Submission of Arch- 
bishop Ireland and the Paulist Fathers, 621 

Immigration Statistics from the Foundation of the Government, 625 

Qualifications for Voting in each State of the Union, . . . 626 

The Flair 628 



*o> 



L\L.L\, 629 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE 

Alfonso, King of Spain, 169 

Duke of Alva, 121 

Americus Vespucius, . .136 

augustin, 16*^ 

Birthplace of the National Flag, ...... 68 

Blaine and Burchard, 409 

Blanco, 160 

H. F. Bowers, 564 

Captain Boycott, 401 

George Ernest Bowman, 550 

J. B. Brondel, . • 293 

John R. Brooke, . 160 

Schley's Flagship "Brooklyn," 162 

William Allen Butler, . 528 

Camara, ..... ... . , . lw» 

The Capitol, Washington, 1, 73 

John F. Carroll, • .457 

Caravels of Columbus, ........ 136 

Cervera, . . 129 

Charles V., 121 

Charles IX., 121 

R. L. Chapelle, ......... 293 

United States Coat of Arms, ...... 1 

Columbus, .......•••• 136 

Congressional Library, ........ 73 

Michael A. Corrigan, 301, 457 

Country School House, . • 104 

Richard Croker, ......... 457 

J. L. M. Curry, 544 

Edward S. Deemer, 564 

Chauncey M. Depew, ........ 550 

George Dewey, ......... 129 

Mrs. Mary Lowe Dickinson, 559 

Morgan Dix, .......••• 550 

9 



10 



List of Illust/t'ations. 



Dorm AN H. KAioy, 

Fankiii. IIai.i., 

Kkdkkai. Hall, 

Ferdinand, 

I'nitei) States Fi.ac, 

Hknjamin Fkanki.in, 

Franklin Press, 

James Cardinal Gibbons, 

William W. Goodrich, 

A Graded School Building, 

Ulysses S. Grant, 

Frederick Grant, 

Samuel Ebekly Gross, 

John Gutenberg, 

Edward Hagaman Hall, 

J. C. IIardenberhh, 

Benjamin Harrison, 

J. A Healv, 

Hknkv IV., 

Patrick Henry, . 

Hoe's Press, 1899, 

Henry E. Howland, . 

Independence Hall, 

John Ireland, 

Isabella, 

John Jay (Huguenot), 

John Jay (National League), 

James M. King, 

Richard Henry Lee, 

Robert E. Lee, 

FiTZHUGH Lee, 

Linares, 

Monument to Luther at Worms, 

Monument to Faith, 

Macias, 

Baitleshii' "Maine," . 

Wreck ok the " Maine," 

Mks I V. Manchester, 

Mrs. Daniel Manning, 

Sebastian Martinelli, 

M MaJ{IY, 



page 
520, 528 

68 
1 
13G 
1 
112 
112 
293, 301 
550 
104 
152 
152 
550 
112 
550 
564 
261 
293 
121 

13 
112 
550 

68 
301 
136 

13 
520 
520 

13 
152 
152 
160 

81 

24 
160 
156 
156 
559 
559 
193 
293 



52{ 



List of Illustrations. 11 

PAGE 

President McKinley and the War Cabinet, . . . 147 

William McKinley, ......... 1 

Hugh McLaughlin, 457 

Catherine de Medici, ........ 121 

Wesley Merritt, ......... 160 

Nelson A. Miles, 160 

MoNTOJO, 129 

Thomas J. Morgan, 261 

Sampson's Flagship, "New York," 162 

New Roman Catholic Lobby, ....... 301 

Officers of the National League for the Protection of 

American Institutions, ....... 520 

Old Roman Catholic Lobby, ....... 293 

Dewey's Flagship, "Olympia," ...... 162 

Papal Apostolic Delegates fob the United States, . .193 

Pando, 160 

William H. Parsons, 520 

Wheeler H. Peckham, ........ 528 

William Penn, .......... 13 

Philip IL, 121 

Pope Leo XIIL, 188 

Pope Pius IV. 121 

Population of Each State and Number of Persons to the 

Square Mile, ......... 585 

Possessions of the United States, 1899, .... 593 

Presidents of the United States from 1789 to 1850, . . 64 

Presidents of the United States from 1850 to 1899, . 64 

Ralph E. Prime, ......... 550 

Queen Regent of Spain, ....... 169 

S. Lansing Reeve, ......... 564 

Patrick W. Riordan, ........ 293 

Roman Catholic Population in Each State and Proportion 
OF Roman Catholic Members to All Other Denomina- 
tions, ........... 499 

Rulers of Greater New York, ...... 457 

"Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," ..... 409 

Patrick J. Ryan, 293, 301 

Sagasta, Prime Minister of Spain, ..... 169 
William T. Sampson, . . . . . . .129 

E. W. Samuel, 564 

Francis Satolli, ......... 193 



Id 



List of Illustrations. 



Charles T. Saxton, 

WlNKIKI.lJ S. SciiLEY, . 

MKi>. May Wright Sewall, 

John Server, 

William T, Sii after, 

Charles D. Sigsbee, 

Charles R. Skinner, 

Mrs. Lk Hoy Sunderlaxd Smith 

.Mii>. Hknkv Sanger Snow, 

Spain's Possessions at the Hei 

Spain's Possessions in 1899, 

A State Normal, 

J. A. Stephan, 

William Strong, 

Peter Stuyvesant, 

Treasury Building, 

RoHERT A. Van Wyck, 

.FoHN II. Vincent, 

^vain^vright, 

George Washington, 

Washin(;ton Monument, 

NViM.iAM Wayne, 

Alexander S. Webb, 

Weyler, 

Joseph Wheeler, 

Henry B. Whipple, 

White House, 

Stewart L. Woodford, 



ht of Her Power 



page 
544 
129 
559 
564 
160 
156 
544 
559 
559 
472 
472 
104 
301 
520 

13 

73 

457 

544 

156 

1 

73 
650 
550 
148 
160 
550 

73 
550 




John U'int/irop ( /'«/ Kan). Peter Stuvvesant (Hollander). 

Pa/ruA- ILnry (Scotch). William Fenn (.Quaker). 

John Jay ( //utruenot ). Richard Henry Lee ( Cavalier). 

SOMK LKADEKS IN SIIAI'IXG AMERICAN CIVILIZATION. 



FACING THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. 



PART I. 

THE SOURCES OF AMERICAN REPUBLICAN 
CHRISTIAN CIVILIZATION. 

THE HOLLANDER. 

The first dim outlines of knowledge concerning the region 
now called Holland have been set before lis in Caesar's accounts 
of the battles and marches of his conquering legions. A region 
it might have been called then, yet not a land. The words 
terra firma would scarcely apply to a vast expanse of morass 
and thicket, often all but submerged by the furious waves of 
the stormy, ever threatening sea. As the child is father to the 
man, so, in the first faint dawnings of the history of a people 
may be discerned some characteristics which distinguish that 
people, as the story of later generations is rounded out and 
recorded. That quality in a race which held it steadfast 
while fighting against nature for a home so uncertain in its 
conditions that it was sometimes land and sometimes water; 
which enabled it, though often overpowered and almost swept 
out of existence by giant physical forces, to slowly but cer- 
tainly overcome after centuries of combat, has marked that 
people through all the years of its history. Patientl}^ slowly, 
with untiring labor and constant vigilance, they drove back 
the waves and set a bound to the ocean. But while they 
were toiling to wrest this Low Land, this Hollow Land from 
the sea, they were also developing and strengthening within 
themselves that power which enabled them to convert a marsh 



14 Fa<in(j the Twentieth Century. 

into ;i rich ami fruit t'lil garden; to })iiil(l within its limits 
wealthy and powerful cities, where science, art, and music 
went hand in hand with progress in material industries, 
whih' they swept the broad bosom of their ancient enemy 
with fleets of merchantmen and war vessels. Nor was this 
power to achieve success in these directions, great as it was, 
tlieir most jiromineut characteristic. Motley says: "In the 
devehn)nient of the Netherland nation during sixteen centu- 
ries, we have seen it ever marked by one prevailing character- 
istic, one master passion, the love of liberty, the instinct of 
self-government." 

The succession of Charles V. to the sovereignty of the 
Netherlands, and the dawn of that religious movement called 
the Reformation, two events which occurred early in the six- 
teenth century, gave the signal for the beginning of a long 
and terrible struggle. The history of this reign was marked 
at every stage by rapacity and political o^^pression. These 
rich provinces had their treasuries emptied to support the Em- 
peror's ambitious projects, had their industries ham jeered and 
their liberties restricted. Above all, he sought to extinguish 
their religious freedom. To repressive edicts w^ere added the 
terrors of the Inquisition, and by the time Charles abdicated, 
passing the sovereignty into the hands of his son, Philip II., 
upward of fifty thousand of the inhabitants of the Nether- 
lands had suffered death for their religious opinions. But if 
the reign of Charles was rigorous and hai'sh, that of his son 
was marked by relentless cruelty. Religious persecution w^as 
carried on with redoubled vigor, and the infamous Alva was 
sent, at the head of thousands of Spanish troops, to crush the 
rebellious provinces. It was inevitable, considering the tem- 
per of the people, that a rebellion should ripen into a war, 
^vhich drew the Prince of Orange to the front as their leader, 
and that the Abjuration, the Declaration of Independence of 
the Dutch Republic, should ultimately follow. A few years 
later these peo])le saw their beloved Prince and leader fall by 



The Sources of American Civilization. 15 

the assassin's hand, but with indomitable energy they marched 
forward, while others of that princely family arose to perpetu- 
ate and embellish the name by heroic deeds for a noble cause, 
until an exhausted enemy held out the flag of truce and was 
forced to acknowledge the Low Countries free. 

In this memorable year of 1609, when the Dutch republic 
took its place among the nations, events were quietly occur- 
ring in another part of the world which were to be an active 
factor in founding, at a later era, a greater republic, which, in 
its turn, would, for liberty and right, meet in the clash of 
arms the ancient enemy of its Netherland prototype. The 
voyage of the celebrated Half Moon, under the command 
of her equally celebrated captain, Henry Hudson, has taken 
its deep significance from later events. It was but a small 
vessel, manned by a crew of twenty, making her first cruise 
along an unknown shore, cautiously feeling her way through 
strait and bay, past wooded islands to the broad surface of a 
noble river, traversing many miles of its shining waters, and 
returning with its cargo of furs and its story of adventure, 
to the home port in Holland. Yet this little boat was the 
pathfinder for a world's traffic, and on those wooded slopes 
was to rise a great city where all nations and tongues would 
congregate. For some years Hudson's discovery was only 
fruitful in pointing out the way for the beginnings of a profit- 
able trade in furs with the Indians of the islands and shores 
which he visited. A fort was built near the site of the pres- 
ent city of Albany, as a trading post to reach the natives of 
the interior, a few rude buildings erected at the extremity 
of Manhattan Island, and the name of New Netherland given 
the region. However, there was no definite project for colo- 
nization until after the establishment of the West India Com- 
pany with many rights and privileges, one of which was 
exclusive trade with America. Undei* their charter Peter 
Minuit was appointed the first governor, and he ariived 
at Manhattan in the spring of 1626, authorized to buy land 



16 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

from the Indians, and construct a fort, warehouse, and other 
necessary buildings. 

On the 0th of May, two days after his arrival, the Governor 
made that celebrated purchase from the natives, whereby 
Manhattan Ishmd came into his possession at the price of 
twenty-four dollars. The fort, warehouse, and buildings 
wei-e soon constructed, and an ujiper story in one of the latter 
was fitted up for religious worship). They had no minister as 
yet, but two persons were appointed to read the Bible and 
iead in devotional exercises every Sabbath morning. Other 
colonists shortly arrived, and before the end of the year their 
number was nearly two hundred. With the habits of thrift 
and diligence in which they had been trained, it is not sur- 
jM-ising to learn that " they had all their grain sowed by the 
mi(klle of May, and reaped by the middle of August." T^vo 
years later we find that " the learned and energetic John 
Michaelius was employed to ofiiciate at religious meetings 
and instruct the children." Thus from the first these Dutch 
colonists built a strong foundation for education and religion. 
In order to giv^e greater impetus to colonization and extend it 
throughout the province, an offer was made by the company 
to any of its members who should found a colony of fifty 
adults, by which they would receive large grants of land, 
special privileges, and the title of patroou. In this way set- 
tlements were planted along the Hudson River and in sections 
now included in Delaware and New Jersey, though the aris- 
toci-atic and feudal features of the plan were not favorable to 
the best growth of the province. After a few years Minuit 
was succeeded by Van Twiller as governor, and with him 
arrived the first minister, named Bogardus, for whom a 
churcli was shortly built. This was a plain wooden struc- 
ture, witliout architectural beauty, but historically interesting 
as tlie first churcli edifice on Manhattan Island. Under this 
;idiiiitii-t rat ion tip' island village receiv'ed the name of New 
Amsterdam. Hut the path of these Dutch governors was not 



TJie Sources of American Civilization. 1 7 

an easy one, and in 1638 Van Twiller retired to make way for 
Kieft. He chose as counselor Dr. La Montagne, a man of 
high breeding and varied learning, a French Huguenot, who 
had fled from religious persecution and settled at Manhattan 
the previous year. Thus we may already get a glimpse of 
the cosmopolitan character of the future metro^^olis. During 
Kieft's rule the company adopted a more liberal policy, which 
had the effect of increasing the number of new settlers, and 
the greater religious freedom attracted people from New Eng- 
land, who made settlements on Long Island and in West- 
chester, while others became inhabitants of the thrivino- 
village of New Amsterdam. 

In 1647 arrived the last and the greatest of the Dutch 
governors, Peter Stuyvesaut. He was a man of stern, proud 
appearance, military bearing, of great energy and decision of 
character, of severe morality, yet kindly, sympathetic, and 
large-hearted. He found many discouragements in the condi- 
tion of affairs in the province. Before this time there had 
been many misunderstandings with the English settlements, 
owing to conflicting patents and indefinite boundaries. The 
patroon system, with its special privileges, was a source of 
perplexity and annoyance. Above all, injudicious treatment 
of the Indians had been followed by disastrous and shock- 
ing results. Beside these questions which confronted the 
Governor, his attention was at once drawn to the necessity for 
improvement in the condition of the town, and under his 
energetic direction many changes for the better were 
inaugurated. Though the Dutch were earnest and serious, 
they did not manifest a sour severity; and though they 
evinced a keen commercial spirit, they were not mercenary or 
miserly. So far as circumstances permitted the people lived 
generously, and there was much pleasant social intercourse 
among the settlers. In New Amsterdam the Christmas festi- 
val was especially observed, as was also the custom of New 
Year visits. In 1653 New Amsterdam was made a munici- 



18 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

palit V and suitable otficials were appoiuted. In 1656 its popu- 
lali.wi liad reached one thousand. But events were impending 
whicli \v»*re to phice the control of the province iu other 
haii<ls. ill It'.iU it was seized by the English. New Amster- 
dam became New York, and Fort Orange was called Albany. 
But, though it was lost forever as a Netherland possession, the 
Dutch had taken firm root iu the soil and made an indelible 
mark, to be discerned through all the future history of the 
province. That country, wliose rich and flourishing cities w^ere 
brought low by the hand of tyranny and wasted by fire and 
sie*T^e, was to see them reproduced again, when its children 
founded the metropolis of the West. The descendants of a 
people which, ^vith wonderful persistence in the face of repeated 
defeats, rescued a country from the waves and made it fertile 
and flourishing, had the happy privilege of founding, in the 
New World, a great State upon which nature had bestowed 
every bounty. Throughout its length and breadth the Dutch 
name is preserved. The important families of New Nether- 
land have their lines perpetuated by distinguished descend- 
ants, and the race which Caesar could not conquer is repre- 
sented in the New World by a long list of brave, steadfast, 
God-fearing men. These men have ever been active in foster- 
ing those rights and privileges for which their forefathers 
fought with such unyielding determination, such unexampled 
bravery. That right of free and fearless speech, and that 
liigh standard of morality, in civil as well as religious matters, 
which permitted the first Dutch preacher to rebuke from his 
pulpit the Governor in his pew, are still manifest in the life 
of tlic State. Her press, her schools, her laws are all signifi- 
cant of her origin. The declaration in favor of complete 
religious toleration, which the Netherlanders incorporated in 
th«' Act of Abjuration in 1581, is repeated again when New 
Yolk, two centuries later, in her first constitution, declares 
that " the free exercise and enjoyment of religious pi"o- 
fesHion and worship, without discrimination or preference, 



The Sources of American Civilization. 19 

shall forever, hereafter, be allowed within this state to all 
mankind." 

Doubtless the fathers of the American nation, confronted 
by doubts and anxieties, wrought out many problems by the 
light of Dutch history. The founders of the Plymouth 
colony dwelt for years in that city of Leyden which, only a 
generation before their time, had passed, unconquered, 
through a siege the record of which is a glowing tribute to 
the amazing fortitude and the undying faith of its inhabi- 
tants. May it not well be that the Pilgrims there learned 
some lessons that helped to bear them bravely through the 
heavy trials which they encountered in their new home? 
Perhaps many lessons which were afterward put in practice 
by the later New England colonists may have been taught by 
the Netherlanders, thousands of whom migrated to the 
eastern counties of England, whence the Puritan exodus to 
America was largely drawn. As the early history of the 
American republic is more deeply studied, the more obscure 
elements in its complex civilization brought to light, the 
silent, hidden streams of influence which make the nation 
what it is are uncovered and explored, the more plainly will 
be seen the country's lasting indebtedness to the people and 
the institutions of Holland. 

THE PILGRIM. 

In the latter part of the reign of the first Stuart king 
of England there landed upon the shores of one of his colo- 
nial possessions a small band of men and women, obscure and 
humble then, but now known all over the world as the Pil- 
grims of New England, and the day of their landing, Decem- 
ber 21, 1620, is widely celebrated as Forefathers' Day. The 
circumstances attending their arrival could hardly have been 
less auspicious. Setting foot as they did on a bleak and 
wild coast in the short, chill days of eai-ly winter, without 
sheltering roof or pleasant hearthstone, with no neighbors but 



•J (I Facing the Twentuth Century. 

liowliiig wolves autl uufrieudly savages, there was little pros- 
pect of ease, comfort, or security. But these brave men and 
woiiM-n kiu'w well the meaning of hardships, trials, and dis- 
appointments, and the sublimity and strength of their reli- 
irious faith i^ave them a power of endurance and a fixedness of 
purpose which were to contribute to a new order of civil and 
religious liberty. In England, their native country, they had 
suffered much for conscience' sake ; for years they had been 
exiles in a foreign land, and they had come to a new and 
unknown country that they might find "freedom to worship 
(iod " without interference or persecution from j^^'^late or 
king. Very early in the century these people had withdrawn 
from the services of the established church and thus received 
the name of Separatists. They, with others of like mind, met 
together for religious worship, first at Gainsborough in Lin- 
colnshire, but in 1606 they found it convenient to assemble 
nearer their homes in Nottinghamshire, and held their meet- 
ings chiefly at Scrooby in the manor house, then the home of 
AVilliam Brewster, who w'as afterward to be the first preacher 
and teacher of the little colony in America. Among their 
numl)er was AVilliam Bradford, a young man who lived at 
Austerfield, a few miles away, and whose name in later years 
was to be prominent in all the records of their w-anderings 
a!id final establishment in the New World. His "History of 
Plymouth Plantation " has preserved much that otherw^ise 
must have been wholly lost and which is invaluable to those 
Avhr» would study the history of these people in its religious and 
civil aspects. Mr. Richard Clifton, "a grave and reverend 
preacher," was their pastor, and ^vith them also, among others, 
was John Robinson, wdio went Avith them into exile and after- 
ward became their preacher. Bradford tells us in his quaintly 
written history that "they ordinarily met at William Bre^v- 
ster's house on the Lord's day and with great love he enter- 
tained them when they came, making provision for them to 
his great charge." The little village of Scrooby was 146 



TTie Sources of American Civilization. 21 

miles nortli of Loudon, and William Brewster was probably- 
born in the manor house where his father lived and held the 
office of Post, to which the sou succeeded. Here they formed 
themselves into an organized church, for Bradford says : " They 
shook off the yoke of anti-Christian bondage and as the Lord's 
free people, joined themselves by a covenant of the Lord into 
a church estate in the fellowship of the gospel to walk in 
all his ways made known or to be made known unto them 
according to their best endeavors, whatsoever it should cost 
them the Lord assisting them." 

There were Separatist churches in other parts of England, 
but the great body of those who sympathized with the free 
church ideas, the Puritans, had not come to open resistance 
against the Act of Uniformity promulgated by Elizabeth for 
the repression of Catholics and Puritans alike. Afterward, 
under the first Charles, many of the latter, wearied by perse- 
cution and oppression, were to make common cause with the 
Pilgrims in New England. It is difficult to trace the begin- 
nings of this spirit of free inquiry. Certainly the principle of 
self-government, the seeds of which were brought to British 
soil by the early English invaders, was not unfavorable to it. 
Long before the times of Wickliffe and his followers men suf- 
fered for their repudiation of the claims of priestly authority, 
but not until the first year of the fifteenth century did Eng- 
lishmen perish at the stake for their religious opinions. 

But the little congregation at Scrooby were not permitted 
to worship in their own way without opposition. " They 
could not long continue in any peaceable condition but were 
hunted and persecuted on every side, some were taken and 
clapt up in prisons, others had their houses beset and watched 
night and day and hardly escaped their hands, and the most 
were fain to fly and leave their houses and habitations and 
the means of their livelihood." Thus did persecution, dis- 
tress, and loss of material possessions mark their lot from the 
first. But they remained steadfast and refused to conform to 



22 Faci)i[i the Twentietli Century. 

what they l)elieve(l anti-Christian and unworthy of acceptance 
by the Lord's people. Their constant reading of the Bible, 
and their increasing dependence upon it as the rule of life in 
all things, served to draw them farther away from the require- 
uients of the Church. There was little prospect of wider 
toleration in the future. Elizabeth had passed away, James I. 
had ascended the throne, and the long struggle of the Stuart 
kings for absolutism and against constitutional privilege 
and the rights of the people, civil and religious, was just 
be^'innin"-. It was no lidit thinaj for Englishmen born and 
bred to turn their faces away from their native country, to 
leave the smiling valleys and peaceful streams of their 
home laud and seek an asylum in a foreign country under 
new and hard conditions. But they prized most of all 
religious freedom, and at last " by joint consent they resolved 
to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was freedom 
of religion for all men." 

But difficult as it was for them to reach this resolution, it 
was equally difficult for them to carry it out. In fleeing from 
the cruel authority of the ecclesiastical courts they encoun- 
tered the opposition of the civil laws, for by statute they 
were forbidden to emigrate without license. But the suffer- 
ings they had already passed through gave them fortitude to 
meet approaching trials, and the words of John Robinson, 
written later, were applicable to them even then : " It is not 
witli \is as with men whom small things can discourage." 
After repeated attempts and failures, arrests and imprison- 
ments, finally, at Amsterdam, in 1609, "they met together 
again according to their desires with no small rejoicing." 
( )(her Separatist congregations had gone before them to that 
city from England, but the people from Scrooby continued to 
woi-ship by themselves, and after about a year they removed 
to Leyden, at which time John Robinson became their pastor 
and so continued until tlie migration to America. Here they 
engaged in sudi employment as they were able to find, and. 



Tlie Sources of American Civilization. 23 

under tlie direction of their revered and beloved pastor, 
enjoyed years of peace and a measure of worldly prosperity, 
adding to tbeir numbers and finding favor with their foreign 
neigh])ors. Among those who joined them at the time were 
Edward Winslow, John Carver, and Miles Standish, all after- 
ward to become prominent in the Plymouth Colony. But at 
the best, the conditions of their life were, in many respects, 
severe and trying. A new language had to be acquired, 
a quiet country neighborhood and agricultural occupations 
were exchanged for the more expensive life of a city and such 
trades and callings as were open to them. Many that desired 
to be with them could not endure the great labor and hard 
fare, and it was thought if a better and easier place of living 
could be had it would draw many. Besides, the years of 
truce that followed the long war of five-and-twenty years 
had nearly passed and Holland might again be subject to 
the miseries of war. Persecution in Ens-land was harsh and 
bitter enough, but persecution in a foreign country at the 
hands of Spaniards might bring terrors not yet experienced. 
And so, with many questionings and much diversity of 
opinion, they began to turn their thoughts toward America 
as a desirable place for the new and better home. There 
they might retain liberty of worship and still be Englishmen 
on English ground instead of being refugees on a foreign soil. 
There they might preserve their church in its purity and 
" propagate the gospel in those remote parts of the world." 
After lengthy negotiations at London, conducted on their 
part by Robert Cushman and John Carver, the latter to be 
their first governor in New England, they secured a grant of 
land from the London Company. The king refused to pro- 
tect them by a charter, and they were obliged to content 
themselves with his promise that " no one should molest them 
so long as they behaved themselves properly." And now 
they planned to divide their forces, the advance guard to go 
out under the pastoral care of Elder William Brewster, the 



i>4 Facinij the Twentieth Century. 

rest lu remain behiud at Leydeu imtler John Robiuson until 
:i foothold was secured in ximerica. The start was made 
from Delft ILiveii late in July, 1G20, in the Speedwell, and at 
Soiithamptou the Mai/jlower, witli friends from London, was 
to join tiu'in. This plan was carried out and the two vessels 
set sail. Hut the Speedwell soon proved uuseaworthy and 
after repeated delays she was left behind, as were also some 
of the company who had by this time become discouraged. 
It was early in September before the Mayflower finally sailed 
from Plymouth on her long voyage of nine weeks. The 
vessel was crowded and many discomforts had to be borne. 
Much severe weather was encountered, but at last land was 
sighted, which proved to be Cape Cod. This land had been 
visited as early as 1602 by Gosnold and received its name 
from him. Apparently he had had some thoughts of making 
a settlement in that region, but quickly abandoned the idea 
and returned to England. • A few years later another attempt 
was made to settle on the coast further north, but it quickly 
resulted in disastrous failure. In 1614 Captain John Smith 
carefully explored the whole coast from Cape Cod to the 
Penobscot River, calling the region New England and desig- 
nating certain places by names which have remained to this 
day. 

The Pilgrims found themselves further north than they 
desired and started southward, but the attempt was accom- 
panied by so much danger that they gave it up and sought 
shelter in Cape Cod Bay. 

But as their grant was from a company which had no rights 
here, the leaders among them foresaw the necessity of estab- 
lishing some safeguard against the possibility of disorder. 
This resulted in a meeting of the adult male members of the 
company in the ca]>in of the Mayflower, where the celebi'ated 
<<)iii])act was written and signed the substance of which is as 
f<»llows: "We do solemidy and mutually in the presence of 
(lud and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves 




MONUMENT TO FAITH, PLYMOUTH, MASS. 



The Sources of Afnerican Civilization. 25 

together into a civil body politic, for our better orderiug and 
preservation and furtlierance of the glory of God and the 
honor of our King, to enact, constitute, and frame such just 
and equal laws, oi'dinances, acts, constitutions and offices, 
from time to time as shall be thought most meet and con- 
venient for the general good of the colony, unto which we 
promise all due submission and obedience." John Carver 
was probably made governor at that time. It was five weeks 
before they all finally left the ship. Meantime exploring 
parties had been seeking the most favorable location and 
preparing for the final removal from the vessel. Their 
choice fell upon a place previously named Plymouth by 
Captain John Smith. It can hardly be doubted that some 
misgivings assailed even the stoutest hearts as they gathered 
on that bleak shore, but it was no time to falter now. 
Warned by fierce storms and biting winds, they made all 
haste to build the rude homes which were to shelter them for 
the winter, and they were completed none too soon. The 
long confinement on the ship, the total lack of generous fare, 
the constant exposure to inclement weather produced their 
inevitable effects. Sickness broke out amono; them and the 
death of loved ones proved the keenest edge of all their 
sharp afflictions. So great was the suffering that at one time 
only seven, including Brewster and Staudish, were able to be 
about. In three months' time half of their number had 
perished. By degrees the sickness abated, and as the spring 
days advanced they were able to commence the various 
industries by which they were to establish themselves more 
securely and prepare for the exigencies of another winter. It 
was fortunate that during those first months Indian depreda- 
tions were not added to their other troubles, and by means 
of several propitious circumstances, in the spring a treaty of 
friendship was formed with Massasoit, the chief of tribes who 
were their western neighbors, a treaty to which the Indians 
remained faithful for half a century. It is a noble tribute to 



26 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

tlie i^'entleness, the courtesy, and the upriglit conduct of the 
PiliTims that they secured and maintained a peace with 
those savages, at a time when tliey were least able to repel 
their attacks, and it is a sharp commentary on later events in 
the history of the country. But now the Mayflower, which 
hatl remained in the harbor during the winter, was about to 
return to England, and with her departure the last link 
between them and the old home would disappear. But not 
t.ne of the little band turned back. Those who had survived 
the first winter were resolute to maintain the colony planted 
undei- such rigorous conditions and upheld under such heavy 
misfortunes. A great loss fell upon them at this time in the 
death of their governor, John Carver. But as regiments in 
battle fill up the ranks of those who have fallen and go for- 
ward, so these men, after the first shock of grief, called 
William Bradford to the vacant place and went bravely on. 
The summer was a busy one and at its close, as the autumn 
days drew on, they found themselves with a reasonably good 
store of provisions, seven new dwellings and four buildings 
fur public use. In one of the latter their religious services 
weie held, and the street, on either side of which the build- 
ings stood, had received the name of their old home, Leyden. 
In view of their comparatively fortunate condition they 
decided to hold a season of rejoicing, and thus originated the 
festival of Thanksgiving Day. To this festival they invited 
their fi'iend and neighbor Massasoit, who accepted the 
invitation and came accompanied by ninety of his people. 
Just a year from the founding of the colony, a vessel flying 
the English flag aj^peared in the harbor. This proved to be 
the Fortune, which brought thirty-five new colonists, among 
tljem friends and neighbors of those already there. Their 
arrival was warmly welcomed. Not long afterward the Anne 
arrived at Plymouth with more who had come to settle in the 
new country, and ten days later came the Little James. These 
nt'w aniwils, added to those who came in the Mayflower, 233 



The Sources of American Civilization. 27 

in all, make up the number of those called Forefathers, in 
whose memory the annual celebration is held. Of this 
number there were less than 200 survivors at the end of 1623. 
About this time the simple legal methods lieretofore used for 
the few occasions when trials were necessary were changed 
by the substitution of the jury for the general body, and 
when Bradford was re-elected governor the following spring, 
he was given five assistants as council. They were not 
entirely without annoyances in religious matters, for some of 
the Merchant Adventurers of London with whom they had 
business relations, and who had furnished them with funds 
for their transportation and settlement in America, were not 
in sympathy with their free church views. John Robinson 
writes to his former elder and beloved friend William Brad- 
ford that, "he is persuaded that they are unwilling that he, 
above all others, should be sent over, they having ecclesiasti- 
cal purposes of another sort for the colony." But these pur- 
poses were not permitted to prevail. From the beginning, 
the Pilgrims had cherished an ardent hope that their revered 
pastor in Leyden might come to minister to them in their new 
home. The noble qualities of his character, his high intel- 
lectual attainments, the sweetness and patience of his spirit 
had claimed their admiration, their reverence, and their 
warmest affection, and his guidance in their present surround- 
ino-s would be invaluable to them. But this was not to be. 
He was to remain to the last an exile among a strange people, 
and their hopes were extinguished by his death in 1625. As 
years went by they had reason to rejoice in the fact that 
nothing serious had arisen to interfere with their dearly bought 
privilege of religious freedom. All efforts against it had come 
to naught. In 1626 they succeeded in making satisfactory 
arrangements with the Merchant Adventurers, by which some 
uncomfortable restrictions were removed and the way was 
opened for complete and independent possession of lands and 
property. Thus gradually did the narrow path widen before 



og FacuKj the Tioentieth Century. 

their Hclvaiiciiig footsteps. The teurfiil sowiug was bringing 
a liarvest of rejoicing, and the men who had confessed their 
williiii^ness " to be as stepping stones to others," in the march 
toward a l<»t't\ ideal, had made an indelible mark upon the 
history uf their time. 

THE PURITAN. 

The causes wliich worked for the establishment of Sepa- 
ratist churches in England, and which finally made it neces- 
sary for the most earnest and devoted among them to 
abandon their native country, still continued in increasing 
force after the fusicitive couojresrations had established them- 
selves in Holland. From the time when Henry VHI. broke 
loose from Papal authority and, as Macaulay says, "attempted 
to constitute an Anglican church differing from the Koman 
Catholic church on the point of the supremacy and on that 
point alone," down through the short reign of his successor, 
the boy King Edward, the five rigorous and cruel years of 
Mary's rule, to the end of the long and brilliant reign of 
Elizabeth, the last Tudor sovereign, was a period of but 
seventy years, yet in that time momentous changes were 
^vrougllt in the civil and religious condition of the people. 
AVith Elizabeth's accession the bitter religious persecutions 
under Mary ceased and peace and social order began to pre- 
\ail. One marked characteristic of the great queen, im- 
peri<jus though she was, was her desire for the affection and 
go(jd will of her subjects. " I have always so behaved myself 
that, under God, 1 have placed my chiefest strength and 
safeguard in the loyal hearts and good will of my subjects," 
were words wliich sunk deep into the hearts of a people who 
felt their ti-uth. Though no more self-willed and haughty 
Avomaii ever wore a crown or withstood more fearlessly any 
infringement upon what she considered her prerogative, yet 
in hci' d(.'alings with Parliament she knew when to yield, and 
with gracious tact and sweetness to bend her will when it 



Tlie Sources of American Civilization. 29 

was not wise to try to enforce it. Under such conditions the 
betterment of the people was assured, and there was steady 
growth in wealth and education. Men who had fled to the 
Continent during the last reign now returned, many of them 
deeply imbued with the theology of Geneva. Though these 
tenets were extremely distasteful to Elizabeth, the political 
exigencies of the times and the security of her throne made it 
necessary for her to put many of these Puritan divines in high 
places in the Church. 

The religious movement of that period, stirring the minds 
and hearts of men everywhere, was doing its work on English 
ground, and, at the close of Elizabeth's reign, England was in 
fact as well as in name a Protestant nation. With the coming; 
of the Scottish King James I. and the union of the two kind- 
doms under one crown, many of the perplexities and anxieties 
of the last reign were swept away. The question of the suc- 
cession was settled for England. With her hereditary king 
upon the English throne, the position of Scotland was advan- 
tageous. His accession was peaceful, but time was to show 
that, as a foreigner, he failed utterly to understand the temper 
of the English people and that, in trying to uphold absolutism 
for the crown, he was instituting a fruitless struggle against 
the liberal tendencies of that time. A deeply religious spirit 
prevailed and men were weighing all things by the religious 
standard. Green says : " The Puritan was bound, by his 
religion, to examine every claim made on his civil and s^iiritual 
obedience by the powers that be, and to own or reject the 
claim as accorded with the highest duty which he owed to 
God." Hardly had the king reached his new realm when he 
was met by a petition, signed by a large number of the clergy, 
which, while asking for no change in government or organiza- 
tion for the Church, sought needed reforms therein. But 
James, though a Protestant, was not a Presbyterian, and in 
his own kingdom had only yielded by hard necessity to the 
triumph of the latter. The fearlessness of 'a Knox and a 



30 FiKing tlie Twentieth Century. 

Melville was little to his liking. " A Scottish Presbytery," 
said he, "as well titteth witli monarchy as God and the 
Devil." Holding sucli sentiments, he regarded the Puritan 
movLMuent with coldness and suspicion as having a tendency 
to curb his power in political all'airs and to limit his authority 
in the Cliurch. The petition of the Puritan clergy he met by 
o-ivin«^ his sanction to increased demands in the matter of 
ceremonials, and in the second year of his reign three hundred 
of their number were deprived of their livings for rejecting 
tliese demands. His purpose was to secure more power for 
the crown and allow less independence on the part of the 
people. " It is presumption and a high contempt in a subject 
to dispute what a king can do," were his words. It was not 
stran<T^e that serious differences should arise between him and 
the House of Commons almost from the beginning, or that 
those differences should become more irreconcilable as years 
went on. Men of dauntless spirit like John Pym, while 
deeply reverencing the office of the crown, held that its pre- 
rogatives should be exercised with due regard to the political 
and religious opinions of the people. 

The history of this reign was the history of a long but 
ineffectual struggle on the part of the king for power which it 
was impossible for him to secure or maintain against an 
indomitable people, whose course had long been tending 
toward constitutional freedom and freedom of conscience as 
well. But such a struggle could not exist without spreading 
a gloomy and depressing influence among the people. Already, 
in the later years of King James, men's thoughts were turn- 
ing to lands across the sea where an escape from galling and 
arbitrary exactions might be hoped for. Distrust of Prince 
Charles had become widespread b}^ the time he ascended the 
throne in 1625. Relicrious concessions made on his marriafi!;e 
to a Catholic princess of France, in defiance of a pledge 
to the House of Commons, gave deep offense. The reverses 
which were falling u^^on Protestantism on the Continent 



TJie Sources of American Civilization. 31 

increased the watchfulness and the distrust of the English 
Puritans. 

Fears of a continuance of the policy of King James were 
soon confirmed, and by 1628 there were many signs of ap- 
proaching trouble. Keen eyes could already discern the ris- 
ing cloud, small as yet, but, to the wise and thoughtful, of 
threatening portent. Already the story of the Plantation at 
Plymouth was known and discussed in many a Puritan house- 
hold. At this date, mainly through the advice and influence 
of the Rev. John White of Dorchester, a plan to relieve the 
small remnant of a band of colonists at Naumkeag (now Salem), 
and to establish a strong colony on a sound basis, was put 
in active preparation. Money was forthcoming to defray 
expenses and a fitting leader was found in John Endicott, 
a native of Dorchester and a man " well known to divers per- 
sons of good note." A patent was obtained and the party 
reached Salem in September, 1628. Soon after their arrival 
sickness broke out among them and Endicott appealed for aid 
to Governor Bradford of Plymouth. The latter sent Samuel 
Fuller, a deacon and a physician. His coming was helpful to 
the sick, and this friendly service, together with the clearer 
understanding he was able to give Endicott concerning the 
Separatist views in church affairs, brought about a closer 
agreement in those things. Endicott's good account of the 
region to which he had come made so favorable an impression 
that, in the spring of the following year, larger purposes were 
formed. 

Affairs in England were constantly growing worse. Excit- 
ing scenes occurred in the Commons in 1628. In March of 
the next year the determined stand of the members of the 
House for religious reforms, and their resistance to the exer- 
cise of arbitrary power by the crown, resulted in the dissolu- 
tion of Parliament by the angry king. Perhaps he was 
willing to be rid of some of the troublesome Puritans. Be 
that as it may, just at this time a royal charter was granted 



^'2 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

to the rompaiiy iiudei' which Eiulicott's party had gone out, 
inakiiiLC it a leo-al corporation called the "Governor and Com- 
pany of the Massachusetts Bay in New England," which pur- 
cliased from those already there their rights obtained by the 
patent of the previous year. Many Puritans of learning, 
wealtli, and social standing were earnestly considering the 
possibility of abandoning their native laud, and within a few 
weeks five vessels, including the well-known Mayfloioer, set 
forth, bearing a goodly company of emigrants, well supplied 
^vith food, clothing, and all desirable equipments for their 
permanent establishment in the new land. With this party 
went three clergymen, all graduated from Cambridge, chief of 
wliom was Francis Higginson of Leicester, who had been 
deprived of his living for his rejection of ecclesiastical require- 
ments. Tlie charter gave power for the " establishing of all 
iiiaiiiier of wholesome and reasonable orders, laws, statutes, 
ordinances, directions, and instructions not contrary to the 
laws of the realm of Eno-land." Careful instructions were 
given in spiritual as well as in temporal affairs, for they 
declare " that the propagation of the Gospel is a thing we do 
profess above all to be our aim in settling this plantation." 

Tlie people at Salem had already adopted the church prin- 
ciples of the Plymouth colony, and soon after the arrival of the 
new immigrants a conference was held, the result of which was 
the establishment of the first Congregational Church of Mas- 
sachusetts, Avith a covenant and confession of faith drawn up 
by Higginson. During that sununer another expedition was 
planned in England, and several members of the corporation 
determined to lead the migration, deciding to take their fami- 
lies and become permanent settlers in the new laud, provided 
the whole government could be legally transferred thither and 
})e in the hands of those who should inhabit the plantation. 
'I'll is was assente<l to at a formal meeting of the corporation, and 
on tlie 'JOth of October, at a later meeting, John Winthrop 
was elected (ntvernor for one year from that date. The wis- 



The Sources of American Civilization. 33 

dom of this choice was confirmed by his future services in the 
colony, and the length of time he was adjudged worthy by his 
fellow colonists to hold the highest office they could give. In 
March, 1630, Winthrop, Dudley, and their associates sailed 
from Southampton. Four vessels took them out, and their 
departure marked a large increase in the westward migration, 
for during that year 17 vessels and more than 1000 passen- 
gers came to the young colony. In the summer of the pre- 
vious year Endicott had sent 50 persons to make a settlement 
at Charlestown, and now the new settlers spread themselves 
out in various directions, clustering in separate settlements 
along the bay. AVinthrop settled first at Charlestown, and 
later moved to Boston, which ^vas soon considered the capital. 
It was not long before eight distinct settlements could be 
counted, Watertown being the most remote. It was soon 
found, as was the case at Plymouth, that the accounts sent to 
England had been too higlily colored, AVinthrop'n position 
had been one of serious responsibility. Dudley's account of 
the condition of the colony was not cheerful. Over eighty 
had- died during the previous winter, many were sick, and the 
supply of food very scanty, so that almost immediately the 
newcomers had to give aid from their own stores. Sickness 
and death entered the ranks of the later settlers also, and 
some returned to England, but the majority remained stead- 
fast, like their brethren at Plymouth. 

Questions relating to the government of the colonies soon 
arose. When the transfer of the government to New Eng- 
land was made all authority was placed in the hands of Win- 
throp and his associates, but it was soon found that this 
restriction would create rather than obviate trouble. Durins; 
the first summer rumors came that the French were planning 
hostilities against the colony, and it was thought wise to 
erect fortifications. To defray the expense, each town, early 
in 1631, was assessed sixty pounds. The men of Watertown 
objected to its payment on the ground that they could not 



84 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

lii^htl'ullv ))e taxed without their own consent, and they 
claimed tliat tlie })o\ver to make laws and impose taxes lay 
j.ioj.i'ilv with the whole body of freemen. This protest was 
soon al'ttTwanl withdrawn, hut the following year changes 
were made by which the (jovernor, Deputy Governor, and 
assistants received their offices by a general election, and it 
\\ as an-anged that each town should send two representatives 
to advise the Governor and assistants on the (piestion of taxa- 
tion. Two years later, deputies elected by the freemen took 
part in legislation and the transaction of public business. By 
this time nearly four thousand people had arrived from Eng- 
land, and the number of villages had increased to t^venty, 
while prosperity lent its favoring influence to the growing 
colony. Religious services wei'e conducted by some twenty 
ministers, most of whom had held church livings in England 
and -were graduates of her universities. Besides these clergy- 
men, many of the leading men concerned in the colony were 
imiversity men, and their thoughts were soon turned toward 
the establishment of a , college. In 1636 the General Court 
set aside four hundred pounds for that purpose, and this was 
augmented, two years later, on the death of John Harvard, by 
the bequest from him of his library and one-half of his estate. 
The college received his name by order of the Court, and 
Newtown, its location, was renamed Cambridge. Thus early in 
the life of the colony a high standard of intellectual develop- 
ment was set up, the influence of which was to manifest 
itself everywhere in the life of the Commonwealth of Massa- 
chusetts down to the present day. 

In view of all the Puri^tans had suffered before their migra- 
tion to New^ England, it was not strange that some measures 
should be enacted that, at the present day, seem narrow and 
unjust. In 1631 they adopted a measuj-e which they deemed 
necessary for self-protection in civil aftaii-s, ]jy which it was 
decided that " no man shall be admitted to the freedom of 
this body politic but such as are members of some of the 



The Sources of American Civilization. 35 

cliiu'clies within the limits of the same." This ordiuance, 
while intended for a good purpose and doubtless expressing 
the views of most of the colonists, was most unjust to those 
whom it deprived of all participation in civil affairs, w hile at 
the same time they were not relieved from certain civic obli- 
gations. It was inevitable that this should give rise to dis- 
content and lead to some bitterness of feeling in the colony 
afterward. It was very difficult also to satisfy everyone in 
the management of religious affairs, but when the history of 
those first years is carefully studied it seems wondei'ful that 
so few mistakes were made. With constant accessions of new 
immigrants to be absorbed into the life of the colony, new 
questions were coming up which called for much patience and 
wisdom in their settlement. To add to these difficulties were 
anxieties concerning an Indian outbreak and possibilities of an 
interference from the English authorities, for the progress of 
the colony was, in some directions, hostile to the theories of a 
king who was now trying to reign without the aid of a parlia- 
ment, whose presence at Westminster, through his own folly 
and perfidy, had become a threat. But the king's thoughts 
were soon engaged by the religious struggle in Scotland, and 
plans on the part of some of the English nobility to disturb 
the colony proved unsuccessful, so that the new state moved 
on safely, despite these threatened misfortunes. 

The differences of opinion on theological and civil matters 
had the effect of thrusting out new colonies to the north and 
west, and in this manner came about the settlement of Rliode 
Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire. Roger Williams, 
a learned young Welsh preacher who came to Plymouth in 
1631 and to Salem two years later, held such advanced views 
on toleration, and the separation of church and state, that by 
1636 he found Salem no longer a comfortable home. He 
made his way westward to Narragansett Bay and began the 
settlement of Providence. About this time much religious 
excitement was produced by the teachings of Mrs. Anne 



36 Foci Hi/ tin Tirtiitieth Century. 

llutoliitison. Her views spread rapidly and she had many 
followers, ])iit eventually the authorities deemed these opin- 
ions unsafe and pcditically dangerous. The result was the 
Kauisliincut of herself and her adherents, some making settle- 
ments at Kxeter and Hampton, in a region which afterward 
was included in New Ham[)shire. Mrs. Hutchinson herself 
and others went to Narragansett Bay and started the settle- 
ments of Newport and Portsmouth, and, Avheu later these 
coalesced with the settlement at Providence, they formed the 
beginnings of Rhode Island. In 1634 a few adventurous 
men from Plymouth had sailed up the Connecticut River and 
established themselves at Windsor, and somewhat later an 
English fort was luiilt at Saybrook. Favorable reports of the 
Connecticut River valley began to come to the knowledge of 
the people of the Bay settlements, and in 1636 quite an ex- 
tensive migration thither took place. Chief among those who 
went at this time was the Rev. Thomas Hooker, with his 
congregation, from Newto^vn, and these Avere the pioneers of 
Hartford. From the first Mr. Hooker had opposed the re- 
striction of suffrage, having had some correspondence wath 
Governor Winthrop on the subject, and generally the move- 
ment toward Connecticut was made by those who preferred a 
wider toleration on the question of voting. The Dorchester 
confrecation soon followed, settling at Windsor, and the 
AVatertown congregation established themselves at Wethers- 
field. Soon as many as eight hundred people were living in 
that region, and in 1638 the three towns, their municipal 
independence having already been acknowledged, formed 
tliemselves into a distinct commonwealth. All who had been 
admitted as freemen by a majority of their township, and had 
taken the oath of fidelity to the conunonwealth, had the right 
of suffrage, without regard to chui'ch membership. In the 
spring of this same year New Haven was settled by a body 
of English emigrants, Guilford and Milford in the same way 
(biriiig the following year, and in 1640 Stamford was settled. 



The Sources of American Civilization. 37 

This date marks the begiiiuiug of changes in England which 
put an end to tlie Puritan exodus, and for more than a 
century there was little inci'ease in numbers from outside 
sources. 

The population of the new settlements, including the 
Plymouth colony, had now reached twenty-six thousand, and 
when, in 1G43, a league of the different colonies was formed, 
it was the foreshadowing of a great future. Among the 
leaders in this great Puritan emigi'ation to a new country a 
high place must be given to the ministers, for they held, from 
the necessities of the case, the responsible position of instruct- 
ors of the people. They were, to a large extent, men of the 
highest education, and in nobility of chai'acter, courage, and 
lofty faith had been trained in the school of adversity. 
Among them, beside the names already mentioned, were John 
Cotton, Richard Mather, Peter Bulkeley, Jahn Davenport, and 
John Eliot, the apostle of the Indians, while among the men 
at the head of secular affairs were many of Governor AVin- 
throp's type. If it appears at the present day that some of 
the measures enacted were illiberal, some of the practices too 
severe, they must be considered in the light of the harsh in- 
tolerance and l)itter persecution which marked that period. 
Of the civilization which they established, the country now 
possesses the rich fi'uits. To the farthest western limit of the 
great republic their descendants ha\e carried the freedom, the 
culture, the enterprise of their forefathers. Their conception 
of the superintending providence of God in civil affairs and 
in the shaping of human history has perpetuated itself 
through later generations, and manifested itself in the decision 
of moral issues in eveiy national contest in the history of the 
country. Their devotion to the cause of education has raised 
a standard which calls for every voter to become a reading 
and a thinking man, and if a history of their descendants could 
be written, it would largely be the history of the commercial 
and industrial enterprise of the country, its literary successes, 



38 Faci/iy tlte Twentieth Century. 

itse(liic:iti..ii:il achievements, its pulpit power, and its forensic 
ti'iiiiiiplis. 

THK irrGUENOT. 

Tlie origin of the word "Huguenot" is enveloj^ed in some 
iin'asmv c»f ol)Scurity, and various theories, some of them 
iiigi'iiious and phiusiJjle, have been advanced as to its deriva- 
tion. 'I'hc weight of historic proof and authority seems to 
attach itself to the conclusion wliicli connects "Huguenot" 
with the German-Swiss Avord " Eidgenossen," meaning oath- 
bound comrades or confederates ; and claims that it was im- 
ported to France from Geneva, where it had been put to use 
as a political nickname. It made its appearance in France 
during the early years of the sixteenth century, and served as 
a term of disgrace and reproach, by Avhich the followers of 
the Cluirch of Kome stigmatized those citizens of France who 
aiiiioiiiiced their adherence to the reformed religion, and 
especially those who drew their inspiration from the doctrines 
and teaching of Calvinistic theology. 

The Huguenot was directly and emphatically the product 
of that Reformation of which the Waldenses, the Albigenses, 
the Lollards, and the Hussites, during the three preceding 
centuries, represented the advance pulsations, and which, 
under the guidance of Martin Luther, in the brief space of 
twenty-eight years, between 1517 and 1545, substantially 
effected the transition of European history from the mediaeval 
to the modern and inauiiurated a new and benifm era in the 
civilization of the human race. The secondary molding force 
was furnished ])y that steadfast, penetrating, just, and truth- 
ful, if suiiK'wJiat stern theologian, John Calvin, of whom it 
AN'as said that " he never deserted a friend nor took an unfair 
advantage of an antagonist." 

Apart from the (piestions of doctrinal change in the Church, 
a m^w s|tiiit ^^[ independence was taking possession of men's 
minds. Toward tiiis spiiil the attitude of Rome was stead- 



The Sources of American Civilization. 39 

fastly antagonistic and hostile, and every indication of freedom 
of thought, written or spoken, met with rigorous repression as 
heresy. Added to this, the corruption of the Curia or Papal 
Court, and of the regular and secular clergy, had become 
notorious, the extortion of papal emissaries in other countries 
was most flagrant, and the continued reaching out of the 
Roman Pontiffs for temporal dominion, and their political 
claims and demands on European rulers, were breeding serious 
alarm in high places and in lowly. All these causes combined 
to generate increasing impatience in many countries, on the 
part of both sovereigns and subjects, and a desire to remedy 
the abuses and secure some measure of liberty of thought and 
action. 

The essential record of Huguenot history in France may 
be separated into three well-defined periods. First, from the 
active beginning of the Protestant Reformation in 1517 to the 
promulgation of the Edict of Nantes in 1598 ; second, a period 
of about eighty-seven years, during which the Edict was 
nominally in operation, and, third, the period of entire dis- 
ruption and exile which followed the revocation of the Edict. 

These periods are definitely distinguishable, not so much 
by the conspicuous absence at any time of the persecution 
visited upon these people as by its varying intensity. 

During the early years of the sixteenth century, the doc- 
trines of the Reformation, proclaimed by Luther in Germany, 
had found their way across the border line into France, and 
converts were made with marvelous rapidity, not only among 
the " common people," but in the ranks of the learned, the 
titled, and in royalty itself. Its influence was even felt in no 
small degree among the Faculty of the Sorbonne, which, 
next to the Pope, was the highest ecclesiastial authoiity in 
Christendom. 

Francis I. was King of France from 1515 to 1547, and dur- 
ing a portion of his reign, partly from motives of state policy 
and largely through the influence of his sister Margaret, after- 



40 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

war.l Qweew of Nuvaire, who had embraced and was the 
.stea.lfnst friend of the reformed faith, there was some degree 
of moderation ami tolerance manifested toward the Hugue- 
uots. This period of iininuuity was of brief duration. Before 
the close of his reign, Francis, with a view to conciliating the 
then Pope Clement VII., became the implacable foe of the 
Keformeis, and the profession of the new doctrine was pro- 
nounced a crime to be punished with death. Executions for 
heresy became of frequent occurrence, and in 1545 there was 
a massacre of the Protestant inhabitants of twenty-two towns 
and villages in southeastern France, and in Meaux, which 
was becoming a Protestant center, fourteen members of the 
newlv organized church were burned at the stake. 

Francis I. Avas succeeded by his son Henry II., whose wife 
was that Italian of infinite craft and patient duplicity, 
Catherine de Medici. The troubles of the Huguenots became 
intensified. Successive edicts abridged their liberties, pro- 
vided for their detection and punishment as heretics by the 
civil courts, excluded them from the right of appeal, imposed 
penalties on all who should harbor them, confiscated their 
property, forbade the introduction of heretical books from 
abroad, and, by a rigid censorship of the press, endeavored to 
prevent the publication of anything offensive to the Holy See. 

Despite these persecutions, the numbers of the Huguenots 
liad continued to grow; neither torture nor fagot, nor threats 
of the In(piisition, availing to check the increasing desire for 
(•i\ il and religious libert}^ They had begun to understand 
the vahie of organization, and it became thorough and effect- 
ive. In 1555 the first Protestant church was constituted in 
Paris, and in 1559 the first National Synod of the Reformed 
Cliurches in France met in the same city. At this time 
('atlici'ine de Medici is said to have been secretly furnished 
witli a list of twenty-five hundred distinct congregations 
throughout France. Beza, the French scholar and author of 
the time, who had good means of knowing, estimates the 



TJie Sources of American Civilization. 41 

number of Huguenot adherents in 1559 at four hundred thou- 
sand, and they had become, in consequence of their number 
and character, a political factor of manifest influence and 
power. 

From 1559, when Francis XL — who had married Mary, sub- 
sequently Queen of the Scots — began his brief reign of less 
than a year, to 1572, when the tragedy of St. Bartholomew 
was enacted, the Huguenots were alternately courted and 
persecuted by Catherine de Medici, whose cunning statecraft 
secured her domination during the reigns of her sons Charles 
IX. and Henry III. In order to curb the Guises, Catherine 
made concessions to the Huguenots, gave them limited 
liberty of worship, and assigned to them some fortified cities 
as places of safety. Peace and war alternated, but the 
hatred of the Medici and her ecclesiastical and political 
accomplices, although at times concealed, was zealously 
cherished, and at length, on August 22, 1572, came the 
crowning horror of St. Bartholomew, ruthlessly sacrificing 
in Paris alone five thousand of the choicest citizens of France, 
the brave and aged Coligny among the number, and ten 
times as many throughout the country. This fiendish 
slaughter, over which the joy of the " Vicar of Christ " at 
Rome was celebrated by the offering of a solemn "Te Deum " 
and the striking of a commemorative medal, is phenomenal 
by reason of the perfidious character of the plans laid for it. 
Like the brave people they were, the Huguenots, instead of 
being paralyzed by this disaster, were nerved to renewed 
effort. They continued the heroic struggle under the leader- 
ship of Henry of Navarre, and were largely instrumental in 
placing him on the throne of France, as Henry IV. 

The abjuration of the Protestant faith by Henry, in 1593, 
cast gloom over the Huguenots, and it was only with the 
most persistent labor that they succeeded in extorting from 
him, on April 17, 1598, with the aid of the great statesman 
and Protestant Sully, the famous Edict of Nantes. 



42 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

The Iliigiieuots af tliis time are said to have numbered 
more than a million of the population of France, and for 
abont twenty years under tliis Edict they enjoyed a large 
measure of peace, and France through them a prosperity 
greater than it had ever before known. 

Henry IV. was assassinated by llavaillac, a fanatic, in 1610, 
and, under his son and successor, Louis XIII., evil times again 
befell the Huguenots. Richelieu, the magnificent Roman 
cardinal and master of intrigue, was minister of state. His 
chief aim was to crush the political power of the Huguenots. 
He circumscribed their rights and they rebelled. AVar began 
again, which lasted from 1624 to 1629, and resulted in the 
crushing defeat of the Reformers. La Rochelle, the most 
iinpoi'tant of their fortified places of refuge, withstood a siege 
<»f fourteen months, and only surrendered when all but 
four thousand of its twenty-four thousand inhabitants had 
perished from starvation. 

Step by step the rights and privileges of this doomed 
people disappeared. Louis XIV., surnamed Le Grand, suc- 
ceeded to the throne of France in 1643. He was "a devout 
sou of the Chui'ch," and had an equally devout coadjutor in 
the Protestant-bred Mme. Maintenon, first as mistress, then as 
Queen. 

h^ducation of children, except under the care of the priests 
of Home, was first interfered with — a favorite weapon of 
((ppression then and now. Protestant churches were closed, 
tlien came dismissals frojn the public service, harassment by 
tiie tax-gatherer and confiscation of property, quickly suc- 
ceeded by massacres and executions. All this preceded the 
r-'iiii.il revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which this "Most 
('hri^ti.in King" continued Jesuitically to assert he was 
"resolved to maintain," while engaged in the open violation 
of every ])iT)te('ting or lenient pi-ovision of it which could in 
any \\a\ sh^ltci' the "schismatics." 

'IMhmi cinie, on October 20, 1685, the oflScial Revocation of 



The Sources of American Civilization. 43 

the Edict. When the personal desires of Louis had been 
sufficiently fortified by the " pious exhortations " of the 
priestly representatives of the Roman Pontiff, he cast off the 
hypocritical mask and joined forces with the ecclesiastical 
authorities — who had also kept up some pretense of liberal- 
ity — in a supreme effort to " purge France from the taint of 
heresy." 

Macaulay thus graphically pictures the immediate results : 

" The Edict of Nantes was revoked, and a crowd of decrees 
against the sectaries appeared in rapid succession. Boys and 
girls were torn from their parents and sent to be educated in 
convents. Old Calvinist ministers were commanded either 
to abjure their religion or to quit their country within a 
fortnight. The other professors of the reformed faith were 
forbidden to leave the kingdom; and in order to prevent 
them from making their escaj^e, the outposts and frontiers 
were strictly guarded. It was thought that the flocks, thus 
separated from the evil shepherds, would soon return to the 
true fold. But in spite of all the vigilance of the military 
police, there was a vast emigration. It was calculated that, 
in a few months, fifty thousand families quitted, France 
forever." 

This infamous act of religious persecution, this stupendously 
malicious politico-ecclesiastical crime, and the atrocities which 
followed it, lost to France within three years nearly a million 
of the choicest of her population, paralyzed her industries and 
commerce, turned her fertile fields into wastes, and ruined the 
best elements of her relic-ious and social life. Wise observers 
of cause and effect in the affairs of nations and of men believe 
that France, a hundred years later, reaped some of the bitter 
fruit of this effort of ecclesiasticism to stem the tide of 
advancing civilization, in the horrors of what Bulwer well 
styles "That hideous mockery of human aspirations, the 
French Revolution." 

So effectually wrought was the dispersion of the Huguenots 



44 Facing ilie Tioentieth Cefiitury. 

that 11 t even tlie lieroic efforts of Antoine Court, some forty 
years afterward, ooukl, in the face of continued oppression in 
successive i-eigns, bring together more than a mere remnant of 
former numbers or power. 

This epitome of the life story of tlie Huguenots in their 
native land conveys but an imperfect idea of the extent, 
vindictiveness, and cruelty of their persecution by the authori- 
ties civil and ecclesiastical ; borne at times with martyr-like 
patience, resisted at times with the heroism and courage of 
C'liristian patriotism. 

These people have been called " the children of the Bible," 
and their religious life justified the designation. Their piety 
was pronounced, fervent, and true, guiding their lives and 
shaping their character. In civic affairs they represented all 
tliat was best in France of moral vigor, intellectual culture, 
and domestic virtue, and through them their country became 
a center of energy, enterprise, and industrial skill and power. 
It would be difficult to overestimate the value of their con- 
tributions to the welfare and material prosperity of France, or 
to the cause of civil and religious liberty in Europe. Many 
illustrious names stand to their credit on the French roll of 
honor. In war and statesmanship they have Coligny and the 
Prince of Conde, Sully and Henry of Navarre ; in theology, 
literature, and law, Calvin, Farel, Sauriu, Bayle, Scaliger, and 
Godef roy ; in science and medicine they claim the Cuviers, 
Dubois, Papin, " the Herald of the Steam-engine," and Pare, 
" the Father of Surgery "; in art, Palissy and Goujon ; and 
in poetry, iMarot and Margaret of Valois. 

Switzerland, Holland, England, and America each received 
ami benefited by the reception of the expatriated refugees. 
1l is our special province briefly to note the coming and 
influence of that portion of them which elected to make the 
New World its home. 

No fact ill tli<' wui'ld's history merits more profound con- 
sideration or is woilhy of more grateful recognition than this. 



The Sources of American Civilization. 45 

that the dawning of the Gr^at Reformation in Europe, and 
the discovery of a continent destined to be the refuge of the 
oppressed, were coincident. 

Luther was nine years of age when Columbus landed on 
San Salvador, and when the Great Reformer was making his 
momentous declaration at Worms, " I can do naught else. 
Here stand I. God help me. Amen," the shores of North 
America were beginning to unfold to the explorer's gaze. 

"As early as 1555 sagacious leaders among the Huguenots, 
restless under steady persecution, had begun to look toward 
the newly discovered continent as a place where new homes 
mio-ht be made and freedom of conscience and manhood be 

o 

enjoyed in peace." 

The first attempt at colonization was made in that year, 
with the aid and influence of Admiral Coligny. The landing 
place was the bay of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, but, owing to 
the duplicity of their leader, Villegagnon, and the presence of 
other elements of dissension, the effort ended in disaster. 
Some of the colonists suffered death at the hands of their 
leader, others were killed by the Portuguese, and a distressed 
remnant recrossed the ocean. 

Three fruitless attempts were made, all under the auspices 
of Admiral Coligny, between the years 1562 and 1565, to 
establish Huguenot colonies on the newly discovered North 
American Continent. The first, under Jean Ribault, would 
be better named a voyage of discovery. Florida was its 
intended destination, but the harbor of Port Royal in South 
Carolina was entered and a fort ^^as built. Neglect and 
jealousies proved its ruin, and nearly all the party returned, 
disheartened and famishing, to France. 

The result of the second effort, and of tlie third, which was 
really an attempt to re-enforce the second, was still more 
disastrous. 

A landing was made on the coast of Florida, near St. 
Augustine, in 1564, and, when strengthened by the arrival of 



46 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

the a<Klitioiial coiiipauy in 1505, gave promise of establishing 
a permanent settlement. Within a year, however, they were 
attacked by the Spanish freebooter, Don Pedro Menendez, or 
Melendez, and nearly all were murdered with extreme bar- 
baritv. Tlie bodies of many of them were liung on trees, 
with the inscription over them: "Hanged not as Frenchmen, 
l)ut as heretics." The garrison left by Menendez was sub- 
sequently visited by a company under one De Gourgues, who, 
although not a Huguenot, hated the Spaniards for their 
cruelty to his countrymen, and hung them on the same trees, 
with the inscription: "Hanged not as Spaniards, but as 
traitors, robbers, and murderers." 

Based on the explorations of Jacques Cartier during the 
first half of tbe sixteenth century, the French claimed a vast 
territory adjacent to the mouth of the St. Lawrence Kiver. 
To this northern country the Huguenots, in 1604, turned their 
weary eyes, seeking a haven of peace and refuge. Led by 
Du Monts, a Huguenot, who held a patent grant covering an 
immense territory, an expedition found its way into the 
harbor of Port Royal, in Acadia (now Nova Scotia), and for 
a time great hopes were entertained in France for its success. 
Great hardships were encountered, and in addition, this 
company carried with it seeds of discord. It was partly 
Protestant, partly Catholic, and the Jesuits Avere congenially 
employed in fomenting discontent. Du Monts returned to 
France and fell a prey to the wiles of a Jesuit agent, with the 
result that " the title to the proprietorship to half a continent 
passed from the hands of a Huguenot into those of a subser- 
vient tool of the Society of Jesus." 

The life of the Huguenot settlers in Nova Scotia was in 
large measure a repetition of their fatherland experiences, 
until the year 1713, when its possession was, for the fifth 
time and finally, secured by the crown of Great Britain. 

Many Huguenots found their way into other portions of 
the Flench [)OSsessions in Canada, but the same intolerant 



The Sources of A^nerican Civilization. 47 

policy and methods which made peace and liberty impossible 
at home prevented immigration, which would have enriched 
the new dominion and might possibly have insured a per- 
manent domain on the American continent to the Gallic race. 

Meanwhile, the British Colonies in North America were 
being steadily settled, and the foundations were being laid 
for a new nation by men of sturdy purpose and indomitable 
spirit. To these colonies many Huguenots had come for 
refuge during the period between the fall of La Rochelle and 
the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes; but the tide of 
immigration set in more strongly after the Revocation, and 
each liberty-loving colony, from Maine to the Carolinas, 
received accessions of harassed but hopeful Huguenots from 
France, from Holland, and from England. 

Earliest among the arrivals were those who came to New 
Amsterdam (New York) ^vith the Walloons, to Avhom the 
Huguenots were closely allied by faith, aspiration, and suffer- 
ing, and it is recorded that, in 1628, the First Reformed 
Dutch Church in New York had a sufficient representation 
of French adherents to justify having services in the French 
language alternately with the Dutch. New York City and 
State received from time to time many detachments of these 
exiles, and in that metropolitan commonwealth we have 
abundant evidences, down through the years, of the helpful 
and wholesome presence of these people and their offspring. 

In the earlier years of the history of New York City the 
Huguenots formed a large proportion of its citizens. Here 
their descendants still remain as their names attest, and here 
was formed, in 1883, the first Huguenot Society in the world. 

Into the New England Colonies and especially into Massa- 
chusetts came many of the refugees, not only directly from 
the Old World, but from the precarious conditions existing in 
Canada. Boston and its vicinity were usually their place of 
first resort, and thence they branched out in small detach- 
ments to many parts of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode 



48 Fanng tlip Twentieth, Century. 

Islaii«l, with vuryiiig success in establishing permanent settle- 
nioiits. 'riiat even here tliey were not beyond tbe pursuit of 
tli.ir ivK'iitless foes the Jesuits, may be shown by a single 
illusti-ation. Oxford, Mass., became the abiding place in 1684 
(.f a ])roniisiiig Huguenot colony, but received its deathblow 
ill 1 (;:»<;, during the war between the New England Colonies 
and the French and their Indian allies. How the red men 
were utilized is indicated by this record: "The Governor of 
Canada and his 'cunning men' the Jesuits, have no more 
trusty and eager servant than Toby the Indian." Toby was 
made use of because he was conspicuous for deceit and cruelty. 

New Jersey, chiefly on and near the Hackensack River, was 
also chosen by many Huguenot families as their home, and we 
are told that their relations with their Dutch neighbors were 
so cordial that in the course of years it became difficidt to 
decide clearly who was Dutch and who French. 

William Penn, in his efforts to colonize Pennsylvania, 
eagerly urged the Huguenots to settle on his Plantations on 
the banks of the Delaware and Susquehanna rivers. A goodly 
nnnibei' did so, and both the Quaker and the Hollander 
found them "pleasant to dwell with." 

Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia each had its represen- 
tation of the exiles of France, and in South Carolina there 
gathered a large and influential contingent, whose descendants 
became an important factor in the affairs of that State. 

Many families and individuals found th«ir way to our 
English-speaking colonies from various French and Spanish 
settlements in the West Indies and on the north coast of 
South America, where they had failed to find that liberty and 
free<lon\ from oppression which they so ardently desired, 
and Nvhicli they had been unable to secure in their native 
land. From casting their lot with the Anglo-Saxon founders 
of oui' LTovernment and institutions resulted that mutual 
benelit wliidi \vas the natural outcome of mutual hopes and 
aspiratiijus. 



The Sources of American Civilization. 49 

No adequate estimate of the value or extent of the influence 
exerted by the Huguenots in shaping the destiny of the 
American republic can be based upon their numerical 
strength. They were in numbers the least of the three chief 
elements entering into that genuine "union by aflinity," 
whose one common cohesive quality was the desire for the 
free exercise and enjoyment of manhood's rights. 

Dr. Leonard Woolsey Bacon tells us that: "Beyond 
dispute, the best and most potent elements in the settlement 
of the seaboard (American) colonies were the companies of 
earnestly religious people who, under severe compulsion for 
conscience' sake, came forth from the Old World as involun- 
tary emigrants." To this may be fittingly added a more spe- 
cific declaration by one of Huguenot ancestry, Dr. Chauncey 
M. Depew : " Many streams have fertilized the soil of Ameri- 
can liberty, but the three great sources of our institutions, 
and of their expansive, rece^^tive, and assimilating power, were 
the Puritans, the Dutch, and the Huguenots." 

In several important [mrticulars the Huguenots were unlike 
any of the other elements representing this power. 

They were, in the fullest sense of the term, people without 
a country, the conditions surrounding their expatriation mak- 
ing their return to France impossible. 

They were dissimilar in racial peculiarities and in national 
habits and usages ; and in their adopted abode their allegiance 
was due to a body politic largely unsympathetic, and in many 
respects antagonistic to that under whose influences they had 
been trained. 

They brought with them, however, qualities that exactly 
fitted the situation. Tlieir natural vivacity, buoyancy, and 
cheerfulness had a tempering and softening effect on the 
somewhat too prevalent austerity of many of their neighbors. 
With religious principles strong and incorruptible, they com- 
bined moderation of judgment in non-essentials, and social 
habits, simple, warm, and unrestrained. The love of liberty 



50 Facing the TivenUetli Century. 

wliich was tlieirs in cominou with their new associates was 
ac'C()iii])iiiiie(l )jy a s[)ii'it of toleration which not all of these 
associates had acquired, as the Huguenots had, in the school 
of suffering. 

That learned divine, and influential leader in the upbuild- 
ing of l)()th state and church in New England, Cotton 
Mather, said of them: "They challenge a place in our best 
affections," 

111 addition to being "fervent in spirit, serving the Lord," 
the Huguenots Avere notably " diligent in business." 

Inventive genius and commercial enterprise were part of 
their inheritance, and in their ranks were found men skilled 
in almost every known field of useful labor: merchants, 
manufacturers, artisans in every branch of mechanical and 
artistic industry, and men competent to do manly duty in 
peace or war, on sea or land. In the manufacture of fine 
linens, silks, and velvets, as workers in gold and silver, and 
as dyers, tanners, and hatmakers they were especially expert. 
Literature, law, medicine, the pulpit, and the forum, each has 
had its distinguished representatives among the Huguenots and 
their descendants, and, in whatever direction they bent their 
versatile faculties, they exhibited energy, elegance, and good 
taste, a quick wit, and a charitable judgment, combined with 
wisdom and probity. 

Our land has benefited in no ordinary degree by those 
religious, moral, intellectual, social, aud industrial qualities 
which exerted so marked an influence in Holland and 
Germany, in Switzerland and in England, and Avhich were so 
ruthlessly banished and forever lost to France by its mis- 
guided and priest-i'idden rulers. 

The purpose and limitations of this narration permit only 
brief reference to a fe\v of those of Huguenot lineage, whose 
names stand out with special prominence in American history, 
aud that without intimating any claim to superiority of merit 
by priority of mention. 



Tlie Sources of American Civilization. 51 

Boston's Faneuil Hall, widely designated "The cradle of 
Liberty," was the gift to that town of Peter Faneuil, the son 
of one of the survivors of the heroic defense of La Rochelle ; 
and Paul Revere, whose midnight ride for patriotic alarm- 
giving Longfellow has made famous for all time, was of direct 
Huguenot ancestry. 

The Huguenot name of Baudouin, in its American form 
Bowdoin, is possessed by the oldest college in the State of 
Maine ; a name given to it in honor of a generous benefactor, 
James Bowdoin, the sou of a Huguenot and the father of 
a Governor of Massachusetts. 

Audubon, the most skillful and honored naturalist of 
the first half of the present century, was born in Louis- 
iana, while it was yet a Spanish colony, but his French 
Protestant parents settled in Pennsylvania when he was still 
a youth. 

Three generations of Bayards of Huguenot origin have, 
almost continuously, represented the State of Delaware in the 
United States Senate since the year 1804, and branches of the 
same stock have been honorably known to the political, 
social, and business life of New York City, from colonial 
times to the present day. 

Daniel Webster once said, "When the spotless ermine of 
the judicial robe fell on John Jay, it touched nothiug less 
spotless than itself." The man of whom this was said was 
the direct descendant of a La Rochelle Huguenot ; an honored 
and trusted American patriot and statesman, and the first 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. 
His son William Jay and his grandson John Jay were, in their 
several generations, patriotic citizens of distinction and great 
usefulness, and both ardent anti-slavery advocates. The last 
named was United States Minister to Austria from 1869 to 
1875, and was one of the chief organizers and the first presi- 
dent of the Huguenot Society of America, and also the first 
president of the National League for the Protection of Ameri- 



52 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

can Institutions. The name has still worthy representatives 
ill New York City. 

lluoiieuot ])lo()d and spirit had pronounced assertion in 
Francis Marion, the fearless Kevolutionary patriot of South 
Carolina, in iield of battle and legislative hall. When the 
Colonial Convention of that State would have passed a law to 
expel the Tories and confiscate their property, he impetuously 
called a halt and made effectual protest in these words: 
" Gentlemen, you can pass no such law. It is not the spirit 
of American liberty. We are going to win this fight and 
drive the invaders from our soil. We will keep this people 
among us, protect them in their estates and riglits, and make 
them good citizens." 

The Iluirers and tlie Lecrares of South Carolina and the 
Dupuys of Virginia fill places of distinction in the history of 
our land. The Quintards have given a bishop to the Protes- 
tant Ej^iscopal Church, and the Gallaudets, through their 
labors in behalf of deaf mutes, have merited and received 
world-Avide and undying fame. 

The mother of James A. Garfield, twentieth President of 
the United States, was the daughter of Hosea Ballon, a dis- 
tinguished American Universalist j^reacher, whose Huguenot 
descent was clear and direct. 

It would not be difficult to fill a goodly volume with 
examples kindred to those we have given touching the con- 
tributions of this noble people to the brain and the brawn of 
American liberty. The eminent Dr. Richard S. Storrs 
declared that: " AVhenever the history of those who came 
hither from La Rochelle and the banks of the Garonne is 
fully written, the value and the vigor of the force they 
imparted to American public life will need no demonstra- 
tion "; and over in Old England, the poet Southey bore testi- 
mony to their worth when he said, "Wherever the refugees 
from the French persecutions fled, a blessing followed 
them." 



The Sources of American Civilization. 53 

We may well permit Mrs. Sigourney, poet, author, and wife 
of a worthy American of Huguenot ancestry, to say the 
closing words : 

" On all who bear 
Their name, or lineage, may their mantle rest; 
Tliat firmness for the truth, that calm content 
With simple pleasures, that unswerving trust, 
In toil, adversity, and death, which cast 
Such healthful leaven 'mid the elements 
That peopled the New World." 

THE QUAKER. 

Among the components of American Christian civilization 
a conspicuously helpful and honorable place is held by the 
purely religious society which has been successively known as 
Children of the Light, Quakers, and Friends. 

Their origin dates back to the preaching of George Fox in 
England, beginning in the year 1647, and continued for about 
twenty years, which from its peculiarities and sweeping 
objections to the established order of things i-eligious and 
secular, was designated the "gospel of negations." The zeal 
and enthusiasm of the early adherents manifested themselves in 
frequent extravagances of speech and act, overstepping at times 
the bounds of propriety and due regard for existing law, and 
which met with punishment often unjustly proportioned to 
the offenses. The intolerant spirit of the time was largely 
accountable for both offenses and punishments, and they were 
both but the liugering evidences of mediaeval darkness then 
slowly vanishing before advancing light. 

Their following rapidly increased ; men of superior attain- 
ments were attracted to them because of their vigorous pro- 
tests, not only against the despotic demand for religious con- 
formity, Imt against the vassalage of the person and of the 
intellect. Their organization as a church was effected in 1666, 
and they were unique among Christian bodies in the absence 



54 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

fioiii their ecoiiumy of a creed, a liturgy, a ministry, or a sacra- 
meut. Their views in reference to civic obligations and social 
customs were also peculiar. They opposed war even for 
defense, refused to pay tithes and to take oaths, and they 
wei-e essentially non-political. The lapse of time has brought 
nitulilications in many of their peculiarities. 

Among the men of character and ability who joined their 
ranks were Robert Barclay, a Scotsman of education and good 
family, and AVilliam Penn, whose father was an English 
admiral and whose mother was a native of Holland. 

It will be a sufficient refutation of the imputations of gen- 
eral ignorance and fanaticism made against the Quakers to 
ipiote the courageous and able declaration drawn by Barclay 
tuid Penn in behalf of their society. 

" AVe are a free people by the creation of God, by the 
redemption of Christ, and by tlie provision of our never-to-be- 
foigotten honorable ancestors ; so that our claim to these 
privileges, rising higher than Protestantism, could never justly 
be invalidated on account of non-conformity to any tenet or 
fasliion it might prescribe. This would be to lose by the 
Reformation, which was effected only that we might enjoy 
])roperty with conscience." 

in a comparatively few years the Quakers had spread into 
Wales, Ireland, and Scotland, and small communities of them 
liad been formed in France, Germany, and Norway. 

Massachusetts in 1656 was the first of the American colo- 
nies to which the Quakers came, but they received harsh 
treatment, and sought and found more congenial surround- 
ings in Rhode Island, where they were strong enough in 1661 
to liold an annual meeting. George Fox visited tlie colonies 
in 1672-7.'^, and found adherents of his society in all the colo- 
nies from North Carolina northward. Strong communities of 
them settled in New Jersey, where they founded the towns of 
Salem and I'Mirlinulnii, and dictated the fundamental laws 
of West Jersey, pul)lishe(i in 1677, giving absolute recognition 



Tlie Sources of American Civilization. 55 

to the principles of equality of civil riglits and freedom of 
conscience. 

The chief event in the early relations of the Quakers to 
America was the " holy experiment of a free colony for all 
mankind " of William Penn, successfully begun in 1682 by the 
founding of Philadelphia, under a grant from Charles II. 
Penn's ideals were high : equal toleration of all religious 
beliefs, no resort to military force, kindness and justice to the 
Indians, and no oaths to be used in the administration of jus- 
tice. Although never fully realized, much of the spirit which 
inspired these ideals has been firmly engrafted upon Ameri- 
can institutions, and the followers of Barclay and Penn have 
ever been the consistent and persistent advocates of liberty 
and right, not only for the white man but also for the red man 
and the black. No legislation for public defense was enacted 
or required in this colony for the first sixty years. A public 
school, "open to all," was established in Philadelphia in 1689, 
maintained, as its charter reads, " at the request,, cost, and 
charges of the people of God called Quakers." It was free 
from religious discrimination, and for three-score years was 
the only public place for instruction in the province. 

In the Revolutionary days the Quakers' doctrine of 
" passive resistance " was put to severe test, and with many 
" passive " became " active " for a time. 

They found effective if unobtrusive means of administer- 
ing material aid and comfort to the colonial government 
when most needed, and at least one of their number was 
among the signers of the Declaration of Independence. 

Their influence upon and contributions to the prosperity and 
uplift of American principles and institutions have been most 
salutary, and many instances could be recorded of conspicuous 
service rendered to the republic by individual members of the 
Society of Friends, but their principles and their patriotism 
have had expression in life and song through one of them- 
selves, our chief national lyric poet, John Greenleaf Whittier. 



56 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

THE SCOTCH. 

We now take note of a factor in American nation-building, 
in whose cluiracter the element of j^assiveness had no place — 
the Scotch. Under this designation we include the people 
sometimes called Scotch-Irish, who left Scotland during the 
reign of James I. of England, and put a new population of 
thrift and ctmrage into the province of Ulster in the north of 
Ireland. 

There need be no extended reference to the Scotch in the 
Old World. Their record is a familiar one on the historic 
page, and the influence they have exerted on the world's 
advancing civilization has not been surpassed, in its far- 
reaching and beneficent results, by any people of like numeri- 
cal strength. 

John Knox was only voicing one of their national charac- 
teristics when he said, " If princes exceed their bounds they 
nuist be resisted ])y force." 

The Scotch founded no colonies in our republic, but they 
were absent from none, from the Green Mountains to the Caro- 
linas. Their numbers were largest in New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, and the Southern communities, and it 
has ])een estimated that shortly prior to the Revolution they 
constituted about one-third of the entire colonial population. 

They took a prominent and important part in every event 
of moment in the formative period of our government and 
institutions. 

They were pronounced in their religious convictions and 
fearless in upholding them, and they and their offspring were 
the early advocates of individual sovereignty in the New 
World. Patrick Henry, whose resolutions in the Virginia 
House of Burgesses in 17G5, against the Stamp Act, sounded 
tlie keynote of the Revolution, was a Scotsman's son, and 
Bancroft tells us that one year before the Declaration of 
Iiidcjx'iidcnce, Scotcli Presbyterians gathered at Mecklenburg, 



The Sources of American Civilization. 57 

N. C, gave the first public expression to the desire for 
independence in these words : " We hereby absolve our- 
selves from all allegiance to the British crown ; we hereby 
declare ourselves a free and independent people." 

In the Continental Congress, when the " Declaration " lay 
before the assembled delegates, it was the venerable John 
Witherspoon of Princeton College, a Scotsman born, who 
uttered these inspired and inspiring words : " To hesitate at 
this moment is to consent to our own slavery. That notable 
instrument upon your table, which insures immortalit}^ to its 
author, should be subscribed this very morning by every pen 
in this house. He that will not respond to its accent and 
strain every nerve to carry into effect its provisions is un- 
worthy the name of freeman." 

Thus did those people, whose name is a synonym for 
caution, exhibit sublime courage at the critical moment and 
lielp to lay strong the foundations upon which the fabric of 
freedom was reared. They and their descendants have con- 
tinued to form an influential and elevating element in the 
American body politic, and have filled a lai'ge place in our 
national life, as is evidenced by the fact that of the twenty- 
four men who have filled the Presidential chair of our country, 
eight, or one-third, have sprung from this stock. 

THE CAVALIER. 

The momentous and prolonged struggle in England 
between King and Commons, which led to the execution 
of Charles I. in 1649, and reached its culmination when 
William of Orange ascended the throne and constitutional 
monarchy was firmly and finally established, gave birth to 
the appellations "Cavalier" and "Roundhead," which terms 
were subsequently supplanted by "Tory" and "Whig" 
respectively. 

In the American colonies New England became the home 



58 Facing ilie Tioentieth Century. 

of the liouiulhead, while \'irgmia was chosen by the chival- 
rous Cavalier as liis new abode. 

Til,- ("avaruT was above all else a royalist, with strong 
convictions as to th« 'Miviue right" of kings. He was also 
a stanch cliurchnian, religious after a fashion, and a jealous 
LMiar.lian of family pride and aristocratic privilege. He was 
withal courteous, generous, honorable, and high-spirited. 

In N'iiginia he was also a royalist, but when the exactions 
of royalty became unbearable, and the issue was joined 
between individual sovereignty and royal prerogative, and 
transplantation to the new soil had modified his hereditary 
prejudices, he and his children and grand-children were found 
in the forefront of the struggle for liberty. 

The contributions of the Cavalier element to American 
civilization, although distinctive in their character, have been 
of conspicuous value. It was the descendant of a Cavalier 
who, in the Virginia Assembly in 1773, originated, and, in 
the face of much o]->]^osition, secured the adoption of a resolu- 
tion for an ''intercolonial Connnittee of Correspondence," and 
this same patriot, Richard Henry Lee, moved the adoption of 
the Declaration of Independence. 

If popular institutions were the peculiar outgrowth of the 
conditions existing in New England, Virginia, where the 
population consisted largely of two classes, the landowner and 
overseer and those dependent upon them, contributed in full 
measure to the supply of statesmen, parliamentarians, and 
di])lomats. Tlie Virginia Bill of Rights, adopted by the 
colonial House of Rurgesses, June 12, 1776, has been widely 
used as a model in framing the Constitutions of other States, 
and in cadi successive generation from the days of small 
LcLiinnings, the sons of the Old Dominion, many of them of 
Cavalier lineage, have made illustrious groups. 

An liistorical fact bearing upon the relations of Virginia 
to llic rc)ud)lic at large arrests the attention with more signi- 
iicant force than as a mere coincidence. On her soil, in 1619, 



The Sources of American Givilization. 59 

negro slavery got its first foothold, and on her soil in 1865, 
the final seal was affixed to the Emancipation Proclamation 
by the surrender of American to American at Appomattox 
Court House. 

THE ETSTGLISH ROMAN CATHOLIC. 

Under a charter granted to Lord Baltimore in 1632 by 
Charles I., Maryland was colonized by English adherents of 
the Roman Catholic Church. In this charter there was a 
provision for the toleration of all religious sects. This pro- 
vision appears to have been partly the result of anxiety on 
the part of the colonists to be free from religious molestation, 
and partly, as De Courcey, an eminent Roman Catholic writer, 
intimates, a precaution of the home government for the protec- 
tion of other sects. 

Many extravagant claims have been made by Roman Cath- 
olic writers concerning so-called " religious liberty " guaran- 
tees in this colony, and also on the question of priority. 

Arnold says that Roger Williams, in the settlement made at 
Providence, R. I., in 1636, established "a pure democracy, 
which for the first time guarded jealously the rights of con- 
science by ignoring any power in the body politic to interfere 
with those matters that alone concern man and his Maker." 
No such conditions existed in the Maryland colony. Setting 
aside, however, the minor question of precedence, it is un- 
undoubtedly true that, in 1645, the first legislative assembly 
held in Maryland declared that " the enforcement of the con- 
science has been an unlawful and dangerous prerogative " ; 
and Rev. Dr. Francis L. Ila^vks asserts that " under the 
enlightened policy of Lord Baltimore the colony steadily 
advanced in prosperity, increasing both in comfort and in 
numbers." 

Cheerful recognition may be made of the fact that the policy 
of the colony was a tolerant one, and that the English Roman 
Catholics of Maryland enjoyed and accorded to their fellow- 



60 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

colonists a commendable degree of freedom of conscience and 
of worship. The candid reader, with the light of history for 
o-iiidnnce, can determine how far this tolerant spirit resulted 
fioiii their beino- Roman Catholics, or how ranch of it was due 
to t lie fact that they were English and had caught the '' fire 
of freedom." 

Maryland, in common with the other colonies, did not long 
remain exclusively the abode of the people who first settled 
it, but it has enjoyed a generous share of influence and impor- 
tance, both as a colony and a State. It has made valuable 
contributions to the advancement and prosperity of the coun- 
try, and its chief city, Baltimore, is one of the most pro- 
gressive in the Union and holds an advanced position in the 
possession of institutions for higher education. It is also the 
seat of the only lioman Catholic Cardinalate in the United 
States. 

Amono- the many noted names of Marylanders who could 
be mentioned are Charles Carroll of Carrollton, who survived 
by six years all the other patriots who put their autographs 
to the Declaration of Independence, and that brilliant but 
most unfortunate figure in American literature, Edgar Allan 
Poe. 

OTHER MENTION. 

Tiie more prominent roots of the tree of American liberty 
having been noticed, it remains to mention some added chan- 
nels through which the sap of freedom found its ^va}^ into the 
stately trunk, giving beauty and vitality to branch and leaf, 
to foliage and fruit. The roots were many, but all were 
healthy .'Hid life-giving. 

Crerman Lutherans of high intelligence and morality. God- 
fearing men, came in considerable numbers to New York, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. They 
were ihoi, and they are to-day, a source of strength to the 
country. 



Tlie Sources of American Civilization. 61 

Gustaviis Adolplms, the illustrious King of Sweden, prior 
to his death in 1632, had encouraged colonizing in the New 
World. As a result, vigorous, thrifty, and intelligent Swedes 
settled in Delaware in 1638, and spread into other colonies, 
adding to the influx of morality and industry. 

Danes and Norwegians, Protestant Poles and Piedmontese, 
aided in swelling the ranks of the settlers in various colonies. 

With the exception of the colonists of Maryland they were 
almost exclusively Protestants, men " of stern and lofty vir- 
tue, invincible energy, and iron wills, the fitting substratum 
on which to build great States." 

The history of man in organized relations affords no ex- 
ample of a harmonious union of qualities and forces for good 
equal to that represented by the thirteen North American 
Colonies, joining in an indissoluble bond, riveted by the unal- 
terable conviction that all men are equally entitled to the 
enjoyment of " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 



PART IL 
AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.— THE STATE. 

It is not purposed under tliis liead to enter into an historic 
discussion concerning the development and status of the dif- 
ferent departments of the government imder which we live, 
legislative, judicial, and executive, but to state something of 
the legitimate character and principles of a government ema- 
nating from a civilization produced by the work of the repre- 
sentative characters we have described, comprising the early 
settlers of our country. 

LIBERTY AND LAW. 

Definitions of liberty embody national experiences and 
national hopes. 

" lloman laAvyers say that liberty is the power [authority] 
of doing that which is not forbidden by tlie law, and that 
whatever may please the ruler has the force of law." This 
simply means that man is not a slave, while our word freeman, 
used in connection with civil liberty, means the enjoyment of 
high civil privileges and rights. 

The French say: "Liberty is equality, equality is liberty." 
l>ut ('(|uality without other elements has no essential connec- 
tion ^vitll liberty. Absolute equality may mean stagnation 
and death. 

Tlie (Jei'inans say: "Liberty or justice, for where there is 
justice there is liberty, and libert}^ is nothing else than jus- 
tice." Tliis makes equivalents of two things which no defini- 
tions can I'econcile. 

Individual lil)erty can only exist wherever a citizen is sub- 
ject to law, and this means public opinion crystallized into 

62 



American Institutions. — The State. 63 

public will, which constitutes the sovereignty of law. The 
action of a free man is controlled by the custom of the 
people expressed in legislation. 

Liberty, applied to political man, practically means protec- 
tion or checks against undue interference from individuals, 
from masses, or from government. 

True liberty is a positive force, regulated by law ; false lib- 
erty is a negative force, a release from restraint. True liberty 
is the moral power of self-government. 

Law is briefly defined to be a rule of order or conduct 
established by authority. 

Liberty is briefly defined to be the state of a free man. 
But neither law nor liberty can be thus abstractly defined. 

The enjoyment of valued rights and privileges is implied in 
liberty. 

Liberty is something which cannot be made for the individ- 
ual ; he must make it for himself. Civil government does not 
make it for the citizen, but in and by the civil government 
citizens make it for themselves and formulate its privileges 
and limitations in Avhat they denominate law. 

Our government and our civilization are designed to guar- 
antee impartial civil liberty protected by law. Lawless lib- 
erty means tyranny. Impartial liberty must be girded about 
with the restraints of law because our relations are mutual, 
and personal freedom among associations of men must be both 
self -governed and heedful of righteous and relative limitations. 

The measure of our civil liberty as a nation is found in the 
extent to which our people obey law from choice. 

Education, morality, and religion have thus far determined 
the character of our civil liberty and shaped its legislative 
restrictions and protection, and they must be depended upon 
to perpetuate it. 

John Bright said : " There is no permanent greatness to a 
nation except it be based upon morality. The moral law was 
not written for men alone in their individual character, but it 



64 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

was written as well for nations as great as this of whicb we 
are citizens." 

Law is siiiiplv tlie formulated statement of the results of 
tlie lianii(»nious relationships of moral beings endowed by 
tlieir Creator with the inalienable rights of "life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness." 

Man is hedged al)out by natural laws for his physical well- 
bein*', and he must obey them if he will be free and safe. 
Liberty consists in being unhindered in obeying the laws 
which God has made for the protection and development of 
physical, intellectual, and moral man. 

The Greek idea of a state was that of a Person substantially 
deified ; the Roman idea was that of a law of Persons. The 
Christian idea refers laws and law-making to an absolute Per- 
son. The Greeks worshiped Wisdom, but did not see the 
True. The Romans saw abstract truth and created the civil 
jurisprudence of the succeeding nations. Christianity gave 
the law of liberty to man as man, and announced the ultimate 
authority for both the state and the man. 

Law is the foundation of the Divine government. Liberty 
is a gift of the Divine will. Law protects man, liberty exalts 
him. Law represents man acting in his highest capacity. 
Liberty is the free gift of his Creator, designed to lift him to a 
dignity of sovereignty which makes his life move on parallel 
lines with infinite justice and infinite wisdom. Liberty is 
thus never a privilege but always a right, while law is a serv^- 
ant of right whose province is to intrench liberty and never 
to restrict it. Law is the result of man's action, liberty is the 
gift of God. 

Chateaubriand said that " everyone desires liberty, but it 
is impossible to say what it is." This is true if he refers to 
an abstract general definition of civil liberty, but false if he 
means to state that we cannot say what civil liberty has been 
in the history of nations. 

Lieber says : " I mean by civil liberty that liberty which 




PRKSIUKNTS OF THIi I'N'ITEIJ STATES, FROM 1789 TO 1850. 




PRESIDENTS OF THE UXITED STATES, FROM 1850 TO 1899. 



American Institutions. — TJie State. 65 

plainly results from the application of the general idea of 
freedom to the civil state of man, that is, to his relations 
as a political being, a being obliged by his nature and des- 
tined by his Creator to live in society. Civil liberty is the 
result of man's twofold character, as an individual and social 
being, so soon as both are equally respected. . . The highest 
ethical and social protection of which man, with his insep- 
arable moral, jural, aesthetic, and religious attributes is capable, 
is the comprehension and minutely organic self-government of 
a free people; and a people truly free at home and dealing in 
fairness and justice with other nations is the greatest, unfor- 
tunately also the rarest, subject offered in all the breadth and 
length of history." 

Paul, the constitutional lawyer of the New Testament, 
speaks of those "above law," because they obey the law. 
Obedience to just laws is regulated harmonious liberty. 

Vox ijopuli, vox Dei may mean much or little. If the 
people have heard and heeded the voice of God then, and 
only then, is their voice the voice of God. 

The Anglo-Saxon race alone has developed and enjoyed law 
in the fullness of its meaning, and this embraces the entire 
round of justice, which through the established independence 
of the judiciary has proved a chief support of civil libei'ty. 

Common law consists in the customs and usages of the 
people and possesses its own organic vitality, therefore the 
character of the law is determined by the character of 
the civilization. In England and in America, that civiliza- 
tion is Christian, thus Christianity has come to be historically 
and by judicial precedent the common law of these nations. 

Civil law is a dead inheritance from antiquity. Common 
law is a present, living entity, alwa3"s developing and improv- 
ing. Civil law pertains to property; common law protects 
the personal rights of the individual citizen, maintains the 
principles of self-government, defends its own supremacy, and 
proves its own superiority. 



66 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

Burke defines it as "beneficence acting by rule." Civil 
law has never superseded common law, but lias often been 
assimilated by it. 

THE STATE AND ITS POWERS. 

''The state is a power claiming and exercising supreme 
jurisdiction over a certain portion of tlie earth. Here it 
acknowledges no superior, unless it be God. It is the sov- 
ereign arbiter of life and death. It fixes the civil status ; it 
regulates the social action ; it determines, either directly or 
permissively, wholly or partially, according to its sovereign 
pleasure, the rights, duties, and relations of all human beings 
within its territorial sway. Men may claim rights as belong- 
iuo- to them by nature, but the state assumes to say whether 
they shall exercise them." 

Individual liberty is dependent upon the will of the state. 
Absolute sovereignty and the employment of unlimited force 
over the person and personal conduct, over the family, over 
morals, over property, over political rights, over corporate 
existences, over life, are claimed as the prerogatives of the 
state. " It is omnipotent ; thei-e is no earthly power that 
can touch its hand, or say unto it, what doest thou ? " has 
been said of the British Parliament representing the British 
nation, and it is true of every ultimate political organization. 
And it matters not -whether the form of government be 
imperial or republican. Every state is responsible to its 
own will, and " that will may be anything it wills to be if 
there is not some acknowledged check regarded as immu- 
table." The tyranny and cruelty of the will of a multitude 
may be as unjust as the corporate will exercised by a despot 
or by an oligarchy. 

NATIONALITY AND SOVEREIGNTY. 

National sovereignty is the source of the right of revolu- 
tion. If revolution fails, it is rebellion ; if it is a duty, and if 



American Institutions. — The State. 67 

it succeeds because it is right, it is the legitimate act of the 
state. 

Such sovereignty as the state exercises can only be main- 
tained as it acknowledges some divine rule and some " higher 
law," to which it is responsible and from which it derives its 
sovereignty. A godless state, imperial or republican, possess- 
ing a written or unwritten constitution, is pure despotism, 
claiming and possessing the power of life and death over 
existing millions and determining how unborn generations 
shall commence their earthly existence. 

The makers of the government of our country did not 
define the idea of sovereignty. The idea has been wrought 
out by experience, while the fact existed as the condition 
and cohesive power of all human government. Revolutions 
do not destroy sovereignty, but change its center of gravity. 
It may change its power of manifestation through monarch, 
parliament, or people, but it is never annihilated. Constitu- 
tions are instruments for the exercise of sovereignty; they are 
not sovereign. In the beginning of our republic sovereignty 
was transferred from crown and parliament to the restricted 
electorate then existing among the American people. This 
sovereignty distributed its functions in state and federal 
constitutions. This republic possessing sovereignty, and, as 
another has said : " being a nation, can do all that any nation 
can do. It can conquer territory ; it can buy it ; it can 
receive it as a gift from its people, they being sovereign. 
Then it can dispose of territory ; can sell it ; can give it 
away ; can hold and govern it. The only question is of the 
means and agents, and this is a mere detail." The republic 
has illustrated this conception of sovereignty in all of its his- 
tory of expansion. The nation has sovereignty. The States 
have rights. 

National sovereignty is both secured, recognized, and 
accepted, and that without interfering with the rights of the 
States. The nation is sovereign in federal affairs with limita- 



6g Facing the Twentieth Century. 

tions. Tlie States liave rights whicli are absolute, and only 
as these are iiiiiiupaired will national sovereignty ]je main- 
tained in virility and dignity. 

SOURCES OF THE POWERS OF THE STATE. 

The Declaration of Independence declared that "we hold 
these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created 
equal ; that they are endowed by the Creator with certain 
unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness. Tliat, to secure these rights, govern- 
ments are instituted among men, dei'iving their just powers 
from the consent of the governed." This last statement, from 
varied motives, is often reiterated in these days. It was not 
absolutely true when written, and is not true now, unless the 
governed by governing self have proved their capacity for a 
self-o-overnment. Government could not endure but would 
terminate in tyranny if it depended for its just powers upon 
the consent of men incapable of governing themselves. In 
no human government which ever existed have all the powders 
been derived from the consent of all the governed. 

Only when the governed acknowledge the supreme sover- 
eignty of God over their personal lives do they become 
equipped for determining what the "just powers" of a gov- 
ernment for men ought to be. Our ancestors who wrote the 
Declaration of Independence, and tried to establish and 
verify its declared principles, were perhaps by heredity and 
history so conditioned as to make their statement of the 
source of the powers of government as near the truth in reali- 
zation, and nearer in anticipation, than it ever was before in 
the history of human governments. They represented largely 
a God-honoring constituency. 

Theoretically only does our government or any government 
derive all of its just powers from the consent of the governed. 
The right to exist implies the right to defend existence, and 
this right can demand the life of every subject of a govern- 




INDEPENDENCE HALL AND THE BIKTHPLACE OF THE NATIONAL FLAC. 
PHILADELPHIA. FANEUIL HALL, BOSION. 



American Institutio7is. — The State. 69 

raent without his consent, because he is under law and is a 
part of the national life, and derives his right of personal self- 
defense from the divine authority which ordained national 
life. 

In his individual relations man is no more subject to the 
divine moral government than he is in his relations to civil 
government. Governments are ordained of God because they 
meet man's necessities. Man was created with necessities, 
capacities, and instincts, and these compelled and created gov- 
ernments, and the legitimate character of the government 
corresponds with the condition and character of the governed. 
Absolute monarchies continue to exist because the state of 
the mass of the people requires them. Republican govei'n- 
ments exist because tlie condition of the people makes them 
possible. The moral state of the people is the cause, and the 
form of government is the effect. Superstition and ignorance 
in the religion of a people will necessitate stern monarchies. 
Intelligent religious liberty makes free governments a neces- 
sity. Hence the legitimate child of the primal civilization 
created by the characters who were the pioneers of this 
republic was self-government, guaranteeing civil and religious 
liberty. Because of the high, heroic, and cultured character 
of the people who established self-government in our country, 
they wei'e not compelled to pass through the varied stages of 
absolute monarchy, aristocracy, and limited monarchy before 
they attained to fitness for a republic. A great patriot has 
said : " The republican form of government is the noblest 
and the best, as it is the latest. It is the latest because it 
demands the highest conditions for its existence. Self-gov- 
ernment by the whole people is the teleologic idea. It is to 
be the final government of the world." 

HISTORIC ORIGIN OF THE REPUBLIC. 

The federative American government finds its progenitor 
in the English commonwealth, which had its progenitor 



70 Facinrj the Twentieth Century. 

in Scandinavian civilization, and botL were molded by 

Cluistianity. 

liepul)lifan govennnents are not creations but growths. 
"The force of origin and association is supreme in forming 
the immutable character of civil communities." 

The civil polity of the American republic consists of the 
laws which regulate the conduct of the people, and which 
protect their rights, and prescribe the obligations incident to 
voluntary human relations. 

This polity is embodied in what is known as common law, 
which had its origin in the Saxon commonwealth of England. 
The Roman law is still predominant in the sections of our 
country Avhich were peopled and ruled by Latin races at the 
time they became the property of the United States. 

Freedom, equality, and liberty, based upon obedience to the 
laws of God and to the laws of man based upon the laws of 
God, were the principles which inspired the Scandinavians in 
laying the foundations of nations. 

This original Saxon civilization has conquered races and 
peoples by molding their characters on the plan of assertion 
of individual rights based upon the recognition of the equal 
rights of others. It possessed certain fundamental character- 
istics which are among our priceless inheritances. It selected 
its own leader from among its numbers. It counted tlie 
family a divine institution, in which government as a political 
organization had its genesis. It held the Scriptural doctrine 
of common interests inseparably connected with common 
needs, dictating common responsibilities. The state was 
called "The Common-wealth"; its system of jurisprudence, 
" The Common-Law " ; its general tribunal, " The Common 
Pleas"; and long after, in religious succession, comes " The 
Common Prayer." 

The Constitution of England is unwritten. The Constitu- 
tion of the United States is a written document. Neither 
proclaim but assume th(? existence of God. The principles 



American Institutions. — The State. 71 

they embody, the maxims they teach, the administration of 
government they provide for, the common law they recognize, 
the traditions and historic precedents from which they 
sprang, all presuppose that the Christian religion is the 
creative energy which produced them and which must be 
depended upon to perpetuate and enforce them. 

The genius, the form, and the design of the government 
under which we live, in its three departments — legislative. 
Judicial, and executive — are essentially Christian. 

The freedom and liberty for all taught by the Scriptures 
created the common law of Ens-land. The other features of 
the Saxon constitution which Norman power with Roman 
methods was never able to undermine were trial by jury, the 
village community, writ of habeas corpus, and international 
law. 

The American Revolution was simply the assertion of the 
rights of a Saxon civilization by a people who had inherited 
them and to whom they had in many features been denied by 
the very nation from which their inheritance came. 

The American republic is based upon Anglo-Saxon Chris- 
tian civilization. The Venetian republic was an oligarchy, and 
the Athenian republic was an aristocracy. The liberties of 
the people under those two ancient republican and democratic 
forms of government were neither larger nor more secure tlian 
under liberal monarchies. The character of the civilization 
of a people determines their fitness for the responsibilities of 
self-government. Lafayette understood this when, although 
he had rendered important service in securing American 
independence, he resisted the demand for a republican form 
of government for France, when the Bourbon dynasty had 
been overthrown and Charles X. and the royal family had 
been expelled from the country, declaring that the people of 
France were not fitted by character for self-government. 

The colonial Americans, by heredity and training and 
experience, for a century and a half were free men civilly and 



72 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

religiously, and tlius the assertion of national independence 
was not a sudden transition, Ixit simply a natural step in 
advance. 

The first Europeans Avho formed a successful colony, ruled 
1)\- a local legislature and enjoying the right of trial by jury, 
settled in Virginia in 1607, under a grant from James I. of 
England. 

A colony of nine hundred French Huguenots in 1562, which 
had established themselves at St. Augustine, Fla., were 
murdered and literally exterminated by a Roman Catholic 
expedition led by Menendez, before they had opportunity to 
put their conceptions of Christian civilization into govern- 
mental form. 

Every community of Anglo-Saxon pioneers constituted a 
little republic of self-reliant men who respected each others' 
rights. These miniature republics multiplied, and when the 
cohesive power of common peril and mutual interest drew 
them together, the resultant was the greatest experiment in 
the history of po2:)ular government. 

While the American Declaration of Independence recog- 
nizes " that all men are created equal," and by natural divine 
endowment possess moral, political, and social rights of 
equality, capacity for the enjoyment of these rights must 
determine possession in ever}^ case, and in case the individual 
possesses them he must use them with a regard for the rights 
of others ; otherwise the safety of the many will require the 
forcible restraint of the natural I'ights of the few. 

MATERIAL RESOURCES AND STRENGTH. 

During the 120 years of our national life steam has become 
man's l)iirden-l»earer ; electricity has annihilated distance and 
made tlie nations neighbors; steel has become both the 
vehicle and the highway for commerce ; the concealed 
reservoirs of oil in the earth have illuminated the houses of 
the world. Aiix'rica ])y iicr invention, by her food supplies, 



American Institutions. — Tlie State. 73 

by her success in self-government, has been the largest factor 
in making the world of nature a new world in human oppor- 
tunity, comforts, liberty, enlightenment, and civilization. 

The financial condition of the United States is impregnable. 
On December 1, 1898, the total national debt was only four- 
teen dollars per capita, and was only one-third the amount it 
was thirty-two years before, and the amount of interest only 
one-fourth as great. The indebtedness is steadily decreasing, 
while the credit is constantly increasing. The national ex- 
penses are met from customs and internal revenue payments 
without income or direct taxation. 

This prosperity we believe is due both to the character of 
our liberties and to the protective industrial policy of the 
nation. 

It has accepted and supported the principle that the 
citizens of the United States are the proprietors of this land, 
and that foreigners are not its owners, and that they are not 
to be consulted as to the methods we adopt for increasing 
the dignity of American labor and for promoting the pros- 
perity of all brandies of American industry. Foreign nations 
ought to be satisfied and grateful to us if we furnish remunera- 
tive employment, with all its incident blessings, to the multi- 
tudes of their citizens who emigrate from their hard condi- 
tions of unrequited toil ; and the toiling millions in foreign 
lands ought to be grateful that our industrial policy has raised 
the scale of wages in their home countries. 

These statements mean, of course, that the policy has been, 
and is, protection to American industries. 

The greatest free-trade country in the world attained its 
industrial and commercial ascendancy under a protective 
tariff. 

The nations of the earth have not yet reached that ideal 
condition where each nation ascertains what the other wants, 
and then proceeds to do it to its own detriment. 

It is just as vitally important for a nation to defend itself 



74 Faeing the Tiventieth Centm^y. 

against a way on its industries as against a war on its terri- 
torial domain or on its civic policy. 

Denial to the American Colonies of the right to industrially 
protect themselves and promote their own prosperity was one 
of the chief causes of the Revolution which gave birth to the 
republic. 

Protection was the first subject that the first Congress dis- 
cussed. The framers of our Constitution, and the men who 
brought the republic of law and liberty out of the Revolution 
against class and oppression, with unanimity sustained the 
first protective tariff, which extended through the administra- 
tions of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, 
and was repeatedly approved by these Presidents in both 
speech and message. 

While the commercial policy of the United States, under 
which it has developed its unprecedented growth and 
strength has been a protective policy, its agricultural resources 
have put the Old AVorld under its peaceful sway, because its 
granaries are indispensable to their comfort. 

MATERIAL RESOURCES OF THE UNITED STATES, EXCLUSIVE 
OF THE NEW POSSESSIONS. 

AREA. 

Square miles 

Land, 2,970,000 

Water, 55,600 

Total, 3,025,600 

POPULATION. 

Ofticial— Census of 1890, 62,622,250 

Official— Estimated 1897, 72,807,000 

Estimate of experts, 1899, 77,000,000 

AVEALTH. 

The aggregate true valuation or fair selling price of 
all real and personal property in the United States 
in the census year, 1890, was carefully estimated 
to be, $65,037,000,000 



ATYiei'ican Institutions. — The State. 



75 



This is an estimated increase of 49 percent, for the ten 
years from 1880. The same ratio of increase will 
make the valuation in 1900 nearly, 



$100,000,000,000 



DEBT. 

The net indebtedness of the United States on July 1 

1897, was, 

On November 1, 1898, it was, 

Annual interest charge, .... 

Debt per capita of population, , 

REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE. 

Aggregate receipts for the year ending July 1, 1898, 

Aggregate expenditures for the j^ax ending July 1, 

1898 (largely increased by the war with Spain), , 

EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. 

Value of domestic merchandise exported during the 
year ending June 30, 1898, .... 

Value of specie exported, ...... 

Value of merchandise imported during the year ending 
June 30, 1898, ....... 

Value of specie imported, 

BANKS. 

The aggregate capital of the National Banks of the 
United States on September 1, 1898, was, . 

SAVINGS BANKS. 

On July 1, 1897, the number of depositors in Savings 

Banks in the United States was, 
The aggregate amount of deposits was. 
The average amount to each depositor was about, 

CLEARING-HOUSE TRANSACTIONS. 

For the year ending September 30, 1898, the Clearing- 
House transactions in the various cities in the 
United States amounted to, .... 

The amount of transactions in New York City alone 
was 



992,022,900.03 

1,031,587,733.59 

34,387,315.20 

13.63 



405,321,335 
443,388,583 



1,210,291,913 
70,511,630 

616,049,654 
150,319,455 



629,151,295 



5,400,000 

2,100,000,000 

400 



65,924,820,769 
39,853,413,948 



76 Facing the liventieth Century. 



PATENTS. 

Ill tlie sixty years ending with 1897, over 1,000,000 
applications for patents were filed in the United 
States Patent Office, and for the single year 1897 
the number of applications was about, . . 60,000 

RAILROADS. 

There are in the United States over 180,000 miles of 
surface steam railroads, carrying annually more 
than 500,000,000 passengers and nearly 800,000,- 
000 tons of freight. The amount of capital in- 
vested is about, $11,000,000,000 

TELEGRAPHS. 

There are about 210,000 miles of telegraph lines 
(nearly 900,000 miles of wires), exclusive of gov- 
ernment, private, and telephonic. The total re- 
ceipts from messages in 1897 was, . . . 24,000,000 

TELEPIIOlSrES. 

The number of miles of telephone wires in operation 

in the United States is about, .... 550,000 

The net earnings in 1896 were about, . . . 3,500,000 

And the invested capital nearly, .... 24,000,000 

MANUFACTURES. 

The number of manufacturing establishments in the 
United States is about 850,000, and the total value 
of the annual products of these establishments is 
over, 9,500,000,000 

MINERALS. 

The value of the mineral products of the United 

States in 1897 was, 742,000,000 

CEREALS. 

The aggregate annual production of corn, wheat, rye, 

oats, barley, and buckwheat in the United States 

is over 3,500,000,000 bushels, and its value over, 1,000,000,000 

The wheat crop of the Unite<l States in 1898 was over 

one-fourth of the total crop of the world. 



American InstikUions. — The State. 77 

As we have seen, our republican form of government guar- 
antees civil and religious liberty, protects persons and prop- 
erty, provides for the administration of justice, and develops 
society in civilization. The magnificent extent of our terri- 
torial domain furnishes an outlet for our multiform energies, 
without exhausting our vast resources, while our unbounded 
national prosperity is a wonder to ourselves and to the world, 
and thus far in our history has only met with occasional local 
interruption. 

Our form of government was in its early history the prod- 
uct of the experience and needs of our ancestors who had 
voluntarily exiled themselves from their native lands, and was 
based upon the theory of the greatest good to the greatest 
number. It is a federal and representative government. It 
possesses elements of permanency just to the extent that the 
character and purposes of the people continue to recognize 
the fundamental principles upon which the civic structure 
rests, and prove their capacity to assimilate the incoming 
multitudes from other lands and other civilizations who, like 
our ancestors, are seeking our larger liberties and broader 
opportunities, but ^vho, differing in experience from our 
ancestors, find a new world conquered and ready for their 
habitation, and prompt in making returns to thrift and 
industry. 



78 Facing the Twentieth GentAiry. 

AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.— THE CHURCH. 

TITE HELATIONS OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 

Rkligious liberty is the most convincing test of free insti- 
tutions and of tlie genuine character of civil liberty. 

Civil liberty has never materially advanced and never has 
become satisfactorily secure except as it has been preceded by 
the recognition of man's right to religious liberty. 

All genuine religion is voluntary, and therefore cannot 
exist without liberty. 

Both civil and religious liberty are instinctive in this 
repu])lic. 

Religious liberty, as we understand and enjoy it, is impossi- 
ble where there is a union of church and state. 

A state properly organized represents individual man, rep- 
resents every man as he should be in his normal relations. 
A state " is an enacted and operative morality." 

Religious liberty is not made for man by the state, but he 
makes it for himself in and by the state. 

In all ages the power that founds states is religion. The 
basis of all states is the sanctity of the truth. 

Since the state is created by the moral and religious sense 
of its people, it therefore cannot create its creator, and 
hence religious liberty is always a right and never can be a 
privilege. 

That a state or nation should be guided by the same gen- 
eral principles of moral conduct by which an individual is, or 
ought to be, guided in his private conduct, is a truth which 
seems involved in the very conception of national being. In 
the civilized world of modern Europe and America we take 
theological and political differences for granted ; but we 
assume a common morality. But how shall the state be said 
to possess any moral code except as the consensus of belief 
among the people determines it ? 



American Institutions. — The Church. 79 

For what does the state exist ? The very idea and origin 
of our government is to afford ojiportunity for the develop- 
ment and protection of man as a moral and social being. Its 
existence is imj)ossible, as well as uncalled for and criminal, 
unless it answer these ends. We seek and secure the divorce 
of the state and formulated religion ; but when the Christian 
religion and the morality it teaches are taken out of our civil 
government, nothing remains worth preserving. The state, 
however, as a symbol and embodiment of morality, is a neces- 
sity of man's moral nature. The state, under our form of 
government, has to recognize Christian morality as the basis 
of its own existence. 

And therefore, while it exists for secular and civil pur- 
poses, it finds itself substantially the creature of Christianity ; 
and whenever it has found itself engaged in a struggle for its 
defense or existence, it has never issued from the struggle 
until it has adopted for its war-cry some principle that has had 
its birth in Christian morality. 

SPHERE AISTD FUNCTION OF CHURCH AND STATE. 

The church and the state are both divine institutions, but 
they have separate spheres and functions. 

Both meet on questions of public morals, and both together 
constitute civilized human society and insure its prosperity. 

Dr. Strong says : " Precisely what is meant by the sej^ara- 
tion of church and state is not commonly, or indeed often, 
understood. There does not seem to have been made a clear 
distinction between function and sphere, for lack of which 
there has been much confusion, and most people have gained 
a radically wrong idea of the sphere of the Church. Sphere 
is the extent or field of activity, while function is the kind or 
nature of that activity. The sphere of an organ is where it 
operates, its function is what it does. 

" As society becomes more highly organized it becomes 



80 Facing the Tmentieth Century. 

more important to keep the function of churcli and state sep- 
arate ; l)ut it is as great a mistake to limit the sphere of the 
Church as it is not to limit its functions. The sphere of the 
Clmivli I III- hides that of the state and much more. It is as 
])r()ad as the sphere of conscience, which is as far-reaching as 
all human activity. 

-Of course, the Church has and ought to have authority in 
the administration of her internal aifairs, but she should have 
no authority whatever over the public or over any individual 
outside her own institutions. Beyond her own walls let the 
Church have unbounded influence, but not one iota of 
authority." 

LIMITATIONS OF CIVIL AND KELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 

The law of a freeman is a general rule of action, having grown 
out of the custom of the people, or having been laid down by 
the authority empowered by the people to do so, and it must be 
a rule which does not violate a superior law or civil principle. 

Relio-ious liberty must have civil limitations, as the law of 
self-preservation is as vital to the state as to the individual. 
Individual and public morality, safety, peace, and welfare 
must be protected against a religion that would injure them. 

Chief Justice AVaite in rendering the decision of the United 
States Supreme Court, in the only case in which this govern- 
ment has undertaken to define the limits of religious liberty, 
where Congress prohibited polygamy in the Territory of 
Utah, said : ''Laws are made for the government of actions, 
and while they cannot interfere with mere religious belief and 
opinions, they may with practices. As a law of the organiza- 
tion of society under the exclusive dominion of the United 
States, it is provided that plural marriages shall not be allowed. 
Can a man exercise his practices to the contrary because of 
liis reli'dous l)elief? To permit this would be to make the 
professed (loctriucs of religious belief superior to the law of 
the land, and in effect to permit every citizen to become a 



Americaii Institutions.— The Ohurch. 81 

law unto himself. Government could exist only in name 
under such cii'cumstances." 

Public opinion, which is the creator and interpreter of laws 
in a free country, must here determine the limitations of reli- 
gious liberty. 

SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE. 

Historically speaking, three theories have 2:)revailed in 
practice concerning the relations of church and state. First, 
chui'ch supremacy over civil government. Second, state 
supremacy over the Church. Third, church and state recipro- 
cally independent. 

Separation of church and state is both essentially republi- 
can and Christian. The author of Christianity distinctly 
announced for the ages this principle when he said : " Render, 
therefore, unto Caesar, the things which be Caesar's, and unto 
God the things which be God's." 

Church and state coexist in our land, but they are not 
wedded. They have their individual work to perform. The 
secular interests are guarded and promoted by the state ; the 
moral and religious interests by the Church. And yet so 
closely are they related to each other that the state depends 
for its existence upon the character given its citizenship by 
the Church, and the Church, in turn, receives protection from 
the state for its property and from interference with its wor- 
ship and instruction. Our experiment has proved that 
religious liberty is the best friend of genuine Christianity, 
and that it is also the best foundation for a " government of 
the people, by the people, and for tlie people." 

The union of church and state is a different question from 
the union of religion and the state. Union in both of these 
cases is possible, but separation of religion from the state 
is impossible. 

Dr. Schaff says : " Whatever may be the merits of the theory 
of the American system, it has worked well in practice. It has 



82 Facmg the Twentieth Century. 

stood the test of experience. It has the advantages of the union 
of church and state without its disadvantages. It secures all 
tlie riichts of tlie Church without tlie sacrifice of liberty and 
independence, wliich are Avorth more than endowments." 

Freedom in civil affairs, freedom of thought, and freedom 
of speech are valued possessions, but religious freedom is more 
sacred than all these, because it is first in the estimation of 
lunnanity, and because it is the chief protection and guaran- 
tee of all other freedom. 

The present practical relation between church and state in 
this country is not thoroughly satisfactory because in im- 
portant particulars the separation is not absolute. 

The God of our fathers, as we have seen, postponed the 
peopling of this land until the Scriptures had been disentombed 
in the Old "World and they had created a race of men with 
the heroism of liberated consciences, and with the right char- 
acter to fouud a republic. Refugees from civil and religious 
persecution in lands where church and state were united 
founded this government, where civil liberty and religious 
liberty are enjoyed and perpetuated in just so far as the con- 
ceded American principle of the separation of church and 
state is scrupulously maintained. 

This principle has not been definitely and adequately 
expressed in the constitutions of many of the States com- 
prising the Union. 

A majority of the forty-five State constitutions contain pro- 
vision against the violation of religious liberty and expressly 
proliil)it sectaiian appropriations; but it is believed that only 
a national provision can set these questions at rest. 

DANGERS FROM THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE. 

The relation of church and state has been the vexed prob- 
lem of the civilization of the centuries. Tlie unholy alliance 
between cliurch and state has been the princi[)al disturber of 
the peace of nations. Any courtship or wedded relation has 



American Institutions. — The Church. 83 

eventually proved the curse of both. Whenever the Chris- 
tian Church has sought the favor of rulers or governments, it 
has become a subject and not a sovereign. Whenever rulers 
or governments have sought the favor of the Church, they have 
become the abject slaves of ecclesiasticism, the worst bondage 
ever known to man. 

History shows that where religious sects have been allowed 
to take public lands or public money they have become gorged 
with wealth and have forced a union of church and state. It 
also shows that wherever religion has been wedded to the 
state, individual conscience has been debauched and a gigan- 
tic, tyrannical political machine has been instituted. 

The first peril which our fathers thought menaced the 
republic was this very question. Hence the First Amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United States declares 
that : 

" Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment 
of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." 

This amendment is protective as well as prohibitive, and 
was born of respect for and not of contempt for religion and 
its free exercise. 

The chief effort in this country to establish and intrench 
a body ecclesiastic or bodies ecclesiastic is through access to 
public treasuries. The union of church and state has uniformly 
found its strongest bond in the partnership in the educational 
interests of the people. The introduction of sectarian inter- 
ests in the matter of public support of schools and charities is 
a constant element of danger. Taxation for the support of 
sectarian schools is always a peril for both the church and the 
state. In educational, penal, reformatory, and benevolent work 
there exists now in this nation and in many of the States a dan- 
gerous financial bond of union. The legislative exemption of 
church property from taxation is a vital, dangerous, and ini- 
quitous form of union of church and state. 

Macaulay said : " The whole history of the Christian 



84 Fapiiifi flh Tirentieth Century. 

ivligion shows that she is iu far greater danger of being cor- 
ruptetl hy the alliance of power than of being crushed by its 
opposition." 

Dr. Orestes A. Brownson said : " It may be safely asserted 
that, except in the United States, the Church is either held by 
the civil power in sid)jection, or treated as an enemy. The rela- 
tion is not that of union and harmony, but that of antagonism, 
to the grave detriment of both religion and civilization." 

The consensus of intelligent opinion in this country now 
favors religious liberty so far as separation of church and 
state is concerned. 

Grant said: "Leave the matter of religion to the family 
altai', the Church, and the private school, supported entirely 
by private contributions. Keep the state and church forever 
separate." 

Garfield said : " The separation of the church and state on 
everything relating to taxation should be absolute." 

James Madison said : " Religion flourishes in greater purity 
without than with the aid of government." 

HISTORIC STATEMENT OF THE ORIGIN OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY 

IN AMERICA. 

For the first three centuries of Christianity there was no 
approach toward union of church and state. Christians 
obeyed the civil laws so far as the higher law of conscience 
would permit, and faced death rather than disobey its admoni- 
tions or retract their demand for religious liberty as a right. 

While inheriting many benefits from the Old World, the 
American theory of the normal relationship of church and 
state differs both from all European experience and from our 
own col(»nial histoiy. 

The system (^f toleration exists in Germany, in England, and 
generally in Europe, and even to a degree in Roman Catholic 
countries, where tlie government suppoi'ts an established 
cliiircli or cliurches and permits, under conditions, other 



American Institutions. — Tlie Ohurcli. 85 

religious organizations to exist. Religions liberty in America 
has not been inherited from either the leorislation or the ex- 
ample found in the history of the mother country. 

The establishment in England of the equality of all reli- 
gious denominations before the law (excepting the Established 
Church, which has special privileges) is of recent date. In 
1689 a partial Act of Toleration was enacted. It was ex- 
tended to Unitarians in 1813 ; to Roman Catholics in 1829 ; to 
Jews in 1858. The universities of Oxford and Cambridge 
were not open to students of all religious denominations until 
1871. 

Religious liberty was proclaimed in the United States nearly 
a hundred years before tliis last restriction concerning the 
English universities was removed. 

When the thii'teen American Colonies adopted State consti- 
tutions Virginia and New York alone guaranteed religious 
liberty. The other States made religious discriminations by 
religious tests for their officials. 

Virginia chiefly was indebted for its religious liberty to 
French political and philosophical free-thinking ideas through 
Thomas Jeft'erson. New York's constitutional provisions, 
which have furnished the chief foundation for American 
religious liberty, were generated by freedom of thought, but 
not by free-thinkers. New York's " Dutch ancestors taught 
and practiced religious toleration ; they expanded toleration 
into liberty, and in this form transmitted to posterity the 
heritage which Holland had sent across the sea a century and 
a half before." 

Enforced conformity to the state religion and the suppres- 
sion of individual religious opinions not in accord with the 
teachings of the Established Church were, up to the sixteenth 
century, accounted among the Christian nations of Europe as 
both the province and the duty of civil government. The 
Church of Rome claimed the right to demand that the civil 
power should enforce its edicts to produce conformity in 



SC FariiKj the Twentieth Century. 

luftttei-s of religion, and rulers generally acceded to the 

demand. 

The Ret'oniiation involved no denial of the principle of the 
state's coercive right, and while its claim of the right of pri- 
vate judgment and individual responsibility to God eventually 
led to religious toleration, it was no more distinctly i-ecognized 
by the lleformers than by the Roman hierarchy. 

The origin of the Reformation in England was more politi- 
cal than religious. The idea of religious toleration had as 
little place in the mind of Henry and Elizabeth as in the mind 
uf Mary, and toleration was not the inspiration of the Puritan 
controversies in England. 

The settlers of Plymouth and of the colony of Massachu- 
setts Bay had no practical conception of either the separation 
of church and state or of religious liberty. AVinthrop in 
1030, on his way to America, wrote on shipboard that he and 
his companions came " to seek out a place of cohabitation and 
consortship under a due form of government, both civil and 
ecclesiastical." 

They established a civil government intolerant of religious 
liberty, where freedom of conscience, of opinion, and of wor- 
ship was not permitted ; but paradoxical as it may appear, 
they established a form of church government which became 
a powerful agency in bringing religious toleration. 

Ilallam said that " the Congregational scheme leads to tol- 
eration, as the National Church scheme is adverse to it." 

llof'er Williams was arraigned and banished in 1635 for 
liolding " that the magistrate ought not to punish bi'eaches of 
the first table or to enforce religious opinions or observances 
]>y hiNV." 

W'liihi the early settlers in this country from Europe came 
seeking freedom for themselves, they too often monopolized it 
and <b'nied it to others. The Congregational, the Church of 
J^igland, and the Quaker churches were all intolerant. The 
opposition to the abolition of religious tests was strongest in 



American Institutions. — The Ohurch. 87 

Massacliusetts, where Cougregationalism was the Established 
Church. 

One of the remote causes of the American Revolution was 
the intolerance and injustice practiced by state churchmen 
toward dissenters. Several of the American colonies, follow- 
ing the example of England, established churches supported by 
the state. 

England gave Magna Charta, and America gave the liberty 
of religion and its free exercise, to Christian civilization. 

" Tlie United States furnishes the first example in history 
of a government deliberately depriving itself of all legislative 
control over religion, which was justly regarded by all older 
governments as the chief support of public morality, order, 
peace, and prosperity. But it was an act of wisdom and 
justice rather than self-denial." "The Constitution did not 
create a nation, nor its religion and institutions. It found 
them ah-eady existing, and was framed for the purpose of pro- 
tecting them under a republican form of government." 

As a state, France's contribution to religious liberty has 
been characteristically vacillating. England has made many 
heroic and successful efforts in the direction of religious lib- 
erty, but never has attained complete emancipation either for 
herself or her colonial dependencies. 

Religious liberty, insisted upon by William of Orange, was 
the corner-stone of the Dutch Republic. 

The religious toleration of Holland was the one element 
that contributed to its vast increase of both population and 
wealth. 

Judge Story said that the charter which Charles II. granted 
to Rhode Island in response to the appeal of Roger Williams 
was " the first royal proclamation of religious liberty for man 
as man that the world had heard since Christianity had 
ascended the throne of the Caesars." 

Religious tests were abolished by Article YI. of the Con- 
stitution of the United States, adopted in 1787, which declares 



88 Facing ilie Twentiefli Century. 

tliat all executive, legislative, and judicial officers of the 
United States and of the several States "shall be bound, 
by oath or affirmation, to support this constitution ; but no 
reli^nous test shall evei" be required as a qualification to any 
office or public trust under the United States," 

This is negative but partially prohibitory, and secures the 
state from ecclesiastical domination. 

Tlie First Amendment, adopted in 1791, prohibits Congress 
fiom making any law "respecting an establishment of religion 
(»!• pi'oliibiting the free exercise thereof." 

Jett'erson, the autlior of the Declaration of Independence, 
but who did not aid in framing the Constitution, wi'ote, in 
reference to the First Amendment : " I contemplate with sov- 
ereign reverence the act of the whole American people which 
declares that their legislature should ' make no law respecting 
an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof,' thus building a wall of separation between church 
and state." 

Tlie exclusion of atheists from office in New Jersey, Mary- 
land, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Ten- 
nessee, and the exclusion of clergymen in Delaware, Maryland, 
and Tennessee, constitute the only religious disabilities now 
existing in any of the United States. 

Tlie Baptists were the first body of English Christians that 
formulated and enforced the doctrine of religious liberty, and 
a British writer says of the declaration of this body in 1611 : 
" It is believed that this is the first expression of the absolute 
principle of liberty of conscience in the public articles of any 
body of Christians." 

Bancroft says of Roger Williams that " he was the first 
person in modern Cliristendom to assert in its plenitude the 
doctrine of the liberty of conscience, the equality of opinions 
before the law, and in its defense he was tlie harbinger of 
Milton, the precursor and superior of Jeremy Taylor." 

The principle of leligious liberty practically applied, most 



American Institutions — The Ohurcli. 89 

largely for Englisli-speaking peoples and notably for the 
American j)eople, liacl its birth in Holland. 

While Cromwell ruled in England there was for the first 
time in English history an approach to religious liberty, but 
this was exclusive and limited. 

The constitutions of all the forty-five States contain spe- 
cific provisions for the free exercise of religious belief and 
worship. 

The constitutions of thirty-one States provide specifically 
against the compulsory support of any church. 

The constitutions of thirty States provide specifically 
against the creation of an established church. 

The constitutions of twenty-eight States declare that no 
religious test shall be recpured as a qualification for oflice. 

The constitutions of twenty-two States contain specific pro- 
visions against sectarian appropriations to religious institu- 
tions, churches, and schools. 

Professor Bryce says : " Religious freedom has been gener- 
ally thought of in America in the form of freedom and 
equality as between different sorts of Christians, or at any 
rate different sorts of theists; persons opposed to religion 
altogether have till recently been extremely few everywhere 
and practically unknown in the South. The neutrality of the 
state cannot therefore be said to be theoretically complete. 

" The passion for equality in religious as well as in secular 
matters is everywhere in America far too strong to be braved, 
and nothing excites more general disapprobation than any 
attempt by an ecclesiastical organization to interfere in 
politics, 

" Christianity is in fact understood to be, though not the 
legally established religion, yet the national religion. So far 
from thinking their commonwealth godless, the Americans con- 
ceive that the religious character of a government consists in 
nothiuo- but the religious belief of the individual citizens and 
the conformity of their conduct to that belief. They deem 



90 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

tlie ii-enerul acceptance of Christianity to be one of the main 
souR'es of their national prosperity, and their nation a special 
object of the divine favor. The legal position of a Christian 
ohinvh is ill the United States simply that of a voluntary 
association, or group of associations, corporate or uuincor- 
porate, under the ordinary law." 

Ill this country all churches and denominations have legal 
e.jiiality ; "The Church " is a meaningless phrase in America. 

Religious toleration marks the progress of the world toward 
religious liberty, but it is not religious liberty. 

Toleration which may be withdrawn means disapproval 
primarily, and then grudging concession. 

Lord Stanhope in 1827 said: "The time was when tolera- 
tion was craved by dissenters as a boon ; it is now demanded 
as a rio-ht ; but a time will come when it will be spurned as 



an insult." 



Judo-e Cooley says: "It is not toleration which is estab- 
lished in our system, but religious liberty." 

We take for granted that freedom of conscience is the gift 
of God, and this logically requires freedom in its exercise. 

America's contribution to religious liberty. 

Without attempting the expression of personal opinion on 
America's contribution to religious liberty, ^ve simply sum- 
mon a few competent witnesses. 

Lieljer said : " Conscience lies beyond the reach of govern- 
ment. The liberty of worship is one of the primordial rights 
of man, and no system of liberty can be considered compre- 
hensive which does not include guarantees for the free exer- 
cise of this right. It belongs to American liberty to separate 
entirely the institution which has for its o])ject the support 
and diffusion of religion from the political government." 

David Dudley Field, in 1893, in a paper on "American 
Progress in .lurisprudence," said: "If we had nothing else to 



Americcm Instit/iitions. — The Church. 91 

boast of, we could claim with justice that, first among the 
nations, we of this country made it an article of organic 
law that the relations between man and his Maker were a 
private concern into which other men had no right to 
intrude." 

Ex-Chief Judge Andrews of the Court of Appeals of New 
York State wrote : " The American States, for the first time 
in the history of governments, have made it a part of their 
fundamental law that the civil power shall neither estab- 
lish nor maintain any form of religion, and that religious 
belief shall not be subject to the coercive power of the state. 
This is a contribution by America to the science of govern- 
ment." 

Dr. Schaff said : " This relationship of church and state 
marks an epoch. It is a new chapter in the history of Chris- 
tianity, and the must important one which America has so far 
contriljuted." 

The founder of the American republic in his farewell 
address showed that he was both animated with hope for the 
new nation and solicitous for its future when he coupled 
national prosperity with the Christian religion and Christian 
morality. 

Daniel Webster deemed the advance of rationality so great 
in this nation that only the Christian religion could be 
regarded as meeting its demands. 

In respect to morals and religion it is irapossil:)le for the 
state to be either neutral or indifferent. If the prevailing 
religious sentiment and profession of the people are Christian, 
that nation is Christian. On this ground we assert that the 
American nation is a Christian nation. While the Christian 
spirit of justice and humanity pervades it, and while its 
framers were believers in God and in future rewards and 
punishments, the name of God does not appear in the Con- 
stitution of the United States. An overruling Providence in 
the affairs of nations is recognized in the Declaration of 



92 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Indepeiuleiice, in most of the State constitutions, and in the 
colonial cliaiters. The Declaration appeals to the " Snprenie 
Judge of the world," and speaks of "reliance on the pro- 
tection of divine Providence." 

Goldwiu Smith says: "Not democrac)^ in America, but 
free Cliristiauity in America, is the real key to the study of 
the people and their institutions." 

Georo-e Bancroft said : "Vindicating the right of individu- 
ality even in religion, and in religion above all, the new 
nation dares to set the example of accepting in its relations to 
God the principle first divinely ordained in Judea. It left 
the management of temporal things to the temporal power; 
l>ut the American constitution, in harmony with the people 
of the several states, withheld from the federal government 
the power to invade the home of reason, the citadel of con- 
science, the sanctuary of the soul ; and not from indifference, 
hut that the infinite s[)irit of eternal truth might move in 
its freedom and purity and power." 

While b)' the decisions of the supreme courts of New York 
and Pennsylvania Christianity is declared to be a part of the 
common law of these commonwealths, we think it must be 
conceded that the highest legal authorities in this country 
ajrree that offenses against God and his laws cannot be 
punished under our laws unless they are also offenses against 
society. 

Sunday laws under our constitutional system cannot be 
sustained because of the religious dut}^ to observe Sunday 
as a holy day. But the civil Sunday is intrenched in our 
laws without infringing upon religious liberty. 

We will confine our testimony on this phase of our subject 
to the recently expressed opinion of Judge Cooley : " It is 
frequently said that Christianity is a part of the law of the 
land. In a certain sense and for certain purposes tliis is true, 
'I'lit' best features of the common law, and especially those 
which it'gaid the I'.iiiiily and six-ial relations; which compel 



American Institutions. — The Church. 93 

the parent to support the cliikl, the husbaud to support the 
wife ; wliich make the marriage-tie permanent and forbid 
polygamy — if not derived from, have at least been improved 
and strengthened by the prevailing religion and the teachings 
of its sacred book. But the law does not attempt to enforce 
the precepts of Christianity on the ground of their sacred 
character or divine origin. Some of those precepts, though 
we may admit their continual and universal obligation, we 
must nevertheless recognize as being incapable of enforcement 
by human laws." 

When the time shall come when, under the inspiration of 
religious liberty, the individual citizens of this republic and 
the citizens of all lands shall become free men by a saving 
and experimental knowledge of the truth, and shall become 
loyal and loving subjects of the Prince of Peace, then church 
and state will be united, not by legal enactments which 
impose unequal burdens and inflict unjust and discriminating 
penalties, but by the cohesive power of self-sacrificing Chris- 
tian love, that is a])ove law because it obeys law. Then the 
organic law of the state will be the expression of the Chris- 
tian life of the people, themselves the rulers and the ruled, 
and debates concerning the province of the state and the prov- 
ince of the church will no longer be heard, because the state 
will be Christian and Christians will constitute the state. 

RELIGIOUS EESOURCES. 

We are indebted to Henry K. Carroll, LL. D., Special 
Agent for Religious Statistics in the Eleventh Census of the 
United States, for the following Statistics of the Churches, cor- 
rected to April 1, 1898. 

The figures are for the United States only; no missions 
abroad are included. A number of denominations publish 
no statistics. For some of them careful estimates, made by 
the most competent persons, are given: 



94 



Facing fhe Tioentieth Cenfury. 



DENOMINATIONS 


MINISTERS 


CHURCHES 


COMMUNICANTS 


Adventists. six bodies, .... 


1,041 


2,140 


81,945 


Baptists, tliirteoii bodies, . . . 


32,597 


48,138 


4,232,962 


BretbriMj (Rivor), tliree bodies. 


179 


111 


4,739 


Bretlireii (Plymouth), four bodies, 




314 


6,661 


CaMiulics (Koinaii), .... 


10,911 


14,675 


8,378,128 


Catliolifs (six otlier bodies), . 


54 


42 


32,464 


Catholic Apostolie, .... 


95 


10 


1,491 


Chinese Temples, 




47 




Christadelphians, 




63 


1,277 


Christians, two bodies, .... 


1,500 


1,495 


121,500 


Ciiristiau Catholics, Dowie, 


7 


13 


5,000 


Christian Missionary Association, 


10 


13 


754 


Christian Scientists, .... 


3,500 


343 


40,000 


Christian Union, 


183 


294 


18,214 


Church of God, 


460 


580 


38,000 


Church Triumphant 




12 


384 


Church of the New Jerusalem, 


139 


150 


7,674 


Connnunistic Societies, six bodies. 




30 


3,930 


Cong-regationalists, .... 


5,465 


5,625 


630,000 


Disciples of Christ, .... 


5,780 


10,029 


1,051,079 


Dunkards, four bodies, .... 


2,720 


1,026 


101,194 


Evang-elical, two bodies, 


1,421 


2,219 


151,770 


Friends, four bodies 


1,462 


1,093 


117,474 


Friends of the Temple, .... 


4 


4 


340 


German Evangelical Protestant, . 


45 


55 


36.500 


German Evangelical Synod, . 


878 


1,130 


194,618 


Jews, two bodies, ..... 


301 


570 


143,000 


Latter-Day Saints, two bodies. 


2,600 


1,200 


297,3 


Lutherans, twe)ity-one bodies. 


6,625 


10,738 


1,507,466 


Waldenstrom ians, 


140 


150 


20,000 


Mennonites, twelve bodies. 


1,021 


631 


54,544 


Methodists, seventeen bodies, 


35,232 


50,948 


5,735,898 


Moravians, ...... 


120 


112 


14,220 


Presbyterians, twelve bodies, 


11,324 


14,701 


1,490,162 


Protestant Episcopal, two bodies, 


4,745 


6,186 


667,503 


Reformed, three bodies, 


1,762 


2,398 


357,253 


Salvationists, two bodies, 


3,094 


916 


47,000 


Schwcnkfeldians, ..... 


3 


4 


306 


Social Brethren, ..... 


17 


20 


913 


Society for Ethical Culture, 




4 


. 1,064 


Spiritualists 




334 


45,030 


Theosoj)hical Society, .... 




122 


3,000 


United Brethren, two bodies, 


2,424 


5,027 


280,117 


Unitarians, ...... 


335 


455 


70,000 


Universalists, 


771 


783 


47,315 


Independent Congregations, . 


54 


156 


14,126 


Total in tlie United States, 


139,579 


185,106 


26,054,385 



Note— Net gains in Communicants for 1897, 766,309. Unofficial estimates place the total number of 
Communicauta January 1, 1899, at over 27,500,000, and the net gains for 1898 at 862,000. 



American Institutions. — The Church. 95 

This is unquestionably an impressive statement. If it 
shows that Christianity is greatl}^ divided in this country, so 
thoroughly devoted to the idea of a " a free church in a free 
state," it does not indicate that it lacks vigorous life and 
friiitfuluess. A comparison of the totals for 1898 with those 
of live years ago will prove that there has been a very sub- 
stantial increase. The Roman Catholic body, which has been 
more liberally helj^ed by the immense immigration from 
foreign countries in the last half century than any other 
denomination, thrives in the free soil of America much better 
than in those countries where it is the state church and the 
only church. 

The material prosperity of the religious bodies marches 
with their advance in numerical strength. The net gain of 
communicants for 1897 was upward of 766,000. There was 
also a net increase in the number of ministers of 5550, and of 
church organizations of 3154. It should be remembered that 
the increase of ministers means a corresponding increase in the 
free contributions by which they are wholly supported, and 
that the increase in churches could not take place without 
large expenditures for new buildings, furnishings, etc. New 
churches also require additional money for current expenses, 
for fuel, lighting, insurance, service of various kinds, etc. 
This is supplied by free offerings. No provisions are made 
in the annual budgets of States, United States, Territories 
or districts, counties or municipalities, for the erection or 
maintenance of churches or for the salaries of ministers, 
except those who are employed in the public service as 
chaplains. 

The burden of church support is cheerfully borne by those 
who enjoy the privileges of public worship afforded by the 
several denominations. Not only so, but millions of dollars 
are raised annually to conduct missionary enterprises in 
foreign lands where Christianity is thought to be specially 
needed. These missions exist even in those lands which 



96 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

have loiit^ bad all the known adv^antages of state churches. 
The state in our own land contributes nothing to the church 
directly, although it is true that it remits the taxes on property 
used for public worship, not because it desires in this way 
to assist in propagating religion, but because of the moral, 
intellectual, and educational influence of the churches. The 
acro-reo-ate value now represented by chui'ch property dedicated 
to public worship cannot be much less than $900,000,000. 
It was $680,000,000 in 1890, when the last Federal Census 
was taken, and the increase can hardly be less than $220,- 
000,000 since. This is a monument not only to the belief of 
the people in religion, but to their devotion to the idea of 
the support and control of churches entirely free from all 
interference of civil government. 



AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.— THE SCHOOL. 

FREE COMMON-SCHOOL SYSTEM. 

The Father of his Country declared that " Knowledge in 
ev^ery country is the surest basis of public happiness." In 
his farewell address he adjured the nation thus: "Promote, 
then, as a matter of pri;nary importance, institutions for the 
general diffusion of knowledge." 

Tiie author of the Constitution of the United States said : 
" Education is the only sure foundation that can be devised 
for the preservation of freedom and hap])iness. 

" Eflucate and inform the whole mass of the people. 
Eiial)le them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace 
and oi'der, and they will preserve them." 

The savior of the nation said : " Resolve that either the 
state or nation, or both combined, shall support institutions 
of learning sufficient to afford to every child growing up in 
the land tlie ojiportiinity of a good common-school education." 

Perhaps never in any (!(|iial space of time in our history 



American Institutions. — The School. 97 

was the question of the coniDion schools so extensively 
considered, or so thoroughly discussed, as during the past 
twenty years. Never has so much valuable time been profit- 
ably spent in the consideration of the best methods of 
instruction, of the best training for teachers, and of all the 
phases of subjects pertaining to the well-being of the schools. 
It augurs well for the rising generation and thus for the future 
of the republic ; and we believe that the highest reward in 
the gratitude of the future will come to those who lay 
broadly and well the foundations of the American public- 
school system. 

Common schools and popular education, as now understood, 
were unknown among ancient nations. The origin of the 
common school is found in the Christian Church. It natu- 
rally flows out from the life of its beneficent founder in the 
recognition of the value of human life as such, and the essential 
dignity of individual man, not dependent on the accidents of 
birth and rank. The Christian clergy early recognized and 
assumed the duty of educating the people. Councils ordered 
provisions for the education of the rich and the poor without 
distinction. Churches and schools were founded side by side. 
Monasteries were often the academies, the libraries, and the 
universities of the early times. But the schools thus estab- 
lished were far removed from the common schools of our day. 
The meager instruction was largely in church dogma and 
scholastic theology. The schools then resembled the parish 
schools of later times more than the common schools of this 
day. Wars and civil commotions have, through the centuries, 
interrupted the education of the common people. But the 
fundamental idea of educating all the people was never lost 
in the Christian Church, and it finally issued in the common 
school. Luther's ideas of schools were almost identical with 
the common-school system now in vogue in this country. 
In 1527, through his influence, Saxony established a free- 
school system. The Swiss Reformers and John Knox 



98 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

of Scotland advocated this educational method. The pre- 
eniinence of Prussia, which gives the model for all Germany 
in the direction of common education, where the state rules 
its schools as strictly as its army, dates back only to the first 
decade of the present century. Every country in Europe in 
late years has evinced, with some success, a great interest in 
popular education, each striving in its own way to establish 
a scliool system adapted to its peculiar wants. 

In the United States the completest and most successful 
trial of the common school has been made. The first settlers 
of Massachusetts and Connecticut immediately made provision 
for the education of their children, and the early colonial 
legislatures required a school in every settlement of consider- 
able numbers. Emigrants from these States to the Middle and 
AVestern States carried the common-school system with them. 

The Hon. Andrew S. Draper claimed at Saratoga, in July, 
1890, before the State Teachers' Association, that *' the first 
pul>lic school in America of which we have any knowledge 
was upon Manhattan Island. Tlie principle that all the 
property should educate all the children of the people was 
first enforced there. It was in the colony of New York that 
teachers were first required to be certified or licensed. New 
York was the first State in the Union to levy a general tax 
for the encouragement of elementary schools, as she was also 
the first to establish a permanent State common school fund, 
and the supervision of elementary schools. She was the fii'st 
to especially provide for the education of teachers, and is no^v 
doing more for the professional training of teachers than any 
other. The institute system was first established in New 
York. She was the first to provide school district libraries, 
and the first to publish a journal exclusively devoted to the 
interests of common schools. The first local association of a 
permanent character in the country among school teachers 
was in New York City, and the first State Teachers' conven- 
tion in the country was held at Utica." 



American Institutions. — The School. 99 

Since 1865, when the great Civil War ended, the Southern 
States, in the face of great obstacles, have made commendable 
exertions to establish public schools. Every State in the 
Union has now a common-school system in varied stages of 
honest approach to efficiency. In Europe the national gov- 
ernment controls the schools. In the United States each 
State passes such laws on this subject as it pleases. The sup- 
port of common schools in this country is derived from various 
sources. Once it came from town treasuries and from rate- 
bills. This last source of revenue is now abandoned in all the 
States. Now common schools receive tlieir support from 
three sources : first, income of permanent funds ; second, taxa- 
tion ; third, voluntary subscriptions or contributions. The 
conditions of admission of most of the States, since the origi- 
nal Union was formed, have eml)odied large landed provisions 
for the support of common schools in these States. Public 
schools, common schools, or free schools are designations 
applied to schools established by legislative enactments, sup- 
ported by funds derived from legislative appropriations for 
tlie free elementary education of all the children in a com- 
munity or State. The extensive common-school systems of 
large cities are usually chiefly supported by local taxation. 
The general necessity for every community to promote the 
diffusion of education among all classes is presupposed in the 
support of schools either wholly or in part by the state. 
Democratic governments have always recognized this princi- 
ple, but the foes of democracy oppose and seek to overthrow 
it. The safety and prosperity of Sparta are declared to have 
been based upon the education of every child of the ruling 
classes in the community, and public schools were furnished 
also for all the ruling classes of the citizens of Athens ; but 
the free States of the American republic have attempted to 
carry out this principle to the fullest extent, providing free 
education of diiferent grades for all classes, recognizing the 
principle that all the people are sovereigns, making common 



1 f^O Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

schools iiistitutious of dignity, where the children of the rich 
and [K»or may meet together on a commcm footing, and 
('(juallv share the advantages and blessings of education with- 
out rlass distinctions, which are looked upon as foes of 
th'uiocracy. 

As we have seen, the idea of universal education was 
develo[)ed in the Christian Church, and for centuries popular 
e<lucation was in the hands of the Church. Now in this 
country it is in the hands of the state, and the religious ques- 
tion, or the question of the amount of moral and religious 
training, has reached a very perplexing stage. 

The religious question in the conduct of common schools is 
claimins increased attention in all countries where even the 
pretense of religious liberty exists. It only admits of easy 
solution by the hasty and thoughtless. Perhaps no single 
uniform solution will ever be reached. 

Dr. Schaff says : "An immense interest like the education 
of a nation of cosmopolitan and pan-ecclesiastical composition 
cannot be regulated by a logical syllogism. Life is stronger 
and more elastic than logic. It is impossible to draw the 
precise line of separation between secular and moral, and 
between moral and religious education." 

The danger from the religious controversy to the common 
school has, fi'om time to time, appeared, and has been, in some 
instances, successfully met. The principal assaults have been, 
and they have taken on great boldness, in the direction of 
demands for the division of the school fund on denomina- 
tional lines. 

But the demand for the division of the school moneys 
among the several religious denominations for maintaining 
separate schools cannot be assented to without annihilating 
the common-school system, and without the destruction of the 
American princi})le of the complete separation of church and 
state. 

Judge Cooley has said: "Those things which are not law- 



American Institutions. — The School. 101 

fill uuder auy of the American constitutioiis may be stated 
thus : first, auy law respecting an establishment of religion ; 
second, compulsory support by taxation or otherwise of reli- 
gious instruction ; third, compulsory attendance upon religious 
worship ; fourth, restraints upon the free exercise of religion, 
according to the dictates of conscience ; fifth, restraints upon 
the expression of religious belief." 

The relation of religious instruction to the common schools 
and the demand for the sectarian division of the funds 
designed for the support of public schools are, as we have 
realized, perplexing questions. 

The legal status of the common school in each State, from 
both the secular and the religious standpoint, is dependent 
upon that State's constitution and its legislative enactments. 
There are in these interests certain fundamental principles 
common to tlie entire country, certain uniform laws bearing 
upon the common-school system, giving it a kind of autonomy, 
and so to speak, establishing a non-partisan republic of letters 
within the body politic. 

Grant said : "Encourao;e free schools and resolve that not 
one dollar in money appropriated to their support, no matter 
how raised, shall be appropriated to the support of any secta- 
rian school." 

(xarfield said : " Whatever helps the nation can justly 
afford should be generously given to aid the States in sup- 
porting common schools, ])ut it would be unjust to our people 
and dangerous to our institutions to apply any portion of the 
revenues of the nation or of the States to the support of sec- 
tarian schools." 

The people dividing as they will into sects and creeds, the 
individual interests of each sect must be advanced b}^ its own 
ett'ort and at its own cost. The school system uninterrupted has 
all the power necessaiy to the attainment of its legitimate pur- 
pose, and that is, the well-being of the state through an intel- 
ligent and moral citizenship. 



102 Facing the Twentietli Century. 

It draws from tlie people the means for its suj^port. It Las 
responsibility incident to authority, a moral responsibility 
and a legal accountability. 

Supported by all, and free to all, there must be nothing 
about it to which any unprejudiced citizen can rationally 
object for conscience' sake, and each must use it so as not 
to interfere with the rights and duties of others. 

The governmental power which assesses and collects taxes 
cannot be employed to promote or repress the interest of any 
secular or religious section of the citizenship, or for any pur- 
pose less than the impartial and highest good of all. Keli- 
gious education belonging primarily to the family and the 
Church, the state guaranteeing religious liberty, all denomi- 
nations which desire to do so are permitted to establish 
church schools, colleges, and seminaries at their own expense. 

The state cannot oblige the church to teach the rights and 
needs and duties of citizenship. That duty involves both the 
rights of the child and of the state, and rests largely upon the 
parents. The state can compel the performance of this duty 
and can secure these rights by the enactment and enforcement 
of compulsory laws, binding upon parents and guardians, 
as the condition of the free existence of civil and religious 
liberty. If the church pretends in its schools to give the 
education that the state rightfully requires, then the state 
must know the fact by having supervisory access to these 
schools. When the limits of church and state authority in 
matters of education are properly defined, — and they will be, — 
and when by each their moral and legitimate work is honestly 
performed, without arrogant attempts at usurpation on either 
hand, harmony will ensue. The American people will secure 
this result if they are obliged to conquer a peace between the 
contending parties. 

From an able and exhaustive report to the government of 
New Zealand upon state education, by Chevalier Laishley, we 
may learn some important lessons. He says : 



American Institutions. — 2 he School. 103 

" The following are the rnaiu principles recognized in the 
United States as relating to education : 

" The existence of a republic, unless all its citizens are 
educated, is an admitted impossibility. 

" The productive industry of the country is known to have 
a direct relation to the diffusion of educated intelligence 
therein. The modern industrial community cannot exist 
without free popular education carried cut in a system of 
schools ascending from the primary grade to the university. 

" By the Constitution of the United States, no powers are 
vested in the central government of the nation, unless the 
same relate immediately to the support and defense of the 
whole people, to their intercourse with foreign powers, or to 
the subordination of the several States composing the Union. 

" The free public education of the children of the United 
States depends everywhere upon the action taken by the sev- 
eral States and by the citizens of those States in the several 
localities. 

" Very great allowances must be made in view of the colored 
race element, a result of the abolition of slavery, whereby some 
additional millions became entitled to claim State I'ights, and 
of the vast number of immigrants of various nationalities con- 
tinually pouring in, to whom the system of the majority has 
to be adapted. These facts color State laws and administra- 
tions, and explain much that would be otherwise inexplicable. 

" Primary schools afford gratuitous instruction — it may be 
termed secular — and attendance is not as a rule compulsory, 
and even where compulsory, is only so for a limited term. 

" Sectarian instruction is not given in the public schools. It 
is quite a common practice to open or close the public schools 
with Bible reading and prayei'. Singing of I'eligious hymns 
by the entire school is still more common. 

"The influence of the schools is wholly on the side of 
morality and religion. Beligious teaching, however, is entirely 
entrusted to church and family agencies ; but the Com- 



104 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

missioner iuforms me that these maintain very full provision 
for the work. 

" It may ]je \vorth remembering, that, in writing upon ' Na- 
tional Education in America,' the Quarterly Revieiv of April, 
1875, states, ' In no country, indeed, as yet, has it been found 
possible to maintain, permanently, a system of unsectarianly 
Christian common schools against the pleas and persistence of 
the Roman Catholics.' " 

In connection with our common-school system, for which 
Americans ought to be grateful, and of which they ought to 
be comraendably proud, there are many encouraging facts. 

Professor Bryce, that philosophical student of our institu- 
tions, said: "Common education is more prevalent in the 
United States than in any country in the world." 

In the United States we have over fourteen and a half 
million children enrolled in the public schools alone. How 
to increase this attendance, how to lower absenteeism, how to 
waste no money, no energy, no time, but to make every eifort 
tell; what methods are best, what studies are essential, what 
influences are to be stimulated, how to reach the hearts, the 
minds, the consciences of these children; ^vhat moral and 
patriotic ideals to put before them — these are matters of most 
profound concern. Our public schools require over 400,000 
teachers and cost annually over $187,000,000. These figures 
simply show the magnitude of the system and are staggering 
even to the imagination. The future of the republic is largely 
and safely committed to these 14,652,492 children, and to the 
liundreds of thousands in private and sectarian schools — to 
these, and not to any of the political parties. 

In several States of the Union more than fifty per cent, of 
all the tax imposed for State purposes is for the support of the 
common schools. These schools in many localities and States 
have attained such high excellence that the best private 
schools have been obliged largely to model after them, and 
this is the high ideal that constitutes the loyal inspiration of 




A Country Schoollwuse in Pennsylvania. 

A State Normal Shoool Building in Ohio. 

A Graded School Building in New York. 

REPRESENTATIVE STRUCTURES IN THE AMERICAN FREE COMMON- 
SCHOOL SYSTEM. 



American Institutions. — The School. 105 

all lovers of the republic. The army of teacLers and snperin- 

teudeuts and trustees, — usually the most cultured and public- 
spirited persons in every community, interested in the common 
schools, — imperfect in culture and character as they are, 

constitute largely the power which molds our civilization 
and determines the character of our citizenship. 

SCHOOL STATISTICS REPORT OF 1896-97. 

ENROLLMENT. 

Total enrollment in public schools, 14,652,492 

Total enrollment in private schools, .... 1,317,000 
Ratio of enrollment in private schools to total enrollment, 

per cent., ....".... 8.25 

Total enumeration between the ages of 5 and 18, . . 21,082,472 

ATTENDANCE. 

Average daily attendance, 10,089,620 

Increase over preceding year, ..... 342,605 

Average daily attendance to each 100 enrolled, . . 68.87 

TEACHERS. 

Total male teachers in public schools (32.6 per cent, of 

the whole), 131,386 

Total female teachers in public schools, .... 271,947 

Total, 403,333 

SALARIES. 

Average salary male teachers, per month, . . . #44.62 

Average salary female teachers, per month, . . . 38.38 

SCHOOL BUILDINGS. 

Total number of public school buildings, . . . 246,823 

VALUATION AND EXPENDITURE. 

Estimated cash value of school propertj^ . . . $469,069,086 

Amount expended for 1896-97, 187,320,602 

Amount per capita of population, 2.62 

SOURCES OF REVENUE. 

Revenue from State and local taxes, .... 163,023,294 

Revenue from permanent funds, 7,846,648 

Revenue from other sources, 17,771,301 

Total, $188,641,243 



106 Facing the Twentieth Centurij. 

The following statistics exhibit the special provisions for 
the training of teachers and the opportunities afforded for 
securing secondary education at public and private expense : 

SCHOOLS STUDENTS 

Public normal schools and institutions for the training 

of teachers, '701 54,039 

Private normal schools and institutions for the train- 
ing of teachers, ...... V86 35,895 



Totals, 1,487 89,934 

Of these students about 70 per cent, are females. 



SCHOOLS MALES FEMALES 

Public High-schools, .... 5,109 173,445 235,988 

Private High-schools, .... 2,100 53,218 



54.415 



Totals, 7,209 226,663 290,403 

HIGHER EDUCATION ACCESSIBLE TO ALL. 

A higher education is substantially accessible to all youth 
in the land. But what do we mean by higher education? 
We mean that form of education received in colleges, uni- 
versities, and in post-graduate courses of study. AYe have 
said this higher education is a popular need. AVith the prog- 
ress of our civilization, there is an increasing demand for 
more advanced and thorouo-h forms of education than seemed 
called for in the earlier years of our country's history. The 
common school and high school — excellent as are theii' appli- 
ances so far as they go — are but preparator}^, after all, to the 
successful prosecution of higher studies. In the forming days 
of the republic, while its foundations were yet being laid, 
the ]>riiiiaiy and practical elements of mental discipline and 
educational acciuii'ement might answer; but with the further 
and fuller development of the nation, there is an increasing 
population, a greater appreciation of the arts and sciences, and 
a more strenuous competition in all the walks of life. 



American Institutions. — The School. 107 

There is a natural philosophy illustrated by every phase of 
popular education in its relation to the evils of illiteracy and 
ignorance. It is this : " Give light, and the darkness will 
dispel itself." This whole country — including the lowest 
stratum of population — is more intellectually alert and eager 
than ever before in American history. Men and women of 
all classes — under the tuition of the platform, the pulpit, and 
the press — are more generall}^ wide awahe than are any of the 
other peoples of the earth. Demands intellectually are more 
imperative than ever before. Those who would meet these 
demands must be in the advance. To be a leader of public 
thought or even largely influential, one must be better 
equipped than the average citizen of the republic. There 
may as yet be scarcely any educational test for the privilege 
of suffrage, but more and more there are coming to be 
advanced educational tests for high consideration, weighty 
influence, or accepted leadership in any of the trades, arts, or 
professions. 

In England, as the public schools were largely, for many 
years, on a charity foundation, so the higher education has 
been practically restricted to a few. There until recently but 
limited free education has been afforded to the middle classes, 
and the higher education is not free to any class. The edu- 
cational system of the United States was primarily founded 
on the public-school idea. 

The terms college and university are often used inter- 
changeably, and not without warrant ; but in more recent 
years, the university idea is moi'e inclusive and far-reaching 
than was the old-time college idea. Both colleges and uni- 
versities are incorporated institutions. It is a long way from 
the day when, in 1647, the Massachusetts colony passed a law 
pi'ovidiug that every township of fifty householders should 
appoint a schoolmaster to teach the children to read and 
write, to be supported by the parents or the public at large — 
to the day when an education can be obtained, at compara- 



108 Faehg the Twentieth Century. 

lively sliglit expense, by our American youtb, witliin our 
own (lonmin, as good as can be had by the richest of the 
Englisli aristocracy, in Camljridge or Oxford, or in the far- 
famed universities of Continental Europe. 

The orio-in of each of our colleg-es and universities, if 
investigated and brought out in detail, would be not only 
interesting, but in very many instances might read like 
romance. When, in 163(3, the colony of Massachusetts voted 
to establish the first college in America, only two thousand 
dollars was the original investment, and the college was 
located sufficiently near the capital of the State to be secure 
against the attacks of prowling red men. Our colleges and 
universities are supported mainly by the investment of 
moneys granted by the state or contributed by our great 
denominations or by the munificence of private individuals. 
Within a single decade the sum of twenty-three million 
dollars was contributed to the cause of the higher education 
by private individuals. The tuition in many of our great 
State and other institutions is free. 

The post-graduate courses of our colleges and universities 
are coming to be so extensive and thorough that those most 
ambitious for advanced education and equipment scarcely 
need to go abroad. 

The standards of admission and graduation are being 
raised with successive decades, and the cui'riculum of study 
is being expanded yearly by the elective system. Originally 
the ecclesiastical idea Av^as very conspicuous in the founding 
of the American college. Not a few of our higher institu- 
tions, l)oth East and West, owe their origin and chief encour- 
agement and support to the intelligent interest of the 
Christian ministr}^ In even the State universities of our day 
a very large proportion of the professors and tutors consists of 
members of the Church. More than half our college students 
are professing Christians. 

There are l)r(>;id oppoi'tuuities afforded ^vomen in the 



American Institutions. — The Sclwol. 109 

higher education of America. Three young women gradu- 
ated at Oberlin College in 1841. They are said to have 
been the first women who ever received a college degree in 
America. Co-education is now the rule in at least two-thirds 
of our higher institutions of learning. Colleges for the 
advanced education of women only are multiplying with each 
decade. To-day the higher education is within the reach of 
any ambitious student of either sex. 

Of the thousands graduating from our many colleges and 
universities a large percentage works its way through. 
AVhile this is the more readily done in view of the free 
scholarships which may often be secured, it tells of character 
whicli assui'es success in life. 

From the Report of the United States Connnissioner of 
Education for 1896-97, which gives the latest authentic 
statistics, we collate tlie following concerning higher educa- 
tion in the United States : 

Universities and Colleges for men and for both sexes, . . . 472 

Tiiese are classed as follows: Non-sectarian, 114; Methodist Episco- 
pal, 86; Roman Catholic, 59; Presbyteiian, 54; Baptist, 51; Congrega- 
tional, 24; Lutheran, 28; Christian, 17; United Brethren, 8; Friends, 
7; Reformed, 7; Protestant Episcopal, 5; Universalist, 4; German and 
United Evangelical, 3; Seventh Day Adventists, 3; Methodist Protest- 
ant, 2; all others, 5. 

Male students in these institutions, ...... 55,755 

Female students in these institutions, 16,536 

Colleges for women only, ....... 157 

Number of students in these, .... ... 14,842 

Schools of Technology, 48 

Male students in these, 8,907 

Female students in these, ....... 1,094 



1 1 Facing the TwtnUeth Century. 

Schools of law, medicine, theology, etc., '/SS, as follows : 



NO. OF 
WOMEN 



Theology, 
Law, 

Meilical, 

Dental, 

Pharmacy, 

Veterinary, 

Nurse-training, 

Totals, . 



SCHOOLS STUDENTS 

157 8,17;3 193 

77 10,449 131 

150 24,377 1,583 

48 6,460 150 

43 3,462 131 

12 364 

298 7,263 6,705 



785 60,512 7,783 



The aggregate valuation of the huildings and grounds and the scien- 
tific apparatus of these institutions is '1341,230,000. 



EDUCATION OUT OF SCHOOL. 



The awakening of people out of scliool to the possibility 
of mental growth for people of all classes and of all ages is 
one of the most important missions in our day. Apathy and 
neglect in matters educational work great damage not only 
to'^the flippant classes of society, but to the toiling masses, 
who, although endowed with natural gifts, surrender them- 
selves to the groveling and ignorant life. 

Education is possible outside of the schoolroom. It is 
impossible to overstate the value of high school, college, and 
the processes of advanced training in universities ; but we 
should not be blind to the fact that many people deprived of 
the superior advantages of these institutions have attained 
great power, achieved great success, and enriched the world 
by their conti'ibutions to the departments of science, art, and 
literature. It is not only men of massive mind and native 
genius who have illustrated this fact, but in all spheres of 
life we find people lacking educational facilities who do 
acquire literary and intellectual powei', and whose lives of 
labor — sometimes of lowly labor — are enriched by their 
appreciation of the better things of life. 

There are between fourteen and sixteen millions of our 



American Institutions. — Tlie School. Ill 

American people in the schools to-day — from the kinder- 
garten to the university. There are from fifty-six to sixty 
millions who are to-day out of school. Some of them have 
completed the formal educational process ; some of them 
have prematurely abandoned the school ; and some have 
never availed themselves of its most initial provisions. 

For this large and varied and important majority of our 
great American public Chautauqua has made appeal, and 
initiated provisional plans for a course of reading and study 
out of school, and all the way through the years of life. 

In its originality, in its well-defined purpose, and in the 
scope of its influence, perhaps there is no institution in the 
country more distinctively American than what is known as 
" The Chautauqua Movement," for extending the benefits of 
a liberal education and university outlook to persons out of 
school. The idea had its conception in the fertile mind and 
generous heart of Rev. Dr. John H. Vincent, now a bishop of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church, and has been nurtured and 
perfected by him from its birth to the present time. 

Chautauqua has especially put emphasis on the possibilities 
of intellectual and literary work by men and women of 
mature years. 

The Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle provides a 
course of home reading for busy people. To complete this 
reading as given in the books and the magazine — The 
Chautauquan — requires about forty minutes a day for ten 
months in the year. The distinguishing feature of this 
course of reading is that it attempts to cover the college 
student's outlook. It gives readings in ancient, mediaeval, 
and modern history, with an estimate of and specimens from 
the various distinguished writers of the ages. It discusses 
the popular side of science, and takes up, in a course of four 
years, the entire world with which the college student in his 
course becomes familiar. While the boy or girl in college 
studies Greek, Latin, German, or French, and becomes a criti- 



112 Juicing ilie Twentieth Century. 

cal student of language, literature, science, and art; the 
mother at home, burdened with domestic responsiljilities, may, 
by reading attentively every day for less than an hour, be 
ai)le to know the world unto which her children are intro- 
duced through their college training. She and they may talk 
intelli<'-ently together about the same historic characters, the 
same «^reat writers and artists. She also gets insight into the 
phenomenal side of the sciences, and reads with some degree 
of thoroughness in the important world of sociology and 
political economy. By this admirable plan mother and chil- 
dren are kept together in sympathy and thought, and are able 
with delight and profit to converse together. It is veiy evi- 
dent that for such mothers college boys and girls must have 
the profoundest respect, and thus the horizon in which all 
live is substantially the same. 

The Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle makes it 
possible for men Avho lack early advantages to make up to 
some extent the deficiency of the other years. It does 
another thing : it gives college graduates the opportunity of 
reading in good English, in the world which they have 
explored during their college lives, but very often in a frag- 
mentary and superficial manner. 

The success of the Chautaucpia Literary and Scientific 
Circle is phenomenal. More than two hundred thousand 
names have been enrolled on its lists, and its graduates num- 
l)er many thousands. It would be impossible to compute the 
beneficent results of this educational movement. 

THE FREE PRESS AS AN EDUCATOR. 

The free press is one of the weightiest forces now at work 
ill the enlightenment and education of modern society. 
Wliether one stands in Printing House Square, New York 
City, surrounded by the shouting newsboys, or sits in the 
quiet retirement of the new Congressional Library in AVash- 
ington, amid the statuesque representatives of literature, 




HOE'S PRESS, 1899. 



American Institutions. — The Scliool. 113 

science, and art of every age, he must realize that the news- 
paper, the magazine, and the printed volume are potent 
factors in the development of American thought and charac- 
ter. " Thirty years ago," we are told, " the orators ruled 
America : to-day it is ruled by the editors." 

The invention, in Germany, of the art of printing by the 
use of movable types was initial to a marvelous increase in 
modern enlightenment. The familiar picture of Gutenberg, 
Faust, and Schoff er examining the proof sheets of one of their 
first ventures in the new typography marks in itself a new era 
in Western civilization. About the year 1438, in Strasburg, 
movable wooden types were first employed. Subsequently 
in Mainz, the first press of any size was set up. On it was 
printed a large folio Latin Bible in 1455. Amid legal and 
financial difficulties, in alternating experiences of ho^ie and 
fear, there were laid " the foundations of an art which was 
soon to dominate the world." To appreciate our debt of 
gratitude to John Gutenberg, it must be remembered that up 
to this time — the middle of the fifteenth century — all books 
had been written. Beautifully illuminated specimens of this 
raedipeval literature may to-day be seen in the British 
Museum and in many of the libraries of the land. Notwith- 
standing the multitude of scribes, transcribers, and illumi- 
nators found in the great universities and ecclesiastical 
establishments of Western Europe, no form of literature could 
be greatly popularized. Books, thus slowly provided by tlie 
calligrapher or illuminated or illustrated by painstaking hand 
artists became, of course, objects of luxury. Commanding 
high prices and valued for their richness and variety, they 
found tlieir place among the coveted treasures of the rich and 
princely. Dr. Josiah Strong says : " For thousands of years 
the sun of knowledge was below the world's horizon, and 
only the very top of the social pyramid could catch his 
beams." 

By " the freedom of the press " in this country is meant the 



114 Facing ihe Iweiitietli Century. 

freedom our people have to print and publish their thoughts, 
news, and opinions on religious, political, or other subjects, 
without any official supervision or restriction from church or 
state— subject only to fixed laws regularly and fairly admin- 
istered. Said John Milton : '' Give me liberty to know, to 
utter, and to argue freely, according to conscience, above all 
other liberties." 

The censorship of the press, affecting the free expression and 
publication of thought, both restrictive and corrective, was 
considered for centuries a necessary part of government in 
Great Britain. By order of the Star Chamber, in the reign of 
Elizabeth, the right of printing was restricted to the precincts 
of Loudon, Oxford, and Cambridge. Under its authority the 
number of printers and presses was limited. An officer called 
the " messenger of the press " was empowered to search for 
unlicensed presses and publications. This restraint of the 
press continued long after the abolition of the Star Chamber, 
called " the great censorial authority of the Tudor period." It 
was during the reign of William III. that, in the words of 
Lord Macaulay, " English literature was emancipated forever 
from the control of the government." Yet we do well to 
remember the counter-thought of Sir AVilliam Berkeley, Gov- 
ernor of Virginia, who, in 1671, wrote back to England : '^ I 
thank God there are no free schools or printing, and I hope 
we shall not have them here these three hundred years. For 
learning has brought heresy and disobedience and sects into 
the world, and printing has divulged them, and libels against 
the best government. God keep us from both." 

In the Constitution of the United States, as in the constitu- 
tions of many of the States, are found strong declarations in 
favor of the freedom of the press. 

While this freedom in our country differs essentially from 
that prevailing in other countries, large libert}" of the press 
is to-day conceded in most European states. How far the 
political conditions of Continental governments may have 



American Institutions. — The School. 115 

been influenced for the better by that of our own land we 
may not certainly say. The dates of a few political enact- 
ments are at least suggestive. It was by the Constitution of 
1867 that liberty of the press was finally secured to Austria- 
Hungary. By the Constitution of February 7, 1831, Belgium 
declared her press to be free. In France, while to print without 
authority was punishable with death in 1559, by the law of 
1881 the liberty of the press and of bookselling was finally 
asserted. In Germany, as in Italy, the liberty of the press 
began with the year 1848. The magnificent figure in bronze 
that looms up to welcome the curious traveler or illiterate 
immigrant entering the hospitable harbor of New York for 
the first time is a suggestive symbol of the meaning and mis- 
sion of the free press of America; it is, "Liberty Enlightening 
the World." 

The benefits of civil and religious liberty are chiefly due to 
the work of a free and fearless press. The average toiler in 
factory or in field to-day, among the populations of this broad 
land, is more intelligent and better informed than were the 
twenty-six barons in England who signed the Magna Charta. 
Of these, we are told, only three wrote their names; the 
remaining twenty-three could only make their mark. The 
spirit of narrow intolerance, born of ignorance and bigotry, 
has been often illustrated in the persecution of authors and in 
the authorized burning of books supposed to be harmful to 
the interests of state or church. Diocletian caused the 
Scriptures to be given to the flames. The writings of Arius 
were burned at the instance of the Council of Nicsea. But a 
veritable crusade against literature took a new impulse with 
the discovery of the art of printing. In his " Liberty of 
Unlicensed Printing," John Milton indignantly remonstrated 
against the work of the clerical censors appointed by the 
Council of Lateran in 1515. As if, said he, "St. Peter had 
bequeathed to them the keys of the press as well as .of Para- 
dise." Before the invention of printing the press was fettered 



lir> Facing the Twentieth Century. 

by the jealous and zealous espionage of the Roman Church. 
Anv expression of opinions offensive to her tastes, or in antag- 
onism of her authority, teachings, or supposed interests, she 
aimed to suppress or to control. 

In 1543 the Intpiisition decreed that no books should be 
printed without their leave. Booksellers, we are further 
informed, were recpiired to send in catalogues of their publi- 
cations. Literary proscription, for many years after this, was 
so determined that history tells us printing was driven from 
Italy to Switzerland and to Germany. Expurgatory indexes, 
issued by Kome at different times, have included the works 
of names as eminent in English history as those of Gibbon, 
Hallam, Locke, and Stuart Mill. Literary persecution and 
proscription have not been confined to the Latin countries 
alone; they have extended to others as well. In England, 
early translations of the Bible were suppressed. In fact, 
Tyudale's Version was publicly burned at St. PauFs Cross 
on Shrove Tuesday, 1527. In 1607 the English House 
of Conunons ordered Dr. Cowell's Law Dictionary to be 
burned l)ecause the book favored the Divine Right of King 
James I. 

The general enlightenment which a free press helps to 
secure is an educational force in itself. Education may be 
formal or informal. The free press, its enlightening influences 
recognized or unrecognized, is informal in its agency and 
effects. It may not aim to be an educator while in point of 
fact it is. One has said : " Machinery is making leisure, 
popidar government is distributing it, and the people are 
more and more expending it in gaining knowledge." With 
the application of steam to the means of locomotion and to 
the printing press, an amazing impulse was given to the cir- 
culation of books, periodicals, and dailies throughout the 
land. Improved postal facilities and the increase, expedition, 
and enterprise of our great express companies with cheap 
freightage and rapid transit of every kind — all are contribu- 



American Institutions. — Tlie School. 117 

ting to aid a free press iu the spread of popular intelligence. 
It is but tlie realization of the word of the prophet — " Many 
shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased." 
John Stuart Mill has said : " Almost all travelers are struck 
by the fact that every American is in some sense both a 
patriot and a person of cultivated intelligence. No such wide 
infusion of the ideas, tastes, and sentiments of educated minds 
has ever been seen elsewhere or conceived of as attainable." 
In 1884 the public libraries in the United States contained 
one volume to every two and a half of the population. The 
ne^vspaper press of this country is the most enterprising 
newsgatherer known in either hemisphere. Daniel Webster 
in a discussion on the influence of the press spoke as follows : 
" Every parent whose son is away from home at school should 
supply him with a newspaper. I well remember what a 
marked difference there was between those of my schoolmates 
who had and those who had not access to new^spapers. The 
first were always superior to the last in debate, composition, 
and general intelligence." 

The free press of America is largely instrumental in forming 
that public opinion which expresses itself in the votes of the 
majority and determines the political control of the govern- 
ment. If public opinion, under our republican form of 
government is, as it has been denominated, a new force in the 
world, it is the free press in America which most largely 
molds, directs, and intensifies that force. " The man behind 
the gun " was the all-important factor in the late war with 
Spain. The man behind the sermon, the lecture, or the speech 
has his influence on public thought, but much more has the 
man behind the free-press editorial. The press is the recog- 
nized organ of public opinion. It forms public opinion. It 
educates it as really as it expresses it. " The man on the 
cars " is a reading man. Book, magazine, or paper is usually 
in his hand. He may never have seen either college or high 
school. His is the informal education of the free press. He 



118 Facing the Twentieth Century, 

has opinions on tlie great questions of tlie day. He feels free 
to make them known. 

In estimating the free press as an educator, we must take 
into consideration not only the vast energies and enterprise of 
the distinctively secular press, with its enormous annual out- 
put of works literary, philosophic, and scientific, but we must 
think of the moral and religious uplift afforded the nations of 
the earth by the polyglot publications in this country and in 
Great Britain of the great Bible societies of the world. We 
may Avell be reminded of the historic fact in our own country 
that '' the first Congress assumed the right and perfomied the 
duty of a Bible society long before such an institution had an 
existence in the world." The many denominational publish- 
ing houses also have made their distinct contribution to the 
moral and religious betterment of the people of our own and 
of other lands. The great tract societies of the country 
have been an educational power in themselves. It is signifi- 
cant that the oldest religious newspaper ^vas named The 
Herald of Gospel Liberty, and was published at Portsmouth, 
N. IL, September 1, 1803. 

The English language is rapidly becoming a world language. 
If it be true that "it is the final competition of races for 
which the Anglo-Saxon is being schooled," it is evident that 
the free press of America is to be a mighty agency in the 
schooling. 

There are necessary limitations which must be put upon 
even the freedom of the press when that freedom is mis- 
takenly understood. Under even the best forms of govern- 
ment, men are free only to do right. They must not mistake 
license for liberty. The state has a right to guard itself 
against the machinations of the traitor. Society must protect 
itself against any assaults made on the foundations of morality. 
Even the free press may give us a literature that is pernicious 
rather than pure. It may be a demoralizing agency positive 
and widespread. Its influence for evil, as for good, may be 



American Institutions. — The School. 119 

incalculable. It may be '^ perdition literature," sapping tlie 
very foundations of morality and virtue. It may deprave the 
public taste, and eat out of the heart of the young and 
inexperienced every lofty sentiment and every noble desire. 
Joseph Cook once said : " There is a long tail to the kite of 
American journalism, and a considerable portion of it is 
bedraggled by the gutters." 

One justification of the absolute freedom of the press is 
found in the fact that when any particular newspaper estab- 
lishes a reputation for lying by manufacturing its news, or by 
continuous vilifying personal assaults, it loses its influence 
upon the public mind and is never thereafter taken seriously 
or given credibility ; and from its experience with one such 
newspaper the public comes to weigh suspiciously and care- 
fully the claims to credence of the entire pi'ess. Thus the 
public judgment sets bounds to the freedom of the press, and 
when it confounds license with liberty it loses its influence 
and becomes an object of scorn instead of an educator of 
opinion and a promoter of action. 

The United States Congress, by an enactment March 3, 
1873, prohibits the printing and circulation of obscene litera- 
ture. Men may abuse the liberty accorded to them under 
laws as beneficent as those of our republic, but they are 
responsible for such abuses. This fact is nobly educational. 
Added to this is the challenge made to an antagonistic public 
sentiment which, aside from the enactments of special laws, 
can demand the correction of these abuses. 

Another has said : 

" We seldom pass the pressroom of a large printing house 
or daily journal without being reminded of this impressive fact. 
We look upon one of these vast machines as a magazine of 
power ^vhich laughs to scorn the archimedean problem. It is 
a power with a lever as long as eternity, as subtle as thought, 
as quick as the sunlight, and resting on the fulcrum of the 
mind, bedded in the immortality of the soul. He who uses 



120 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

that power has a responsibility which sweeps in the lines of 
his active influence beyond the stars and upward to the bar of 
final accountability." 

The historic record between Franklin's Press of 1725 and 
Hoe's Press of 1899 eml^races the most important events, 
excepting only the event which gave birth to the Christian 
era, in the annals of time, and in the development of a civili- 
zation made possible by the illuminating and liberating power 
of a press which first asserted its own freedom and then 
demanded it for man. 

There are published in the United States 23,000 news- 
papers and periodicals. 

Of these about 2200 are published daily ; nearly 16,000 are 
weekly publications, and over 2000 are monthly. 

Over 800 are published in the interests of religion. 

Four hundred and sixty are devoted to education, about 
300 of these being college publications. 

Medicine and surgery are represented by 200, and science, 
mechanics, and art by about 300. 

Agricultural interests have 400 publications and trade and 
commerce have 1100. 

There are 1175 newspapers and periodicals published in 
languages other than the English. 

Fi'om the latest statistics published by the United States 
Bureau of Education, we tabulate the following instructive 
information concerning Libraries : 

There are in the United States over 8000 libraries of over 
300 volumes each. More than 4000 of these possess 1000 
volumes or over. 

In these 8000 libraries the aggregate number of bound 
volumes is not less than 35,000,000, and the number of pam- 
phlets about 0,000,000. 

Included in the above enumeration are over 650 libraries, 
each containing 3000 volumes or over, which are entirely free 
to the public. 




CharUs IX. riiilip 11. 

I/enry III. Catherine de Medici. Charles V. 

Duke of Alva. Pope Fiiis IV. 

A GROUP OF TYRANTS AND FOES OF CIVIL AND RKLICIOUS LIHERTY. 



PART III 
ANGLO-SAXON AND LATIN CIVILIZATIONS. 

SPAIN IN HISTORY THE REPRESENTATIVE LATIN TYPE. 

The Spaniards of early history were a composite people ; a 
great variety of stocks mingled in their blood. 

Celts, Phcenicians, Greeks, Carthaginians, Romans, Franks, 
Vandals, Visigoths, and Saracens, by forcible invasion or peace- 
ful settlement, took part in peopling the Iberian Peninsula. 
When the Peninsula became by conquest a Roman province 
it was called Hispania, and Roman customs and laws and the 
Latin language were introduced. The Roman system of juris- 
prudence and the Latin language, which forms the substance 
of the Spanish language, still remain. 

When Spain's rulers first embraced the Catholic faith her 
history of intolerance began, by compelling its acceptance by 
the people, by persecution of the Jews, and by tortures and 
confiscations. 

The crowns and kingdoms of Castile and Aragon, on 
October 19, 1469, were united by the marriage of Isabella and 
Ferdinand. The ties of consanguinity were so close that this 
marriage could not be legally consummated without papal 
dispensation, which could not at that time be secured ; but 
this difficulty was easily surmounted by the Archbishop of 
Toledo forging a bull of dispensation with the approval of the 
royal bridegroom, but not with the knowledge of the royal 
bride, who, upon the discovery of the ecclesiastical forgery, 
was indignant ; but the matter was adjusted by a succeeding 
Pope, who gave validity to the fraudulent marriage by issuing 
an orthodox and authoritative bull. In 1479 Ferdinand sue- 

131 



\'2-2 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

ceedecl to the tliroiie of liis fathers, and then tlie Spanisli king- 
dom absorbed Castile and Aragon. 

The united reign of Ferdinand and Isabella mai'ked an his- 
toric era of fruitfulness in conscienceless intolerance and 
in^'-eiiious cruelty, and of extended territorial conquest; of 
exhibitions of knightly valor, of keartless persecutions, and 
of the discovery of the New World. In 1481 tlie Inquisition 
was established ; and in 1492 Granada was conquered and con- 
solidated with Spain, the Jews were expelled, and America 
was discovered. 

The Inquisition is a papal Roman Catliolic institution or 
tribunal employed as a converting and financial agency in 
many countries where Romanism has held sway. As an 
institution it reached the limits of its perfected possibilities 
in Spain, and therefore has come to be generally known as 
"The Spanish Inquisition." It was constituted by papal 
bull. The first Inquisitor General of Spain was Friar Tor- 
quemada. It is interesting to note that Martin Luther was 
born the same year that Torquemada began his official work. 
Prescott says of him: "This man's zeal was of such an 
extravagant character that it may almost shelter itself under 
the name of insanity." The Moors and the Jews, who had 
been baptized into the Roman faith by compulsion, w'ere the 
first victims to be burned at Seville on a scaffold, " with the 
statues of four prophets attached to the corners." 

The Inquisition was an ecclesiastical torture machine run 
with religious zeal and employed for political purposes, to 
enrich the treasui'ies of subservient and despotic monarchs, 
tliat they in turn might be firmly held in bondage to the 
pa[)al head of ecclesiasticism. This was pn effective process 
for sha[)ing Spanish-Latin civilization. 

From the first Ferdinand gladly welcomed this revenue- 
})r()(liicing machine, but Isabella resisted its introduction into 
Spain, imtil her scruples we"e overcome by the spiritual 
counsels of the inventors. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 123 

The Inquisition was styled the Holy Office. The accused, 
when summoned, paralyzed with fear, appeared without pro- 
test and without knowledge of charge or testimony, for secret 
trial, and without counsel with family or friends or knowl- 
edge of the process of his trial, except as its steps were 
punctuated with tortures. Appeal to Home could only be 
made through the Inquisitor himself. 

By the power given to the Inquisition by papal oi'der 
ev^ery Koman Catholic was obliged to convey to its authori- 
ties information in his possession against all, even his nearest 
kindred. The secret of the diabolical possibilities of the 
Holy Office was found in the confessional, where the more 
honest and pious the believer the more valuable the testi- 
mony he would be liable to give to the unscrupulous priest 
who stood between his soul and his God ; and, prostituting 
his sacred office, the priest passed the secrets of the soul and 
the safety and lives of kindred into the hands of the pitiless 
Inquisitor. Has dishonor ever exceeded this ? 

The confessional has for centuries been the chief secret of 
the power of Roman Catholicism in many directions, over 
the faith, the morals, the social and political beliefs of its 
adherents. It is a doubtfully delicate and often a danger- 
ously exercised power. 

The Inquisition inflicted as penalties : Confiscation of prop- 
erty, which was divided between the civil and ecclesiastical 
authorities; the dungeon, the galley, the lash, the brand of 
infamy upon the subject and his descendants, and death in 
various forms— the most popular being the auto-da-fe^ where, 
after a long and ostentatious celebration, the victims were 
burned as an exhibition. 

It is asserted by high authorities that the official records 
show that during the eighteen years of the Inquisitor- 
generalship of Torquemada, 10,220 victims were burned, 6860 
condemned and burned in effigy as absent or dead, and 97,321 
subjected to penalties less than death. 



124 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Intolerauce invented the Inquisition. The sanctions of the 
relio-ion bearing the name of the crucified Christ were used 
by Rome in Spain to cover the cruelties of thousands of 
crucifixions, and to debase a nation by familiarizing its people, 
iiKiny of \vlioni were both cultured and chivalrous, with 
a public spectacle of the terrible sufferings of those who 
had violated no just la^v of God or man. For three hundred 
years the Inquisition seized and sacrificed its victims in Spain; 
and while it no longer ventures to face with its tortures the 
civilization of the century closing, Spain yet has no religious 
liberty, and only grudging toleration. 

When the Saracens and the Moors conquered Granada, they 
proved by their treatment of the Spaniards that their Moham- 
medanism possessed less bigotry and intolerance than the type 
of Christianity illustrated by their antagonists. 

AVhen, under Ferdinand and Isabella, Granada was con- 
quered, the land was made desolate by a barbarous system of 
warfare, which not only confiscated the property of the con- 
quered and destroyed their national wealth, but substantially 
either drove them into exile or consigned them to slavery. 

The S[)anish theory of government which that nation has 
practiced for four centuries grew out of its military proAvess in 
its wonderful war with the Saracens when the nation was uni- 
fied. It is based upon military might which first conquers and 
then holds a people in submission without the slightest care as 
to tlieir material and social well-being, and which is only 
scrupulous about prompt payments of excessive demands for 
national revenue and unquestioning adherence to the religion 
of the state. 

March 30, 1492, is the date of one of the most cruel and 
infamous acts in human history, as on this date at Granada the 
edict was signed for the expulsion of 160,000 Jews from Spain 
because of their thrift and wealth, and because they declined 
to be forced to the acceptance of Spanish Roman Catholicism. 
They had been native Spaniards for fifty generations. They 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 125 

(vere allowed only four mouths to effect their permanent depar- 
ture, and upon property conditions that made them paupers. 
The penalty for return was death ; the penalty of compulsory 
departure was banishment from their homes, with destitution 
And death in many strange lands. 

A century later, by religious persecutions, political proscrip- 
tions, and royal edicts, the Moors had all been driven from 
Spain. In 117 years Spain drove nearly 700,000 of her j)eo- 
ple into banishment. 

The last years of the fifteenth century witnessed Spain's 
highest prosperity in all her history. The confiscation of 
the property of the peoples she had exiled, peace among 
her various provinces, her victory over Italy, the commerce 
and treasure of newly discovered countries, and astute rulers 
made her great and powerful. 

Columbus, an Italian turned Spaniard, his theories rejected 
by the other European sovereigns, found favor with Isabella, 
to whose foresight, sagacity, self-sacrifice, and courage credit 
must be accorded. 

It looks like a strange providence that monarchs of the 
history and character of Ferdinand and Isabella, rejoresenting 
a civilization infamous for cruelties, should be permitted to 
send out the discoverer of this New World. 

No sooner had the discoverer set up the cross on the island 
outposts of the New World — not as a sign of liberty for man, 
but, as the event proved, the sign of discovery, spoliation, and 
slavery — than Spaniards in Columbus' train gave vent, in 
their treatment of the inhabitants, to the inherent qualities of 
their nature by what has been fittingly described as " a visita- 
tion of hell." They enslaved the natives, and gave as a reason 
for their course that it would bring them into contact with the 
Christian religion. 

At the various stages of Isabella's progress as a sovereign, 
she seemed to be moved by humane promptings and generous 
purposes ; but she was with great uniformity overruled in the 



126 Facing the Tn^eniieth Century. 

one and thwarted in the other. Ecclesiastics could persuade 
or dissuade her concerning almost any course of action. 

Irving, in his "Life of Columbus/' says: "Twelve years 
had not elapsed since the discovery of the island [of His- 
paniola], and several hundred thousand of its native inhabi- 
tants had perished, miserable victims of the white men." 

The history of the conquests of Mexico and Peru by 
Cortez and Pizarro, early in the sixteenth century, reads like 
a record of the sport of fiends or like a tragedy founded 
upon tlie prowess of the emissaries of Satan. Cortez and 
Pizarro and their following exhibited courage and valor, 
cruelty and treachery, boldness and sagacity, avarice and 
wantonness. They were faithful exponents of the civiliza- 
tion which made them possible and of a type of religion 
which it was both blasphemous and infamous to call Chris- 
tian. Mexico was enslaved by Spain in 1519, and liberated 
by rebellion in 1824. Peru was crushed by Spain in 1532, 
and resurrected by revolution in 1820. It is a marvel that 
these peoples, after three hundred years of ideal and oppres- 
sive Spanish rule, are making any creditable advance in self- 
government. The civil oppressor has departed, but the eccle- 
siastical oppressor remains, and is making an agonizing effort 
to maintain his intolerant clutch. 

In the Preface to "The Rise of the Dutch Republic" 
Motley says: " Tlie splendid empire of Charles V. was 
erected upon the grave of liberty. The ancient streams of 
national freedom and human progress, through many of the 
fairest regions of the world, were emptied and lost in that 
enormous gulf. It is a consolation to those who have hope in 
humanity to watch, under the reign of his successors, the 
gradual but triumphant resurrection of the spirit over which 
the sepulcher had so long been sealed." 

The relation of Charles to the Netherlands, where he had 
been born and educated and of ^vhich he had been the 
nominal ruler since 1506, was that of unmitigated oppression. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 127 

He shed the blood of their bravest people. He enriched 
himself from their treasures, and spent enormous sums 
extorted from them in wars in which they had no concern, 
and sought in every way to destroy their dearly-bought civil 
and religious liberties. He planted the Inquisition in their 
fair land. The number of Netherlanders who by his edicts 
were " burned, strangled, beheaded, or buried alive " for read- 
ing the Scriptures and other kindred crimes, has never been 
put lower than fifty thousand, and by many authorities as 
hio;h as one hundred thousand. This infamous wretch sum- 
nioned his Estates about him and, assuring them of his past 
and present affection, abdicated. What possibilities of 
infamy are open to Spanish roj^al scoundrels ruay be appre- 
ciated when history tells us that Charles ^' was never as 
odious as his successor." 

While the domain of Charles was a vast European emjiire 
he depended upon Spain for his soldiers and his finances. 

Philip n. was Charles' only legitimate son and his suc- 
cessor. He established a crushing despotism. He used the 
army of one province to overcome the liberties of another. 
He used the Inquisition to suppress both secular and religious 
dissent. He compelled the Cortes to legalize his tyrannies 
and remove all obstacles to their exercise. His intolerance 
caused the Netherlands successfully to revolt and secure 
independence. In 1567 Philip sent Alva to the Netherlands 
with 10,000 armed men and 2000 prostitutes, and established 
" Tlie Council of Troubles" as a re-enforcement to the Inquisi- 
tion. As part of the fruit of this new engine of tyranny, 
Motley says : " The whole country became a charnel house ; 
the death-bell tolled hourly in every village. Columns and 
stakes in every street, the doors of private houses, the fences 
in the fields, were laden with human carcasses, strangled, 
burned, beheaded. The orchards in the country bore on 
many a tree the fruit of human bodies." Alva, after six years' 
rule, boasted that in addition to those slain in battle and 



128 Facing the TiDeniieth Ceyitury. 

massacred he had executed 18,600 people, and in a single 
massacre mercilessly slaughtered 7000 patriots. For forty 
years Spain through her instruments continued her work of 
attempted extermination of liberty in the Netherlands, even 
hiring the assassination of William of Orange and rewarding 
the assassin and his heirs. 

If character had floated on her ships and stood in com- 
mand on her decks and behind her guns, Spain would nor- 
mally have been the mistress of the seas, from the choice 
geographical position she occupied, with her extended coast- 
line washed by the Atlantic and the Mediterranean and her 
colonial possessions embracing the wealth of the Orient and 
of the New World. Captain Mahau, in his work on " The 
Influence of Sea-Power upon History," says : " Since the 
battle of Lepanto in 1571, though engaged in many wars, no 
sea victory of any consequence shines on the pages of Spanish 
history ; and the decay of her commerce sufficiently accounts 
for the painful and sometimes ludicrous inaptness shown on 
the decks of her ships of war." The Spanish were always 
defeated by the Dutch and English. Tlieir one victory was 
over the Turks, after forming an alliance with the Pope's 
forces and the fleets of Venice and Genoa. 

In 1587 30 English ships destroyed the Spanish war-ships 
and merchantmen in the harbor of Cadiz. 

In 1588 "The Invincible Armada," composed of 130 ships, 
3165 guns, 30,000 men, 300 monks and priests, and the 
vicar general of the Inquisition, which it was proposed to set 
up in England, entered the English Channel. The English 
had 67 ships. After days of battle with shot and fire, re-en- 
forced by storm, there returned to the Spanish coast 54 
shattered vessels of the "Armada" and about 10,000 demoral- 
ized and disease-stricken men. A higher civilization was 
afloat on all seas. 

In 1639 a Spanish navy composed of about 70 ships was 
captured or destroyed by about 20 Dutch ships. 




niK COMMANDERS OF THE ^'^'^'^^''l^'.l'^^'''''' 
1'"' ^ AMERICAN WAR. 



f^TLCAMARAy 
za FLEETS IN THE SPANISH- 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 129 

In 1718 the Spanish navy was destroyed at Cape Passaro. 

In 1805 at Trafalgar the combined Spanish and French 
fleets were defeated by the English. 

On May 1, 1898, the Spaniard again meets the Anglo- 
Saxon, of the American type, in Manila Ba}^, and in a few 
hours his entire Asiatic fleet is destroyed. On July 3, 1898, 
the best ships of the Spanish navy comprising the Atlantic 
fleet, which was expected to destroy the cities on the Ameri- 
can coast, were utterly annihilated at Santiago. A higher 
civilization was afloat on all seas. 

History repeated itself in many particulars in these last 
naval contests between the Anglo-Saxon and the Latin 
Spaniard. 

In 1588 Howard in the English Channel commanded a 
ship named Raleigh, and in 1898 in Manila Bay there was 
a ship named Raleigh in Dewey's fleet. In 1588 the loss on 
the English ships was inconsiderable, while the Spanish lost 
two-thirds of their entire force of men and most of their ships. 
In 1898 the loss on the American ships was inconsiderable, 
while the Spanish lost all of their ships and all of their men 
by death or as prisoners. 

In 1588 the Spanish people Avere told that the Armada 
had been victorious, and that " the great dog, Sir Francis 
Drake," had been taken prisoner and put in chains. In 1898, 
after the naval battles of Manila and Santiago, the Spanish 
people were told that the " Yankee pigs " had been beaten 
and their commanders had been taken prisoners. 

One of the Spanish traits emphasized by the ^var was their 
capacity for lying, not simply to their enemies, but to their 
own people. In their reports of engagements on sea and land 
it would be difficult to find a single instance in which they 
told the simple truth. They seemed to have an unconquer- 
able prejudice, amounting to hatred, against veracity. Their 
souls seemed to feed on deception as a regular diet. A glim- 
mer of the sunshine of truth seemed to dazzle their vision. 



130 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

For Spain a war with the United States was necessary, to 
cover up the stealings of military, naval, and civil officers at 
home and abroad and to preserve untarnished her Latin sense 
of honor. 

Mrs. J. Addison Porter reported from the seat of war 
that Spanish troops at Santiago fired upon the Red Cross 
ambulances. 

Lieutenant Joseph A. Carr says : " While under the shadow 
of the Red Cross I was shot again in the hip. The Spanish 
seemed to direct their most savage fire wherever they saw the 
Red Cross." This is the all but unanimous testimony of the 
wounded at Santiago, and of those who had them in charge, 
among the American troops. 

In the light of history, the following statement by Father 
Hecker reads strangely : 

" The discovery of the Western Continent was eminently a 
religious enterprise. Columbus had in vain sought aid for his 
great undertaking from his native city Genoa, from Portugal, 
England, Venice, and the court of Spain ; and it was after 
these fruitless applications that Juan Perez, the prior of La 
Rabida, took up his cause and pleaded it with so much ear- 
nestness and ability in a letter to Queen Isabella that she at 
once sent for Columbus and offered to pledge her jewels to 
obtain funds for the expedition. The motive which animated 
Columbus, in common with the Franciscan friar and Isabella 
the Catholic, was the l^urning desire to carry the blessings of 
the Christian faith to the inhabitants of a new continent, and 
it was the inspiration of this idea which brought a new world 
to light." 

There is nothing except the bare fact of discovery, in con- 
nection with the Spanish conquest and occupation for three 
c(Mituries of the Americas, that is worthy of any favorable 
judgment from mankind. The ex2:>ei"iment may have been 
necessary to prove that God would not permit such a civiliza- 
tion to control the New World, 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 131 

Two hundred and seventy -five years ago the Latin powers 
had no rival on this continent. One hundred and fifty years 
ago there wei'e a few Dutch and English colonists on the 
northern Atlantic coast. Now, without an exception worth 
noting, the Anglo-Saxon race rules North America with con- 
stitutional government based upon Christian principles. 

Under Spanish occupation, native and African slavery was 
introduced into the islands Columbus discovered, extermi- 
nating the original inhabitants, and placing the native races of 
half the continent in the rear of all the Christian peoples in 
the world at the end of four centuries. An insane hunt for 
gold, and the mediaeval union of church and state, were the 
propelling powers of Spanish-American occupation. 

The Latin nations — the Spanish, French, and Portuguese — 
settled and practically occupied the western continent for two 
centuries. What did they do for their race, and what did 
they do in making this and the other American republics ? 

The joint governments of Castile and Aragon, under Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, represent the initiation of an era of civil 
and religious despotism and of a destructive industrial policy 
which in these four centuries has leduced the proudest nation 
in Europe to a power that the other nations neither fear nor 
respect. 

Spain has always been an exterminator among the nations 
and never a civilizer. She has never assimilated the peoples 
she has conquered or ruled, but has isolated and exasperated 
them to hatred and rebellion. Licapable of governing herself, 
she of necessity cannot govern colonies. 

In her conquest of nations in the Old World, and in her 
conquest of nations and planting of colonies in the New 
Woi'ld, she made everything contribute to the increase of 
wealth and power of the home government ; we will not say 
the mother government, because she never sustained such a 
relation to the people she subdued as to inspire the feeling of 
filial loyalty. 



182 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

The Spaniard is cruel and conscienceless, but very religious. 

The copartnership of bullfights and religious devotions 
legitimately put to the front a Weyler. 

"The reader will now be able to understand the real nature 
of Spanish civilization. He Avill see how, under the high- 
sounding names of loyalty and religion, lurk the deadly evils 
Avhich those names have always concealed, but wLicli it is the 
business of the historian to drag to light and expose. A blind 
spirit of reverence, taking the form of an unworthy and igno- 
minious submission to the crown and the Church, is the cap- 
ital aud essential vice of the Spanish people. It is their sole 
national vice, and it has suflficed to ruin them. From it all 
nations have grievously suffered, and many still suffer. But 
nowhere in Europe has this principle been so long supreme 
as in Spain. Therefore, nowhere else in Europe are the con- 
sequences so manifest and so fatal. The idea of liberty is 
extinct, if, indeed, in the true sense of the word, it ever can 
be said to have existed. 

" Spain sleeps on, untroubled, unheeding, impassive, receiv- 
ing no impressions from the rest of the world, and making no 
impressions upon it. There she lies, at the further extremity 
of the Continent, a huge and torpid mass, the sole representa- 
tive now remaining of the feelings and knowledge of the 
Middle Ages. And, what is the worst symptom of all, she 
is satisfied with her own condition. Though she is the most 
backward country in Europe, she believes herself to be the 
foremost. She is proud of everything of which she should be 
ashamed. She is proud of the antiquity of her opinions ; 
proud of her orthodoxy ; proud of the strength of her faith ; 
proud of her immeasurable and childish credulity; proud of 
lier unwillim^ness to amend either her creed or her customs; 
]»i()ud of her hatred of heretics; and proud of the undying 
vigilance with wliich she has baffled their efforts to obtain a 
full and legal establishment on her soil, 

" All these things, conspiring together, produce, in their 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 133 

aggregate, that melancholy exhibition to which we give the 
collective name of Spain. The history of that single word is 
the history of nearly every vicissitnde of which the human 
species is capable." — " History of Civilization,^'' Buckle, vol. 
a. pp. 119-122. 

America's early escape from the grasp of 
latin^ civilization. 

No new worlds on the earth are hidden awaiting a dis- 
coverer. The discovery of the New World completed the 
territorial circuit of the globe. Civilization must be perfected 
where nations now exist, as no virgin soil remains for the 
planting of new seeds, and no new theater can be opened for 
the trial of experiments. Problems must be solved, perils 
must be averted, principles must be intrenched in the midst 
of conditions caused by conflicting civilizations. The last, 
and thus far the most successful experiment in civilization 
in its western course, is found in the Christian, republican, 
Anglo-Saxon civilization of the American* republic, because it 
has secured civil and religious liberty, industrial progress, 
social happiness, educational opportunities, and individual 
prosperity to more people under one national and political 
system than history has ever before been permitted to 
record. 

The race, with its best as well as its worst religions and 
philosophies, was cradled in the East. But as it moved out 
and away from its cradle, the character of its civilization has 
improved in strength and sturdiness in its westward march ; 
its religions becoming tolerant and its philosophies practical. 
The races which have remained in the lands adjacent to the 
birthplace of the race, and multiplied into hundreds of mil- 
lions, are separated from Western civilization by a chasm the 
width of which is not measured by seas or continents, but by 
centuries belated by a conservatism that has erected impass- 
able barriers. 



134 Facing the Tn^etitieth Century. 

The parallels of latitude which embrace our geographical 
and climatic limitations also mark the birthplace of the great- 
est leaders of humanity, the theater of the greatest events in 
history, of the greatest triumphs of genius, and of the proces- 
sion of the mightiest races of men. 

We have greater natural, political, and economic advan- 
tages than any other people, and therefore greater responsi- 
bilities. We liave great problems to solve. 

" Unsettled questions and pressing problems are the police 
of the world, always on duty, giving nations no repose, and 
bidding humanity move ever on." 

How these problems are solved must be dictated by the 
character of our civilization. 

The theory of our civilization certainly is the greatest good 
of the greatest number, and that greatest number certainly 
hold the political power and fortunes of the common^vealth 
in their hands. 

Of our civilization Matthew Arnold says : " The political 
and social problem does seem to be solved there with re- 
markable success." 

Our civilization is Anglo-Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon civiliza- 
tion is Protestant civilization. Latin civilization is Roman 
Catholic civilization. 

We can hardly subscribe to the sentiment uttered by the 
late Archbishop Hughes that " The jewels of Isabella the 
Catholic would be an appropriate ornament for the sword of 
Washington." 

AVhile we ought to be grateful that Columbus, aided by 
Isabella, discovered the outposts of this continent, we ought 
to be supremely grateful that the civilization they repre- 
sented neither ornamented nor wielded the sword of Wash- 
ington. 

Papal S])ain put Columbus in chains and disgraced him, 
then scattered monuments over its possessions in his memory. 

The Anelo-Saxon intellect and conscience have never in- 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 135 

clorsed the pretensions or dogmas of the papacy, although 
they have at times been compelled to submit to its supremacy. 

Latin civilization at the present time has only one bond in 
common, and that is the recognition of Romanism as a polit- 
ico-ecclesiastical religious po^ver used for political purposes. 

The first devotion of the Latin is given to a person and not 
to a principle, but the first devotion of an Anglo-Saxon is 
given to a principle and not to a peison. 

The English language makes no distinction between law and 
justice as the Latin language does, and this constitutes the 
vital difference between the English and Latin civilizations. 

In countries of Anglo-Saxon civilization an accused man is 
considered innocent until proved guilty, but in coimtries of 
Latin civilization an accused man is considered guilty until 
he is proved innocent. The Di'eyfus and Picquart cases in 
so-called republican France illustrate even the most libei-al 
and advanced type of Latin civilization's conception of justice 
to individual man, where the accused were not only assumed 
to be guilty, but were denied the opportunity of proving 
their innocence. The spirit and character of the Inquisition 
have poisoned the blood of the body politic in every nation 
where Rome yet has ecclesiastical hold upon the i3eople. 

Surpassed by Venice'in the national rivalry for wealth and 
empire, and excluded from approach to Asia by any overland 
route, the nations of Western Europe in their quest for an 
unobstructed entrance to the golden gates turned westward, 
and without intent revealed to the Old World a new continent 
and a New World, which were to furnish the human race a 
new chance for development, freed from despotism, fanati- 
cism, and pauperism. 

The discovery of America is referred to by Humboldt as 
a " wonderful concatenation of trivial circumstances," which 
undeniably exercised an influence on the course of the world's 
destiny. "These circumstances are," Washington Irving has 
justly observed, " that if Columbus had resisted the counsel 



136 Facing the Tioentieth Oentury. 

of Martin Aloiizo Piuzon, aud continued to steer ^vestward, 
he would have entered the Gulf Stream, and been borne to 
Florida, aud from thence proljably to Cape Hatteras and Vir- 
ginia — a circumstance of incalculable importance, since it 
might have been the means of giving the United States of 
North America a Catholic-Spanish population in the place 
of the Protestant-English, one by which those regions were 
subsequently colonized. ' It seems to me like an inspiration,' 
said Pinzon to the admiral, ^ that my heart dictates to me that 
Ave ought to steer in a different direction.' It was on the 
strength of this circumstance that, in the celebrated lawsuit 
which Pinzon carried on against the heirs of Columbus 
between 1513 and 1515, he maintained that the discovery 
of America was alone due to him. This inspiration, Pinzon 
owed, as related by an old sailor, at the same trial, to tliejliglit 
of a fioch of parrots, which he had observed in the evening 
flyiug toward the southwest, in order, as he might well have 
conjectured, to roost on trees on the land. Never has a flight 
of hirds heen attended with more impoi'tant residtsy 

Franz Sigel writes : " If the decree of Pope Alexander VI. 
had prevailed, the American continent would have become a 
Spanish province ; but fortunately, not only Portugal, but 
France, England, the Dutch, and the Swedes very soon entered 
into practical competition with the Spanish conquerors, and 
while the French began their operations in Canada and in the 
Mississippi Valley, the English, Dutch, Scandinavians, aud 
(Terinans settled, slowly but securely, upon the Atlantic coast, 
forming the very germ and nucleus of what is now the United 
States of America. 

'' By a coincidence of most fortunate circumstances it so hap- 
pened that, while everywhere else on this continent the des- 
potic and bigoted governments of France and Spain held 
unrestricted sway over conquered provinces, here, on the 
Eastern slope of the Alleglianies, grew up cor})orations and 
colonies of quite a different sort. Instead of the hidalgo aud 




Ferdinand. 
Columbus. 



Caravels of Columbus, 



Isabella. 
Vespucius. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 137 

filibuster, tlie wild speculator and adventurer, tlie friar 
and the Jesuit, there came the Puritan and the Quaker, 
the Huguenot, the Dutch Reformer and the Swedish Prot- 
estant, the Moravian and Baptist, the German Lutheran and 
refugee from devastated Palatinate, Alsace, and Southern Ger- 
many. In fact, the most persecuted, but also the most liberal 
elements of European society sought shelter and a new home 
in the New World, and finally succeeded, by their energy, 
self-reliance, and faith, by their love of liberty and love of 
labor, in building up new communities, cities, and States, and 
in laying the foundation of a powerful empire as a counter- 
poise to despotism, suppression, and religious intolerance." 

The present generations of American citizens ought to be 
grateful that God postponed their arrival on this globe until 
the nineteenth century of the Christian era, when man is no 
longer the slave but the master of nature ; when science 
tuunels the mountains, skims the seas, transforms thought 
into implements of daily use, and is harnessed to Jehovah's 
triumphal chariot in its way among the nations, and when 
there is one land in which civil and religious liberty is the 
unquestioned right of all men. 

In these history-makiug times it becomes all citizens to do 
some serious thinking and recall the sources of our civiliza- 
tion. Since the gun on the Flnta^s deck, on October 12, 
1492, caused air to vibrate which until that hour had never 
resounded to cannon's roar, four centuries of American history 
have been enacted and recorded. The highest proof of the 
favor of the Divine Ruler of the universe toward this land is 
found in the fact that during the first century of the four of 
our history God stretched his onmipotent hand over North 
America, and did not permit the type of civilization repre- 
sented by the nations from which the discoverer came to take 
root. 

After America was discovered the hand of God hid and 
sheltered it, and prohibited from settlement for a century 



138 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

its three tlioiisaiid miles of coast line. " The Almighty paced 
lip and down America, after its discovery, like a stern sentry, 
holding off the nations for a hundred years," said Dr. Koswell 
Hitchcock. The new continent had been revealed. Its 
possession was coveted by the nations of the Old World, but 
they ^vere restrained. The explanation of the cause of this 
restraint is found in the events which were transpiring in 
Europe in the lirst American century. The Scriptures were 
being disentombed and being read, and were quickening 
intellect, purifying politics, and inspiring heroic faith. The 
colonizers of our country were all inspired by the power of 
a liberated Bible. The Bible, buried for a thousand years, 
was resurrected just at the time when the men who were to 
colonize America were born, and in these men the germ of 
republicanism, which was the written and preserved thought 
of God for man's government of man, was born. 

Edward Everett says of the source of the power of these 
men : " Although born the subjects of a monarchy, accus- 
tomed to an hereditary nobility and a splendid hierarchy, 
they put everything at once on the footing of a broad, down- 
right political equality. Why ? Under what influeuce ? 
Men do not, like Divine Power, create worlds out of nothing. 
Where did our fathers find the elements out of which they 
constructed the social edifice ? They found them in the Bible. 
The plan of a representative republic, which they devised, will 
go down with the Scriptures from which its principles are 
drawn, to the latest posterity." 

Under God, these men rescued us from the grasp of a 
Latin civilization, and furnished fountains of life-blood for a 
noble national life with all its infinite current of blessings. 

Latin civilization, with its union of church and state, in 
tlie Central and South American states, in Mexico and 
Cuba, reveals to us what we have escaped. Ferdinand and 
Isabella united the crowns of Castile and Arao-on and became 
the inventors of the Inquisition, which sent to death, for the 



A iigloSaxon and Latin Civilizations. 1 39 

crime of holding personal religious opinions, ten thousand of 
their subjects, and deluged Europe with blood. ''Spanish 
policy in America has always been the same ; a policy of 
suppression and spoliation, of death and desolation, and it has 
never been relinquished save Avhen set aside by successive 
revolts and revolutions." African slavery was our inherit- 
ance from Spain. Then Spain was honored and feared by 
all nations ; now she is honored and feared by none but 
despised by all. 

The discovery of America marked a new departure in the 
history of the human race, with the best of the past civiliza- 
tions surrounding its initial movements. One of our scholars 
has said: ''America is but another name for opportunity," 
and one of our orators has said : " The cross on Calvary meant 
hope ; the cross on San Salvador meant opportunity," but 
God required this goodly laud to wait for a prepared race of 
men to enter into opportunity. 

As we have seen, our civilization sprang from types of 
character which legitimately should produce an intelligent, 
full-orbed, and sovereign manhood. 

As the resultant of this American Christian civilization from 
such a marvelous and composite heredity, we enjoy our dis- 
tinctively American institutions, principles, and privileges, 
which we ought to appreciate and which we are ])ound to 
defend. 

These institutions are in vital particulars distinctively 
American and original, and not inherited from the civiliza- 
tions of nations of longer lineage. With such an inheritance 
and with such privileges ought not our people to be patriotic? 
Patriotism is an American instinct. It is the vital air of 
citizenship in the republic. We welcome the representa- 
tives of all inferior civilizations to enjoy our superior civili- 
zation, but not to undermine or destroy it. We welcome 
the refugees from civil and religious bondage and persecu- 
tion from all climes to the freedom and protection of our 



140 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

iustitutious, but they must not confound liberty with license, 
nor use our free air to float the banners of anarchy and 
nihilism. 

AMERICAN POPULATIONS AND CIVILIZATION ESSENTIALLY 
ANGLO-SAXON. 

All the facts and approximate estimates concerning the racial 
constitution of the American people go to show that the Anglo- 
Saxon element strongly preponderates, constituting nearly two- 
thirds of the white population. Our origin, our language, our 
institutions, our distinctive character are all Anglo-Saxon, and 
the contributions from other races to our national progress have 
been valuable only as they have been molded by our institu- 
tions and have not sought to change them. 

Dr. Edward E. Cornwall, as the result of discriminating 
stud)^ furnishes the following statement in the New York 
Siiii, September, 1898: 

" Of the 3,000,000 white Americans of 1790, five-sixths were 
Anglo-Saxon ; the remaining sixth were divided among the 
Continental Teutonic, the Celtic, and the miscellaneous classes, 
the Teutonic embracing the largest share. 

" Dividing, according to these proportions, the 32,500,000 
who in 1890 represented the natural increase of the 3,000,000 
of 1790, 1 find that the Anglo-Saxons amounted to 27,000,000, 
the Continental Teutons to 3,500,000, the Celts to 1,500,000, 
and the miscellaneous to 500,000. 

" Now, making a final summation, I find that the 55,000,000 
white Americans of 1890 are racially divided as follows: 

Aiiglo-S.'vxon of colonial ancestry, ..... 27,000,000 

Anglo-Saxon of American, but post-colonial ancestry, . 1,000,000 

Anglo-Saxon of foreign parentage, ..... 2,000,000 

Anglo-Saxon of foreign birth, 2,000,000 



Total Anglo-Saxon, 32,000,000 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 

Continental Teutonic of colonial ancestry, . 
Continental Teutonic of American, but post-colonial an 
cestry, ........ 

Continental Teutonic of foreign parentage, 
Continental Teutonic of foreign birth, 

Total Continental Teutonic, 

Celtic of colonial ancestry, ..... 
Celtic of American, but post-colonial ancestry, . 
Celtic of foreign parentage, .... 

Celtic of foreign birth, ..... 

Total Celtic, . . . . . 



Miscellaneous of colonial ancestry, 
Miscellaneous of American, but post-colonial ancestry 
Miscellaneous of foreign parentage, ... 
Miscellaneous of foreign birth, ... 

Total miscellaneous, . . . . , 



141 
3,500,000 

500,000 
5,000,000 
4,000,000 

13,000,000 

1,500,000 

500,000 

3,000,000 

2,000,000 

7,000,000 

S00,000 

500,000 

1,000,000 

1,000,000 

3,000,000 



A KOMAN CATHOLIC TRIBUTE TO OUR ANGLO-SAXON" 
CIVILIZATION. 

"The Anglo-Saxon race in the United States were given the 
conservative instincts which arose from their thorough knowl- 
edge of the laws and institutions which had been in the old 
countiy the outcome and expression of their whole social life 
— a life continued in the new, and there expressed by the same 
institutions, the same laws, the same forms of government, in so 
far as the altered circumstances of a new existence permitted 
tlieir doing so. 

" God gave the Anglo-Saxon race at home, in what, in the 
fullest comprehensiveness of the word, we may call the British 
Constitution, this full embodiment of the character, the tend- 
encies, the needs of the race ; He gave them with that enlight- 
ened love and a deep attachment to these forms of their social 
life. 



142 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

" 111 America these forms, with the very important excep- 
tion of the feiuhil proprietary system imported into England 
by the Normans, were planted and cherished by the early 
British colonists. It was an invasion of the most sacred con- 
stitutional rights of the people of the colonies by the British 
Parliament which led to the War of Independence in 1775. 
The war, miscalled a revolution, was entirely conservative. 
Americans fought to defend their rights, to preserve from 
usurpation or infraction the dearest privileges of British free- 
men and citizens. The war over, and even from their solemn 
Declaration of Independence, their governmental forms, their 
laws, the entire framework of their social life, remained what 
they had been. 

" How strange, but how striking, that while the French states- 
men of 1789 were thus blowing up the social edifice reared by 
their fathers, and inoculating all the Latin nations with the 
virus of their own political and religious madness, the assem- 
bled representatives of the American Union should have been 
laying simultaneously the foundations of a system which 
preserved all that was best in the political life of their iove- 
isithevsy—O'EeiUi/'s " Life of Leo XIII.;' pp. 4U-46. ^ 

Some conception of the blighting effects of Latin civilization 
upon character and race in the country where its central power 
is located may be had by studying the condition of the emi- 
grants who have for many yeai's been flocking to this country 
from Rome and other cities of Italy. " I am a Roman citizen," 
was once the proud boast of proud men in ancient Rome, but 
these representatives of modern Rome among our citizenship 
contribute little to the causes for individual national pride in 
the boast, " I am an American citizen." 

While the same Latin origin of language and the same sys- 
tem of Roman jurisprudence inherited from Imperial Rome 
may largely determine what constitute Latin races, these are 
not the only or the chief factoi's in determining wdiat nations 
are wholly or in part the products of Latin civilization. The 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin CivilizafAons. 143 

Latin civilization of the mediaeval and modern centuries is the 
product of the power and teachings not of Imperial Rome, but 
of Imperial Papal Rome. 

Latin civilization, which has had the largest opportunities 
in all history, has proved itself incapable of founding en- 
during empires, because it has never based them upon jus- 
tice and the rights of men ; because it has denied the claims of 
individual conscience and private judgment ; because it has 
depended solely upon two forces to hold peoples in subjec- 
tion — the might of irresponsible military power and the 
slavery of fanatical and conscienceless ecclesiastical terrors, 
backed up by the awful sanctions of religion. Its very 
genius breeds disloyalty among aspiring peoples and degrades 
the lowl3^ 

Anglo-Saxon civilization has founded enduring empires, 
because its purpose has been to jjromote the prosperity, the 
thrift, the comfort, and the happiness of the people it has 
brought under its dominion, through guarantees of civil and 
religious liberty. It possesses a virility of character which 
enables it to colonize without losing its identity, and to bring 
order out of the chaos of an inferior civilization. 

It has largely absorbed and assimilated the composite peoples 
it has ruled, raising them to a higher level instead of being 
degraded by them. Its very genius is uplifting. 

Contrast the Latin civilization of Spain with the Anglo- 
Saxon civilization of Great Britain in relation to their efforts 
at colonization in America. With Spain it was the soldier to 
subdue, and the priest to convert, that ecclesiasticism might 
enslave. With Britain it was new fields for industry and for 
homes, with its ministers of religion appealing to conscience. 
With Spain it was a quest for treasure ; with Britain it was 
a search for civil and religious liberty. AVith Spain, nature 
was compelled to surrender her wealth by the unrequited toil 
of slaves ; with Britain, nature was conquered by the sweat 
of the labor of free men. Ecclesiasticism and Puritanism 



144 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

produced colonial results as autitlietic as darkness and light, 
as bigotry and toleration, as slavery and freedom. 

The history of English colonization in the Western Hemi- 
sphere, while not exempt from dark chapters, has been a 
record of fruitfulness for the best civilization. It has multi- 
plied resoui-ces, developed wealth, inspired invention, created 
statesmen, and put a premium upon thrift, enterprise, courage, 
and capacity. 

American civilization, or the civilization of the United 
States, is Anglo-Saxon. An effort of desperation, on the part 
of those who seek to dampen the ardor of the newly and 
extensively manifested friendship between the United States 
and Great Britain, is being made to assault the suggested 
possible Anglo-Saxon Alliance on the ground that the Ameri- 
cans of to-da}'^ cannot accurately be described as Anglo- 
Saxons. 

Suppose, for purposes of argument only, we admit the con- 
tention. Suppose that an inconsiderable portion of our popu- 
lation are of Anglo-Saxon origin. These admissions, if they 
were true, would not change the incontestable fact that our 
civilization is Anglo-Saxon in contradistinction to Latin civili- 
zation. It is significant that the chief writers and speakers in 
opposition to the closer alliance of the peoples whose institu- 
tions are the product of Anglo-Saxon civilization are them- 
selves, ecclesiastically, the products of Latin civilization. 

Professor Waldstein in the North AQnerican Review for 
August, 1898, gives as the essential elements of Anglo- Amei-i- 
can unity: "A common country; a common nationality; a 
common language ; common forms of government ; common 
culture, including customs and institutions; a common his- 
tory ; a common religion, in so far as religion stands for the 
same basis of morality; and, finally, common interests." 

The two peoples are essentially akin in sufficient of these 
enumerated elements to justify and dictate close and perma- 
nent amity for iiiiitual weal. British and American institu- 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 145 

tions have largely a common origin and historic development, 
and both when united and when separated they have con- 
tended for self-government and independence, for civil and 
religious liberty, and they now have a " common foundation 
of popular and national ethics and religion." 

Professor Waldsteiu also says : " Britains and Americans 
stand in the forefront of civilization ; in political, social, and 
economical education they stand as high as any nation, and 
higher than any group of nations that could be massed against 
them. In furthering our sphere of influence we are neces- 
sarily spreading the most advanced and highest results of 
man's collective efforts in the history of his civilization. An 
English-speaking brotherhood will, after all, only be a step 
and link in the general alliance of civilized peoples." 

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Spain and Turkey 
were the two greatest and most dreaded powers in the Old 
World. Turkey is now leaving Europe and retreating into 
her native Asia. Spain has been expelled from Germany, the 
Netherlands, France, Italy, the Philippines, and the Western 
Hemisphere. The banner of England in the last quarter of 
the sixteenth century was excluded from Eastern waters, but 
at the close of the nineteenth century it floats over merchant- 
men and warships on every sea, and over benignly ruled 
colonies around the globe. 

The contest for the control of the world between the Anglo- 
Saxon and Latin races for the past two centuries is startlingly 
set forth in the following statistical facts : 



1700 1800 1898. 

Populations under Anglo-Saxon con- 
trol, 0,000,000 06,000,000 475,000,000 

Populations under Latin control, . 41,000,000 65,000,000 255,000,000 

Domain in square miles under Anglo- 
Saxon control, .... 650,000 8,750,000 15,050,000 

Domain in square miles under Latin 

control, 8,050,000 11,450,000 14,050,000 



146 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

During the nineteenth century the use of the English lan- 
guage throughout the world, in comparison with other Euro- 
]iean languages, has increased over fifteen per cent, while 
there has been a decrease ranging from one to seven per cent, 
in the use of the other European languages, excepting the 
German, which has remained stationary. 

THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR OF CIVILIZATIONS. 

The nineteenth century closes with a war of civilizations in 
which Latin civilization, as represented by Spain, is banished 
from the Western Hemisphere. 

We are citizens of the great republic which was born on 
July 4, 1776, which has concededly furnished the most suc- 
cessful experiment in self-government on the grandest scale 
the world has ever witnessed. We are the heirs of history, 
and we are living in times when history is being made. The 
best of the past civilizations were focused at the initial move- 
ments which culminated in a governmental structure with 
civil and religious liberty as the corner stone. The founda- 
tions of the republic were laid in pi-ayer by men who had 
fled from civil and ecclesiastical persecutions. 

The republic in its early history had some minor struggles 
with other powers, while the crowned sovereigns of the older 
nations were reluctantly adjusting themselves to the arrival 
in their midst of a nation of sovereigns. As this stalwart 
youth among the nations has grown in strength and felt the 
need of a more ample domain for the exercise of its matured 
powers, it has increased its possessions to meet its needs. 
From time to time we have, in sympathy with struggling 
peoples, forcibly suggested to Old World tyrannical powers 
that the Western Hemisphere was not an appropriate field for 
exploiting any discarded civilization. And the suggestions 
have been favorably acted upon with commendable prompt- 
ness. We have engaged in a terrific civil strife and have 
established the integrity of the Union. For thirty-three 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 147 

years we had been at peace with ourselves and with the world. 
We have had growth in numbers and in wealth without a 
parallel in human history. While enjoying our great privi- 
leges in perfect security, and furnishing refuge and opportu- 
nity for millions of the people of the Old AVorld, who had 
fled to us from hard conditions, we Avere compelled to recog- 
nize the fact that for years a tragedy of horrors was being 
enacted on the fairest island of the seas and within the very 
shadow of our Southern domain. 

Less than one hundred miles from our Southern coast Spain 
had held Cuba by fire and sword and murder for four cen- 
turies. It enslaved and virtually exterminated the native pop- 
ulations, and introduced African slavery. It had never rec- 
ognized the civil rights of natives even if they w^ere of pure 
Spanish blood. Its governors general had been appointed 
that they might become rich by robbing the people and 
return to Spain to extend their fortunes. When the people 
of Cuba rebelled, Spain pretended to make some liberal con- 
cessions, and sent over armies to "pacify" by subjugation, 
and more surely forge the chains of bondage. 

War after Avar was Avaged for liberty by the Cubans, one 
revolt extending through ten years. Their last war for free- 
dom began in 1895, and continued for three years. 

During that time Spain sought to suppress the insurrection 
by a military force composed of 150,000 imported troops and 
75,000 volunteers. The unspeakably infamous General 
Weyler commanded these forces and ruled the island. He 
enforced the reconcentrado system. By it over 500,000 non- 
combatants, largely Avomen and children and aged peojDle, Avere 
corraled in the towns, hedged in by bayonets, until over 400,- 
000 Avere starved to death. The crimes of Alva must take 
second rank with those of Weyler. 

The folio Aving table of statistics was published on the 16th 
of February, 1898, in the Christian Herald., Avhose editor. 
Dr. Klopsch, i-aised large sums of money for the relief of 



148 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

the recoucentrados, and superintended the distribution of 
supplies. 

These statistics of Cu])a's hunger plagues were furnished by 
jMr. Sylvester Scovel, then in Cuba, and were drawn from 
official and other sources. They are believed to be entirely 
reliable : 

Normal population of Cuba, .... 1,600,000 

Cubans living out of Cuba during the war, . 100,000 

Cuban insurgents and their families in field, . 270,000 370,000 



Number of "concentrados" in fortified towns, 1,230,000 

Recoucentrados brought into towns (now dead), 380,000 

Lower classes of townspeople (dead), . . 100,000 



Estimated number dead of starvation, .... 480,000 

Alive in the towns of Cuba to-day, .... 750,000 

These figures are wholly outside of losses sustained by the 
war. 

Captain General Weyler, in an interview published in the 
London Daily Telegraph, said, when asked if he had been 
cruel : 

"I don't know. I don't trouble to consider. I am a 
military man and do not live for myself, but for my country. 
I was sent to make war upon the rebels, and I did this, and 
neither more nor less than this. 

"I am old-fashioned enough to think myself merciful. I 
was rigorous, just, and resolute. I had a problem to solve by 
tlie rules of military science. I have earned the hatred and 
provoked the curses of the sworn enemies of Spain ; but it 
will never cause me a bad night's sleep." 

The United States by armed force contested Spain's right 
to rule and ruin Culja. 

President McKinley, in his Message to Congress, April 11, 
1898, said: 




CAPTAIN-GENERAL WEYLER. THE ALVA OF THE NINETEENTH 

CENTURY. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 149 

" The only hope of relief and repose from a condition which 
can no longer be endured, is the enforced pacification of Cuba. 
In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf 
of endangered American interests which give us the right and 
the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop." 

April 18, 1898, both houses of Congress passed the following 
resolutions : 

" First. That the people of the Island of Cuba are and of 
right ought to be free and independent. 

"Second. That it is the duty of the United States to 
demand, and the Government of the United States does 
hereby demand, tliat the Government of Spain at once relin- 
quish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba 
and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and 
Cuban ^vaters. 

" Third. That the President of the United States be, and 
he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land 
and naval forces of the United States, and to call into the 
actual service of the United States the militia of the several 
States, to such extent as may be necessary to carry these 
resolutions into effect." 

As President of the Republic, AVilliam McKinley has affixed 
his signature to two documents that will lend immortality to 
his fame as a ruler, and will place his name above that of 
whole processions of hereditary monarchs. 

The signing of the joint resolutions of Congress for the ex- 
pulsion of Spain from Cuba by President McKinley at about 
noon on April 20, 1898, was the Emancipation Proclamation 
of the Western Hemisphere from the last bondage clutch of 
a Latin civilization, terminating four hundred years of in- 
tolerance, rapacity, and cruelty. It was one of the pivotal 
points in the history of the race. The Proclamation was 
signed by the firm hand of a ruler in whose veins courses the 
blood of an ancestry which helped secure for us our civil and 
religious liberties, and by the hand that wielded a sword 



150 Facing tlie Twentieth Centwy. 

which helped to make Lincolii^s Emancipation Proclamation 
effective in breaking the chains of millions of bondsmen. 

On June 7, 1898, the same hand signed the enactment doing 
away with all the disabilities incident to the Civil War. 

By historic origin and precedent, by principles of legisla- 
tive action, by the character of our fundamental institutions, 
by judicial decisions and by the genius of our civilization, 
we are a Christian nation. 

Whether war is a justifiable resort for Christian people is 
hardlv a question open to debate, in view of the fact that the 
privileges and liberties we enjoy have been largely secured 
by war. 

The God of Revelation has often in history become the God 
of Revolution. In Apocalyptic vision the Prince of Peace 
was seen on the great white horse, "Riding with vestures 
dipped in blood and drawn sword in hand, followed by all 
the mounted hosts of heaven, judging and waging war in 
righteousness and treading out the wine-press of the wrath of 
God." 

It is more unselfishly Christian to rescue others from peril 
and redress their wrongs than to defend ourselves ; and no 
one who has the right to live among men would deny the 
Christian right of self-defense. 

Perpetuation of wrong does not make it right. Tyranny, 
hoary with years, is tyranny still, and has established no 
riiilits which Christian men or nations can concede. 

Principle and not expediency has made this nation great 
in so far as it is great. 

War is serious and terrible business, but peace without war 
is more serious and more terrible business when it is the 
result of cowardice and compromise with cruelty and oppres- 
sion. There is nothing so fatal for man or nation as the fear 
of doing I'ight. 

Paradoxical as it may seem, the blessings of war are often 
necessary to overcome the horrors of peace. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 151 

In every controversy where principle and righteousness are 
involved there never can be permanent peace until principle 
is vindicated and righteousness is established. 

We could not ignore the main and moral issue before the 
nation if we would, and we would not if we could. We be- 
long to the family of nations. We belong to the humanity in 
whose line the Saviour of men came. 

It was impossible to minify or narrow the scope and mean- 
ing of the contest. It was not a commercial and financial 
contest. It was not a naval and military contest. It was not 
a political or police contest. All these were incidental and 
not primary considerations. It was a contest in which the 
character of civilization and the interpretation of the Decalogue 
and the Sermon on the Mount were involved. 

In this and in many lands God is summoning the nations 
with the challenge, " Who is on the Lord's side ? " 

We see the nations which are the conservators of human 
rights and liberties in the front, and the nations nurtured by 
exaction and tyranny in decadence. 

The Christian nations now police the globe and will be held 
responsible for liberty and order wherever man abides. 

The war was another " irrepressible conflict." A state of 
organized society resting upon the bondage of a Latin civili- 
zation stood confronting a state of organized society resting 
upon the liberty of an Anglo-Saxon civilization. 

There is no difference in character and purpose between 
Alva and Weyler, who stand at either end of a history 
embracing three and a half centuries of human struggles for 
civil and religious liberty. During this period human rights 
have been victorious on every continent and in the islands of 
the sea, but never by Spanish permission or promotion, but 
always despite her resistance. She has contested the progress 
of human liberty at every step. Was not our cause against 
her right ? 

The judgment of Christendom and the law of God both 



152 Fitcing the Twentieth Century. 

jiistitiecl us in tlie face of the cruel facts confronting us, with- 
out hatred, revenge, or vindictiveness in dechiring that, " In 
the name of our God, we will set up our banners," and we held 
them on hio-h until the oppressed were relieved and the grasp 
of tyranny was broken. 

Liberty finally confronted bondage ; freedom confronted 
slavery ; mercy confronted cruelty ; manliness confronted 
meanness; virtue confronted vice ; plenty confronted hunger; 
thrift confronted poverty ; intelligence confronted ignorance ; 
civilization confronted barbarism, and tolerance confronted in- 
tolerance. These opposites faced each other from yawning 
cannon, and the better civilization prevailed. 

AVill the war pay ? was often asked, and it was a very mean 
question for a patriot to ask. Was the war right ? was the 
question for righteous men to ask. If it was right it must pay. 

Do the results warrant the outlay ? Yes ! a thousand-fold. 

One of the worst results of the Spanish- American situation 
was the blunting of the moral sense of our citizens by com- 
pelling them to become familiar with Spanish cruelty as unre- 
sisting witnesses. The virility of American patriotism was 
resurrected. 

The renaissance of self-respect asserted itself, and the people 
ventured to look up to God in confident supplication for the 
blessing that he always bestows upon the hearts and lives of 
men who dare to defend the oppressed, though it may require 
the punishment of the oppressor. 

Nationality asserted itself. The new patriotism came to the 
front. Before the war for the preservation of the Union and 
the abolition of slavery patriotism was based upon historic, 
revolutionary memories, and upon State pride. Since the war 
the patriotism based upon nationality had been slowly devel- 
oping. The crisis in the relation of the republic to Spain 
forced to fruition the results of our Civil War. Sectionalism 
was blotted out, and the representatives and citizens of forty- 
five sovereign States contended with each other in their eager- 




U. S. Gratit. R. E. Lee. 

Fitzhugh Lee. Frederick D. Grant. 

"LET US HAVE PEACE." 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 153 

ness to plant the ensign of the republic wbere its ample folds 
should protect a people struggling for liberty against the iron 
heel of an oppressor. The nation first saw William McKin- 
ley in Washington and Fitzhugh Lee in Havana ; then the 
commissioning in the volunteer army by the President and 
Senate of generals who fought in our Civil War on the Union 
side and on the Confederate side ; then the command of Com- 
modore Dewey from the decks of the Olympia to " open with 
all guns," responded to by the Boston and the Baltimore, the 
Concot'd SLiid the Rahigli; then, a little later on, the Oregon 
and the Texas, the Iowa and the BrooUyn, responded to Com- 
modore Sampson's command, and we thus and then served 
notice upon the family of nations that, looking this way, they 
must face an undivided Nation and not a confederation of 
States. 

The tattered battle flags, telling of alternating victory and 
defeat of thirty-five years ago, are not decaying, but are trans- 
figured, while thirteen Stripes and forty-five Stars are made to 
mean E plurihus unum. 

It is not simply welding, but under the alchemy of patriotic 
ardor it is union and oneness. It is not simply amalgamation, 
but by yielding personal prejudice, by curbing individuality, 
and by suppressing identity, the oneness of a common national 
personality is begotten and born. 

Grant said : " Let us have peace " — and the utterance is 
carved upon his tomb, where his body was laid by hands 
which warred with him and warred ascainst him. If he Avere 
alive and with us to-day, he would say, let us have peace 
that we may be prepared for righteous war. 

The roll call in army and navy, of leaders and heroes and 
martyrs, tells the story of the Nation, peaceful and united as 
never before in its history. 

The reflex influence of an unselfish act upon an individual 
or a nation is often more powerful for good than the act itself. 
We started out to right the wrongs of an oppressed and 



154 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

wounded people, and the first result of our action was the 
irift of a balm that has healed our own wounds and blotted 
out the sears caused by our civil strife. 

AVe twice argued in battle by sea and laud with our British 
ancestors and secured our liberties by revolution. Then we 
argued with each other in battle on sea and land, and deter- 
mined the governmental methods of administering and per- 
petuating the liberties thus secured. Now we have no 
aro'ument amonoj ourselves because we are of one mind, 
and because we are standing heart to heart in love for, and 
in defense of, the principles and honor of our one common be- 
loved country ; while the mighty nation which a century ago 
yielded to us our liberties under compulsion allies herself to 
us in our war for humanity, with a bond based upon kinship 
and upon sympathy for our unselfish purpose, and therefore 
stronger than any written treaty or sealed compact. 

We hear much talk in these days about an international 
Anglo-Saxon alliance, and it is good and healthful. But we 
now have an assured alliance between forty-five sovereign 
States. It is this union at home, constituting a mighty and 
unconquerable nation, tliat attracts the attention of the 
nations of the Old World and makes them think an alliance 
desirable. Some would seek such an alliance, all would recog- 
nize its omnipotence. 

The war in which we engaged was initiated upon a high 
moral plane of national responsibility. The adjustment of 
its results must be kept there. No un^vorthy partisan politi- 
cal purpose must divert us. 

The God of Nations revealed himself in our international 
struggle. Let men who count themselves statesmen be care- 
ful how they attempt to steady the Ark of God and beware 
of the fate of Uzzah. Let us, as a nation divinely favored 
in all our history, earnestly and reverently seek his guidance, 
legislate as he wills, and be careful not to legislate with a 
purpose to direct the Almighty. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 155 

In an emergency never prophesied or dreamed, a free 
people's war for humanity and the rights of man caused on 
May 1, 1898, the starry ensign of the republic, with all it 
means, to float over fertile islands on the other side of the 
globe, inhabited by eight millions of oppressed, plundered, 
and misruled people. Thus suddenly the Stars and Stripes 
took on new beauty for friendly eyes and new terror for the 
foes of liberty. 

The sun of heaven now greets the stars of hope in liberty's 
banner during every hour of every revolution of the round 
earth. A blow from the strong right hand of this nation, 
designed to break the grasp of a cruel oppressor in an island 
just off our coast, first paralyzed the same oppressor's hand, 
deprived her of her richest colonies, and liberated millions of 
her victims on the other side of the world. Kinship in suffer- 
ing and in hopes makes all the race neighbors. 

We purpose here to give some arguments, facts, incidents 
and authorities to corroborate the claim that the war was one 
of civilizations. 

On April 5, 1898, the writer prepared and presented a 
report to a Conference, of which he was a member, of some 
hundreds of ministers of the Gospel, on the state of the 
country in its relations to Spain. The report was adopted 
with unanimity and enthusiasm. The action met with severe 
criticism from various sources. We submit that in the light 
of history the indictment against Spain reads well to-day. 
We repeat it : 

" We believe that the following facts constitute an indict- 
ment demanding the expulsion of Spanish rule from Cuba : 

" 1. Its destruction of commercial interests of the United 
States, already making an invoice of millions of treasure. 

" 2. Its insolence in searching our merchantmen on the 
high seas, and repudiation of claims for restitution. 

" 3. Its cowardly insult to our honored President, by its 
representative at our nation's capital. 



15G Facing the Tuwntieth Century. 

" 4. Its trivial treatment of iuternatioiial diplomatic rela- 
tions. 

" 5. Its recjiiiriug the United States in obedience to liumili- 
atino- treaty obligations to police the seas, to prevent the 
extension of assistance to struggling patriots seeking aid. 

"0. Its criminally permissive, if not ordered, destruction of 
the United States battleship Maine, with the loss of the lives 
of lHIG American defenders. 

" 7. Its barbarity and inhumanity in the methods of warfare, 
with its treacherous murder of men, its herding and starving 
of asfed men and women and children to the extent of over 
400,000 in number, its ingenious and exterminating tortures of 
a people it has neither the courage nor the vigor to conquer. 

" 8. Its sacrilegious pretext of claiming to be a Christian 
nation. 

" 9. Its prostitution of the moral sense of our citizens by 
obliging them for years to look upon and become familiar 
with fiendish barbarism so near us that we can almost hear 
the cries of its victims. 

" 10. Its paralyzing power upon the Christian civilization 
of the century, by holding in darkness, denser than that of 
the Middle Ages, the inhabitants of the fairest island of the 
sea. 

" Humanity, honesty, virtue, reason, liberty, civilization, 
and Ciiristianity demand the expulsion of this last consum- 
mate specimen of the frightful cruelties of a Latin civiliza- 
i'um fi-om the island whose shores are touched by the same 
tides that wash the coasts of this republic. 

'' We want no overtures from our government nor to our 
government for settlement of the burning questions confront- 
ing us as a nation, based upon propositions emanating from 
ItMiiie. Let efforts emanating from tliat source exhaust them- 
selves in humanizing and civilizing Spain. American institu- 
tions will guard their own honor." 

On April 15, 1898, almost every one of these ten points of 




SIGSBEE AND WAINWRIGHT, AND THE "MAINE" AS IT WAS AND AS IT IS. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 157 

indictment, in an elaborated form, was mentioned in the report 
of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the United States 
Senate, and upon which the Committee asked the Senate 
to vote to expel Spain from Cuba by instructing the Presi- 
dent to use the army and navy for the purpose. 

When the United States entered upon the war with Spain 
the President's proclamation exj^licitly announced the highest 
principles of civilized warfare, which not only measured up 
to all the requirements of international law, but took in the 
domain of courtesy, morality, and humanity. These principles 
embodied abstinence from privateering, despite the fact that 
our government was not a party to the international declara- 
tion prohibiting privateering by the signatory powers, having 
refused to sign the declaration because the other nations would 
not agree that all private property on both sea and land should 
be exempt from seizure, unless it was contraband of war. 
The principles announced substantially carried out our 
humane propositions which had been rejected by the other 
nations. The proclamation guaranteed a month's exemption 
from seizure to all of the enemy's merchantmen loading in or 
sailing from American ports, and permitted all Spanish 
vessels which had sailed for an American port previous to the 
date of the declaration of war to enter that port, discharge 
their cargoes and resail unmolested. All this leniency was not 
only beyond the requirements of existing international law, 
but put war on a more exalted and more humane level than 
the world had before witnessed, and was in marked contrast 
with the historic methods of warfare of the nation whose 
corrupt civilization our country was called upon to expel 
from Cuba. 

President McKinley, at the Peace Jubilee in Chicago, Octo- 
ber 18, 1898, said : 

" It is gratifying to all of us to know that this never ceased 
to be a war of humanity. The last ship that went out of the 
harbor of Havana before war was declared was an American 



158 Facing the Twentieth Qentury. 

ship, whicli liad taken to the suffering people of Cuba the 
supplies furnished by American charity. And the first ship 
to sail into the harbor of Santiago wag another American ship 
bearino- food supjilies to the suffering Cubans, and I am sure 
it is the universal prayer of American citizens that justice and 
liumuiitv and civilization shall characterize the final settlement 
of peace as they liave distinguished the progress of the war." 

Whenever in naval warfare the Anglo-Saxon has been back 
of the guns wliich have faced the Spaniard he has, with unva- 
rying uniformity, not only defeated him, but destroyed the 
ships which carried Spain's ensign of medijBval civilization. 

Commodore Philip of the warship Texas, when asked on 
September 10, 1898, *' How about the personnel of the 
American crews to-day in the matter of birth?" "A large 
majority," replied the Commodore, "come of Anglo-Saxon and 
Scandinavian blood. This includes men of direct Ameri- 
can, English, and Irish pedigree, and the sons of the old 
Norsemen, and, bunch them all together, they are the best 
sea-faring and sea-fighting stock on earth. All lend them- 
selves easily to American citizenship, including the Germans, 
of whom we have a fair proportion. Of the French and other 
Latin races we have mighty fe^v." 

The late Captain Charles V. Gridley of the Olynipia wrote 
from Manila Bay, May 3, 1898 : " We are busy now burying 
their [Spanish] dead and caring for their wounded. After 
surrendering they went off, leaving them, after promising to 
look out for them. We are superior to the Latin and the 
Bourbon, and we must conquer." 

It is an interesting and significaut fact that, during the war, 
America's great commanders, in civil affairs and on sea and 
land, ^vere almost without exception men who descended from 
progenitors who were the creators of our Anglo-Saxon Ameri- 
can Christian civilization. The Providence which did not 
))ei'iiiit our institutions in our early history to be shaped by a 
Latin civilization still dealt kindly with us. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 159 

It was a magnificent spectacle at the close of the nineteenth 
century to behold the two great English-speaking nationali- 
ties standing shoulder to shoulder and heart to heart; and, on 
the other hand, it was an instructive spectacle to behold the 
nations of Latin civilization trying to stand together, while 
Italy, in her new liberty, tried to neutralize the meddling 
tendencies of the Prisoner of the Vatican. 

On December 8, 1898, the greatest of English statesmen said : 
"Already the United States, if regarded from the stand- 
point of potential resources, is the greatest of civilized States, 
with its immense population of intelligent citizens, chiefly 
Anglo-Saxons, and if we are assured of the Anglo-Saxon 
race, whether it abides under the Stars and Stripes or the 
Union Jack, there is no other combination that can make us 
afraid." 

The war with Spain was the sixth foreign war in our his- 
tory, the first in half a century, and one of the first in the 
importance of its results. It has greatly increased our pos- 
sessions, enlarged our policy, planted our flag in another hem- 
isphere, vindicated the high order of our diplomacy, proved 
the marvelous eflftciency of our navy and army, and placed 
the United States in the front rank of the world-Powers. It 
has been forcefully said that : 

" Just two hundred years after the sovereigns of Great 
Britain and France bargained together for the partition of 
Spain the Spanish Empire is partitioned, without French or 
British aid, by a power of which these monarchs had no knowl- 
edge. In its immediate changes of the maps and international 
relations of the world the Spanish- American war was one of the 
most important of the century. In its ultimate possibilities it 
vies with any that has been fought since the British and Span- 
ish races first grappled in a deathlock. The work that Drake 
began at Cadiz was completed by Dewey and Sampson at 
Manila and Santiago, and it may well be that the last act 
will prove as full of moment as was the first." 



160 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

The treiKl of sentiment among all tlie civilized nations other 
tliaii those of Latin leaning and lineage evidently is that 
France, Italy, and Anstria, having become stationary, and 
Spain, as the result of the war, having been eliminated as an 
international power, the ultimate disappearance of the Latin 
race as a factor in human affairs will not long be post- 
poned. 

No wonder France made a desperate effort to get the Powers 
to unite with her in the beginning of our contest with Spain, 
to befriend cowardly and corrupt Spain against our demands 
in the interests of humanity, as at that very hour France, call- 
ing herself a republic, but really a government of militaiism 
and beaurocracy, was in courts, army, and in civil administra- 
tion steeped in the intolerance, the cowardice, and corruption 
of the Dreyfus case. The poor Jew was exiled to Devil's Isle, 
but the Devil had free range in Paris. 

One of the most significant recognitions of the fact that our 
war with Spain was a war in the interests of better civiliza- 
tion came from Jerusalem. In that city, on June 17, 1898, 
in the Beth Jacob Synagogue, prayer was offered in behalf of 
the American arms. Is it to be wondered at, when it is 
remembered that Spain and other Latin nations have made 
history black by their persecution of the Jews ? The prayer 
in part is as follows: 

*' We beseech Thee, O God of mercy and compassion, who 
hearest prayer ; we Tliy servants of the House of Jacob, who 
dwell in Thy holy precincts; we come to-day to pour out our 
prayer for our l)rethren, the people of America who live in 
the United States ; the people in whom Thou hast implanted 
the love of liberty and humanity more than in any other. 
These blessed people went out to battle against a mighty foe, 
not to widen territory or to conquer neighbors, but to proclaim 
liberty to captives and to deliver a poor people from the 
wrath of their despoilers. 

" Thou, O God, who examinest the heart, look down from 




Macias. 



Linares. 
Paiido. 



Plan CO. 
.4ii,t^ux/in. 
A (IKOUP (JF SPANISH GKNERALS IK THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. 




Wheeler. Shaffer. 

Merritt. Miles. Brooke. 

A GROUP OF AMERICAN GENERALS IN THE SPANISH-AJMERICAN WAR. 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 161 

heaven and see the battling armies, and let Thy countenance 
shine on the army that is actuated by the feelings of righteous- 
ness and the love of humanity, and on the young men and 
their leaders who risk their lives for a just cause to save the 
oppressed from their oppressors. 

" Lift up the hand of the ruler of that country and crown 
his heroes with the crown of victory. 

" But on their adversaries show Thy might and annihilate 
their power. Avenge the blood of Thy servants that has 
been shed by a cruel nation and crush Thy enemies for aye." 

On October 13, 1898, in a public speech, the President as- 
serted the patriotism and civilization involved in the war when 
he said : 

" We have been patriotic in every crisis of our history, and 
never more patriotic than from April, 1808, to the present 
hour. Our patriotism must be continued. We must not 
permit it to abate, but we must stand unitedly until every 
settlement of the recent contest shall be written in enduring 
form and shall record a triumph for civilization and humanity." 

Dr. Lyman Abbott put the issues of the war thus : 

'^I believe that the war just ended is the inevitable out- 
come of the antagonisms of three centuries here aud for 
eighteen centuries in the world ; the conflict between the 
notion of government embodied in the public school and the 
government emijodied in the Inquisition. I thank God that 
the dominion of the government in which was embodied the 
principle of taxing the people for the government alone, and 
which stands for the Inquisition, is dead on this continent." 

On September 13, 1898, Premier Sagasta, in the Spanish 
Senate, in the debate on the Peace Protocol, in response to 
the assaults upon himself and upon his predecessor Canovas, 
said : " that neither Senor Canovas nor himself had ruled 
long enough to change the character of the race," which was 
the true cause, he asserted, of the disaster to Spain. Later, 
the Premier remarked : " We are an anaemic country." 



162 Facing the Twentieth Centaury. 

While General Blanco with great bluster was consummat- 
incr arraugemeuts for tlie removal of the dust of Columbus 
from Cuba to Spain, a dispatch was received from Madrid 
statin'^' that : " A mob of women at Granada, considering that 
the di'scovery of America was, in their opinion, the principal 
cause of Spain's misfortunes, stoned the statue of Columbus 

there." 

The Cristobal Colon was the last ship of Cervera's Spanisb 
fleet destroyed. It seemed the irony of fate that Spain's last 
representative of naval power in this Western Hemisphere 
should not only bear the name of the discoverer of America, 
but should be sunk near the spot where four centuries ago he 
planted the Spanish flag, having discovered the outposts of 
a new world, and near the city where his ashes were believed 
to repose. 

San Salvador, one of the Bahamas, where Columbus landed 
October 12, 1492, is now owned by Great Britain ; and 
Cuba, one of the Antilles, is in the possession of the United 
States. 

There is not an instance recorded in history where Spain 
has given evidence that the welfare of a colony had prece- 
dence in her thought and purpose. Her standard of colonial 
government has remained mediaeval, while the world's 
standard has moved up and away, carrying her possessions 
with it, until she now stands a pitiable member of the family 
of nations, stripped of her once extended colonial domain, in 
the isolation of pride, ignorance, and unrepentant intolerance. 
Four elements were always present in Spain's theory and 
practice of colonial control : heartless tyranny, conscienceless 
clericalism, mercenary misgovernment, and haughty race dis- 
tinctions. 

In owY \var with Spain, while it would from a standpoint of 
liberal pi'inciples be natural to expect that the South Ameri- 
can repul^lics would sympathize with the United States, they 
were not only outspoken in their attitude of unfriendliness to- 




DEWEY'S FLAGSHIP " OLYMPIA.' 







SAMPSON'S FLAGSHIP " NEW YORK." 




SCHLEY'S FLAGSHIP "BROOKLYN." 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 163 

ward us, but gave many indications of their sympathy with 
Spain. Their people are of the Latin race and their civiliza- 
tion is yet dominated by the ecclesiasticism of a Latin civili- 
zation. Their antagonism to Anglo-Saxon civilization was 
stronger than their love for the institutions based upon that 
civilization, althougli it made even the partial civil and re- 
ligious liberty they enjoy possible. 

While the cruelties and crimes of Spain in history, it would 
be natural to suppose, would touch the character and the des- 
tinies of our nation more closely if they were committed in 
the Western Hemisphere than if they were committed in the 
Old World, the fact remains that the Spanish Inquisi- 
tion in the Netherlands, and the political and ecclesiastical 
iniquities of the same origin in France during the sixteenth 
century, developed forces that, entering into the character of 
American pioneers, gave our nation much of the moral virility 
and uncompromising courage which enabled it in its youth, 
and which has thus far enabled it successfully, to resist the 
encroachments of a Latin civilization. 

OUR NEW POSSESSIONS. 

Consult a map of the world, and as you view the Eastern 
and Western hemispheres, with the Atlantic and Pacific 
oceans, a fact of geographic interest will present itself. The 
new possessions of the United States — all of them — lie in al- 
most a direct line drawn around the globe. Cuba, Port Rico, 
the Philippines, and Hawaii lie within the same belt of 
latitude. As islands of the sea, they closely resemble each 
other in their history, government, religion, and the richness 
of their material resources. 

A concise compilation and a clear comparison of the lead- 
ing facts in the historic record and natural resources of these 
islands will better enable us to understand the situation. 



164 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

CUBA. 

The island of CuIki— the largest among the group known 
a^ the (rrcater Antilles— lies 90 miles south of the coast of 
FI..i-i.la. It is in latitude 20° N. to 23' N. It occupies 
1 1 degrees of longitude, and is 700 miles in length. Its 
least breadth is from 30 to 36 miles. It is bounded on 
the north and east by the AtLantic Ocean and the Gulf of 
Mexico, and on the south and west by the Caribbean 
Sea. It has six territorial divisions — Pinar Del Rio, 
Havana, Matanzas, Santa Clara, Puerto Principe, and 
Santiago de Cuba. Its geographic area is 45,883 square 
miles. England has but 5000 more. The State of Penn- 
sylvania has but 600 less. Cuba was discovered by Colum- 
bus in 1492 on his first voyage, while sailing westward over 
the Atlantic with a crew of 90 men. To him it was " the 
goodliest land that eye ever saw." Geologically, there is 
evidence that Cuba was, in ages gone by, an extremity of 
North America. Its climate, while tropical, is mild. Two 
seasons only are recognized — the dry and the rainy. The 
dry season is especially delightful. The annual rainfall is 
estimated to be 40 inches. The atmosphere is singularly 
transparent. The skies, with their glowing sunsets, are of 
noticeable beauty. The sea is described as "a deep green 
with shifting coppery lights, like liquid opal." 

Cuba, for vegetation, is a terrestrial paradise. It is exuber- 
ant with tro[)ical luxuriance. It is so fertile that two crops 
of some cereals may be obtained, at times, in the same year. 
Sugar, tobacco, and coffee are the principal agricultural prod- 
ucts. Sea-island cotton of a fine quality is readily raised on 
th«* low lands of the coast. Besides Indian corn, yams, and 
sweet potatoes, the pineapple, orange, banana, fig, and pome- 
gi'anate grow freely. Cocoa, honey, and wax are among the 
exports. It is estimated that there are more than 10,000,000 
acres of dense, uncleared forests, rich in hard and valuable 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 165 

woods like cedar, ebony, and mahogauy. The island is moun- 
tainous. The cop2:)er mines of Santiago de Cuba are rich in 
useful ores. The cataracts and caves of Cuba, "The Pearl 
of the Antilles," are a wonder to the traveler. 

The habitable area of Cuba is but little more than 32,000 
square miles, witli a population estimated to be 1,631,000. 
The aborigines were long since practically exterminated. 
Spaniards, Cubans of Spanish ancestry, Africans, mulattoes, 
and a few Asiatics constitute in part the racial distinctions. 
They are divided largely into so-called " Peninsulars " and 
" Insulars," into whites and negroes. The negro element 
to-day is represented by scarcely moi'e than a quarter of the 
entire population. African slavery existed for many years. 
It was abolished as recently as in 1886. 

Industry, enterpi'ise, and thrift have not had encourage- 
ment in the Island of Cuba, during all these centuries of Span- 
ish misgovernmeut. Under Spanish dominion, Avith its lust 
of wealtli and power, Cuba, though rich in its latent resources, 
beautiful in its landscape, and fertile in its loamy soil, has 
been permitted to remain practically uncultivated and unde- 
veloped. Armed occupation on the part of its Spanish con- 
querers and owners has been ceaseless — Avith only brief 
intermissions — for four hundred years. A Spanish governor 
general has from time to time been appointed by the authori- 
ties in Madrid. Even Spaniards tliemselves, not native to the 
soil of Spain, have been excluded from holding office in Cuba, 
whether civil or military. " Creoles " — that is, people of 
Spanish blood born on Cuban soil — have had no place in the 
official or governing class. The proud Spanish grandees and 
hidalgos have held in contempt a people whose annual reve- 
nues, amounting to many millions, while collected in Cuba, 
have been spent or treasured in Spain. 

"The Roman Catholic is the only religion tolerated in 
Cuba." This statement, made by a traveler in 1896, will 
never again be truthfully uttered. 



I,;,; Faviny tht Twentieth Century. 

PORTO RICO. 

This is amoiiu' the smallest of our recent conquests, yet, 
perhaps, tlie must attractive and interesting. It is one of the 
Wfst Iiulia Islaii.ls. s.)ntlieast of Cuba. It lies 70 miles east 
of Ilayti; it is 108 miles long, and a little less tlian 40 
|„oad.' It's area is estimated to be 8668 square miles. A 
barklK.ne <»f hills, running east and west, finds its loftiest 
elevation at the northeast, in a peak 3600 feet high. 
These hills are intluential, as they intercept the trade 
winds aii.l atl'eot meteorologic conditions. Well-watered, 
the hilltops covered with fruits, the island presents a 
beautiful appeai'ance. It was discovered by Columbus in 
N()vend»er, 1498. In 1511 the city of San Juan was founded 
l>y Ponee de Leon. The aboriginal inhabitants were 
pronq>tly subdued and speedily disappeared. The pres- 
ent population of the island is estimated at a little more 
than 800,000. Spaniards, Germans, Swedes, Danes, Russians, 
and other i)eo[)le of European origin, occupy Porto Rico, with 
natives of the Canary Islands and a few Chinese. Sugar and 
coffee are the two staples. Tobacco, cotton, rice, and maize, 
with the fi-uits belonging to the tropics, are successfully culti- 
vated. With a soil extremely fertile, the exports of Porto 
Rico are comparatively large and remunerative. Exports and 
iiiip<.its more than doubled in value between the years 1850 
ami Iss.'i. Only salt mines are worked, though gold, 
iron, copper, and coal may be found. San Juan, the 
capital, lies on the north coast. A palace, a cathedral, 
town hall, and (heater are there. Ponce, Mayaguez, and 
Naguabo are the other principal towns. The people are 
oi-ilinarily intelligent, their religion, as might be expected, is 
the state icligion of Spain. The degree of their civilization 
i'^ what Spanish sul)jection and priestly domination have 
allowtMJ. Ill ls-2<i Ihc Poito Ricans attempted to throw oft' 
the Spaiii-h yoke, l)iit in vain. Until the United States came 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 167 

into possession of this island, in 1898, the Spanish government 
was supreme. This island is the only one of the entire num- 
ber of islands wrested from Spain as the result of the late war 
over which the United States claims ownership and permanent 
sovereignty. 

THE PHILIPPIlSrE ISLANDS. 

The Philippine Islands constitute an archipelago in them- 
selves. They number, islands and islets, by various estimates 
from 600 to 1200. The principal islands are Luzon, Mindanao, 
Samar, Pauay, Negros, Palawan, Cebu, and Mindoro. The area 
of the entire group is estimated to be 114,000 square miles. 
Luzon and Mindanao exceed in area all the others put to- 
gether. They are of volcanic origin. Two of the volcanoes 
are active. They have been destructive. The Albay volcano 
towers, a perfect cone, to the height of over 8000 feet. Earth- 
quake shocks are not infrequent. In view of this fact, the 
islanders generally build their homes of light material, with 
grass or palm-leaf roofs. The climate is essentially tropical, 
and is described as a continual summer, the temperature vary- 
ing but little from 80*^ F. As might be expected, the Philip- 
pine Islands are rich in agricultural products, though the land 
is largely undeveloped. The population, a mixture of races, 
is estimated at between 7,000,000 and 8,000,000. In view of 
their tropical environment, the people are naturally of an indo- 
lent disposition. They are said, however, to be ingenious. 
Tlieir devices for manufacture are as yet crude. Still, they 
manufacture and export large quantities of mauila hemp. 
Rice, sugar, and coffee, with tobacco, are among the products 
of their fertile soil. The islands are abundant also in vegeta- 
ble and fruit products. From the cocoanut's meat and milk 
the inhabitants prepare various drinks, foods, spirits, and 
medicines. 

The Philippine Islands were discovered March 16, 1521, by 
Hernando Magellan, a Portuguese noble, who had renounced 



Igg Faciiiii the Tiventietli Century. 

his allet?iance to Portugal and had become a subject of Spain. 
The discoveries of Christopher Columbus in 1492, with the 
adventures and conquests of Cortez, Balboa, and others, had 
aroused the enterprising spirit of this restless cavalier. The 
existence of the Pacific Ocean was known; but how to reach 
it by sailini: the Atlantic was yet a mystery. Witli tLe dis- 
covery ..f thf Straits of Magellan that mystery was solved. 
After* reach iim- and naming this passage between the Island of 
Tierra del Fuego and the mainland of Patagonia, October 28, 
IJ'JO, Magellan sailed the Pacific Ocean for mouths before he 
reached the Lad rone Islands. Subsequently, coasting along 
the island of Mindanao, he landed, upraised the Spanish flag, 
and took formal possession in the name of Charles I. 

The po})nlation is decidedly mongrel. Spaniards, Chinese, 
and an English-speaking contingent constitute a large pro- 
j)orti(^ni of the foreign element, which is represented mostly in 
Manila and in the chief seaports of the archipelago. The 
iiiditreiious population is made up of various tribes and races, 
chief among which are the Negritos, the Gaddanes, the Iggo- 
rotes, and the Tinguianes. Some of these tribes, like the 
(iaddanes, are described as "entirely out of the pale of civili- 
zation." 

To depict the true character of the domesticated natives of 
these islands is confessedly difficult. In many respects it is 
«'iiigmatical and unsatisfactory. The evidences of civilization 
found in Manila, the capital of the Philippines, among the 
native poj)ulation, is not a fair index, of course, of the igno- 
rance, the indolence, and the irreligion which mark the millions 
\vh<» live remote fioni this comparatively cultivated center. 
Although Sjtain discovered and conquered these islands, she 
has done biifc little to enlighten them. Manufactures and 
comnuMce have lacked management. Material resources have 
\n'v\\ left undeveloped. The forms of government are arbi- 
trary and "ppn-ssive. Added to the effects of climate, lead- 
inL' nii'ii naturally t(t do as little work as possible, — no more 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 169 

indeed tban is absolutely necessary for existence and to secure 
the commonest conveniences and comforts of life, — there has 
been little or nothing to encourage activity, industry, and 
enterprise. There has been much to foster resentment and 
rebellion. Robbed by the Spanish authorities — Spain claim- 
ing the right to tax everything in sight, even to the wheels of 
a cart — the oppressed Philippinos have also been the victims 
of oppression on the part of their religious teachers. The 
enforced support of the Romish Church has likewise been a 
form of imposition. Between the exactions and extortions of 
state and church, the energies of the mixed races of these 
many islands have not only remained undeveloped, but have 
been discouraged and repressed. 

The religion of the Philippines is what might be looked for 
when Roman Catholics and Mussulmans have for centuries vied 
with one another for the spiritual domination over an idola- 
trous and barbarous people. The power of the Friars is to- 
day recognized by the authorities of government, and the 
parish priest is all-influential as he appeals to the superstitious 
and fears of an ignorant native community. Mr. Foreman 
says : " A royal decree, or the sound of the cornet, would not 
be half so effective as the elevation of the Holy Cross before 
the fanatical majority, who yet become an easy prey to fan- 
tastic promises of eternal bliss or the threats of everlasting 
perdition." 

Since the original occupation of these islands by the Span- 
ish Government, they have been ruled, for the most part, by 
military men. Captains general of late years have been at 
the head of affairs with a three-year term of office. The sub- 
jugation of the people to the s^vay of Spain has been gradual, 
and this colony, like the others within her domain, has been 
divided and subdivided into provinces and military districts. 
Within the last twenty-five years the Philippine Islands, it 
is conceded by observant travelers and scholars like Foreman 
and Worcester, have made " great strides on the path of 



J -Q Facing the Tioentietli Century, 

social ami inatnial progress." Their importaDce, politically 
aiul c-o..iiuerc'iallv, lias fur years been increasingly obvious. 

The^e islaiuls c-aiiu- iiiuler the control of the United States 
wlieii. on Suuclay n.oniing, May 1, 1898, Commodore Dewey 
eutiMvd tlie outer harbor of Maniki, the capital of these Spanish 
iK,ssessioiis, and destroyed the Spanish lleet under Admiral 
Muntoj... ( )ii ( )ctober lU the United States Peace Commis- 
8iuii presented the demand of this nation for the Philippines; 
and on I)ec-euil)er 10 the Treaty of Peace was signed at Paris. 
By tins Spain yielded her possessions in the Pacific archi- 
pehigo to the government of this nation. 

THK LADRONE ISLANDS. 

TIk' Ladroue Islands constitute fifteen links in a seeming 
chain of islands. They are found in the Pacific Ocean, north 
..f I lie Carolines. Their latitude is 13° and 21° North, their 
lunudtude 144° and 14G° East. They were discovered by 
Ma'^.dlan March 6,1521. They are variously named "Los 
Lad rones " or " Las Marianas." The largest island is Guahau 
..I ( iiiain. It is the most southern of the entire group. Like 
the Philipi)ines, these islands are mountainous ; the northern 
\rvi>\\Y is esj)ecially so. Their estimated area is 200 square 
miles. Agriculture has been greatly neglected : yet arecaand 
cocoanut palms, rice, maize, sugar, tobacco, indigo, fruits, and 
castor oil are named among the products. The climate and 
soil are most favorable to their better cultivation. Swine 
and o.xen are permitted to run wild. The population of these 
islands is about 8000. It is made up of the descendants of 
the aborigines, of settlers from the Philippines, and of others 
of a mixed race. Excepting a colony from the Caroline Islands, 
the majority of the population are lacking in energy. The 
natives themselves are indolent and even lazy. They have 
been oppressed and dispirited. Their numbers have been 
fearfidly uast.-d by S[)anish conquest. AVithin two centuries 
th'' oriLMii.d inlanders suifered losses which reduced their 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 171 

population from au estimated 50,000 to less than 2000. 
During one year a large proportion of the population died 
from an epidemic. With such a history and such discourage- 
ments, it can scarcely be matter of wonder that, apart from the 
influence of climate, these people should be inactive, poor, 
and of doubtful moral character. With but few schools and 
little encouragement or opportunity for the development of 
their intellectual, social, and spiritual life, these people all 
speak Spanish and have thus far been under the Spanish form 
of government and the Spanish form of faith. 

On the 25th of May, 1898, the first Manila expedition 
started from San Francisco ; and on June 21 the Ladrone 
Islands were captured, and Guam is now the possession of the 
United States by the Treaty of Paris. 

THE HAWAIIAN^ ISLANDS. 

The Hawaiian Islands — long known as the Sandwich 
Islands — are found in the North Pacific Ocean. They lie 
between 18° 54' and 22° 2' N. lat., in long. 155° and 161^^ AV. 
These islands are twelve in number, four being as yet prac- 
tically uninhabited. The island of Hawaii is the largest of 
the group. Their total area is estimated as 6740 square 
miles. They were discovered by Captain Cook in 1778, and 
were named by him in honor of the Earl of Sandwich, first 
lord of the Admiralty at that time in England. The Span- 
iards claim a previous discovery. The native population 
represents the Malayo-Polynesian race, their complexion 
being of a reddish brown. Their number, originally 200,000, 
is to-day less tlian 31,000. Half-castes, Japanese, Chinese, 
Portuguese, and an English-speaking people, with German, 
French, Norwegians, and others complete the population of 
109,000. Sugar, coifee, tropical fruits, and rice are the main 
products. The large exportation of sugar in 1895 was 
nearly doubled in 1897. In the matter of imports, American 
products have had marked preference. The islands are 



j-o Facing the Twentieth Century. 

mountainous and volcanic. The mineral products are said to 
be scanty. The native Ilauaiians physically are tall and mus- 
cular. They are more industrious and enduring than other 
isiandci-s of*^the Pacific living in a climate less salubrious. lu 
„V.ral character and intelligence, they are what might be 
..x,H.(.tcd a i>eople would be so recently recovered from can- 
nil,:ilisiii and subsequently the victims of European vices. 
Int.MuiMiaiicc and licentiousness have done much to threaten 
the actual extinction of the race. In 1820— about thirty 
yeai-s after the discovery of these islands— they were visited 
by American missionaries. They succeeded in reducing the 
native lanjaiage to writing. The advancement of the Hawai- 
\-Mx< in civilization was very marked. Their ancient idola- 
truiis religion was long since abandoned. The inhabitants 
of the islands have formally accepted the Christian faith. At 
Diie time in their early history an attempt was made by force 
..f aims to establish the Roman Catholic religion among the 
ll.iwaiians; but an appeal from the native sovereign to the 
British government, to France, and the United States secured 
til.' in<lependence of their islands in 1844, under King Kame- 
haiiirlia III., and precluded the possibility of the repetition 
..f lliis and kindred outrages. The form of government be- 
canit! that of a constitutional monarchy, with a legislature 
appointed in part by the king, and in part elected by the 
people. Each of the larger islands had a governor appointed 
by tlie king, while diplomatic and consular agents were 
i-creived from and sent to foreign powers. Honolulu, the 
(•:i|.it:d, stands on the S. W. coast of the island Oahu. It is 
•J I on niil.'> from San Francisco. AVith a good harbor, the 
.•a|utal mI" Hawaii is connected by mail steamers with the 
gr.-at iiilnpols of (Jreat Britain, Australia, the United States, 
an<l the l']ur<>[tean continent. 

In .laniiary, 1893, (^ueen Liliuokalani and her cabinet 
wt'ir in disagreemeiil about a new constitution. A committee 
of ^af»'ly took possession of the government. Liliuokalani 



Anglo-Saxon and Latin Civilizations. 173 

was deposed and then imprisoned. The people, chiefly 
American residents, established a provisional government. 
Mr. Stevens, the United States Minister, sustained them in 
their action, to guard American interests. A republic was 
proclaimed on the 4th of July, 1894. After a constitution 
had been adopted, the question of annexation to the United 
States was agitated. Sanford B. Dole was chosen president 
of the Hawaiian Republic, his term to expire in the year 
1900. 

On June 16, 1897, a treaty was signed by the plenipoten- 
tiaries of the United States and of the Republic of Hawaii, 
providing for the annexation of the islands. July 17 the 
offered cession was adopted by the United States Congress. 
The transfer of sovereignty was accomplished August 12, 
1898. On the presentation of a certified copy of the resolu- 
tion of Congress by Rear Adiuiral Miller to President Dole 
at Honolulu, the sovereignty and public property of the 
Hawaiian Islands were yielded to our representative. The 
oath of allegiance to the United States was taken by the 
Hawaiian authorities, and the administration of the Hawaiian 
government proceeded subject to the future enactments of 
the United States Congress. 

The Hawaiian Commission aj^pointed by President McKin- 
ley, under provision of Congress, consisted of Sanford B. Dole, 
President of Hawaii ; Judge Frear of the Supreme Court of 
Hawaii ; United States Senators Morgan and Cullom, and Mr. 
Ilitt, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the 
H<nise of Representatives. On December 6, 1898, the i-eport 
of the Commission was presented to Congress, providing for 
a territorial government of our new possessions. In his 
Annual Message subsequently. President McKinley said con- 
cerning the work of this Connnission : " It is believed that 
their recommendations will have the earnest consideration 
due to the magnitude of the responsibility resting upon you 
to give such shape to the relationship of these mid-Pacific 



17i 



Facing the Iwentkth Century. 



Irtn.ls to our hciiie Unii)ii as \\ ill benefit both in the highest 
at-M-ee; n-aliziiii; the aspiration of the community that has 
oast its'h.t with us and elected to share our political heritage, 
while at tlu' same tiiiu' justifying the foresight of those who 
f..r thit't'-quarteis of a century have looked to the assimila- 
tii.M of Hawaii as a natural and inevitable consummation, in 
harrnoiiv with our needs and in fulfillment of our cherished 



traditions. 



PART IV. 

THE MENACE TO AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS 

FROM POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL 

ROMANISM. 

PRELIMINARY. 

We have given some account of the sources of our civiliza- 
tion and of the institutions which are the product of that 
civilization, and also some account of the type of civilization 
whose grasp under the providence of God we escaped in the 
early history of our country, when the fiber of our body politic 
was being formed, and whose last colonial tyrannical rule has 
been banished from the Western Hemisphere, as the result of a 
short but decisive contest on sea and land between the forces 
of our Anglo-Saxon civilization and the mediaeval Latin 
civilization of Spain. 

We now propose to consider the claims, relations, and 
methods in our Republic, of the prime factor which produces 
a Latin civilization and which constitutes its one abiding 
characteristic and cohesive power throughout the world, 
which bears the name of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism. 

We look upon this power as an active, persistent, and 
omnipresent menace to American institutions. 

Politico-ecclesiastical Romanism presents claims concerning 
universal dominion in both spiritual and temporal affairs ; 
concerning the essential character of civil liberty ; con- 
cerning religious liberty and the union of church and 
state ; and concerning the voter as a citizen and responsible 
sovereign, in direct antagonism to the genius and guarantees 
of American institutions. It sustains relations to party 

175 



J-,. Ftu'iitg th^ Twentieth Century. 

politics aii.l politicians ; to legislative, executive, and judicial 
adiuiiii>trati..ii; to education and the schools; to the press 
and litcratmv; to charitable, reformatory, and penal institu- 
tions; to lal.'.r and other organizations and to corporations; 
t.. the boycott and the boss; to "Rum, Romanism, and 
i:,-brllioii "; to the government of the connnercial metropolis 
of the Xc\v World ; and to the Spanish- American war, which 
prove it a constant corru[)tor of political life and a persistent 
ilisturber of the equal and peaceful relations of citizens in 
puidic and in social life. 

It i)ractices methods in assuming to make condescending 
concessions to American institutions; in preserving voting 
soji.laritv i'V i)romoting isolation and preventing assimilation 
in citizenship ; in insisting upon all Romanists entering civic 
associations as Romanists and not as Americans; \vhicli are 
humiliating to national self-respect, detrimental to the best 
interests of its own people, and which put a premium upon 
corrupt political bargains. 

We propose to conclude this department of our discussion 
with proofs showing the decline in both numbers and politi- 
cal power of Romanism throughout the world ; and to 
fiiiiiisli, ill the Appendix to this volume, a carefully sum- 
iii:iri/('d statement of ecclesiastical and canon law from 
K'liiiaii Catholic authorities, in so far as it contains matters 
of import to American citizens. 

Satolli, the Papal Apostolic Delegate, wrote in his book 
• •11 " Loyalty to Church and State" in 1895 : 

" A disinterested study of religion, as embodied in the 
C.itliolic Church, will show that nowhere is there a power 
apjicaliii'j; to conscience more able to hold up our constitution 
alxn-e the storms of human passions, more congenial to the 
sjtirit <»f your republic, than the Church of which you and I 
arc childicii." 

iViid yet every official act of this papal representative 
while in this country proved that he cared little for the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 177 

republic, but was bere for the purpose of temporarily lulling 
the storm of indignation which was raging against his Church 
authorities because of their hostility to the public schools, 
and to compose the differences existing in the American 
hierarchy on the question of methods of securing public 
funds for parochial schools. He found not a single advocate 
of the public schools as such among the members of the 
hierarchy, but he did find diversity of opinion as to which 
was the surest way to get the people's money for sectarian 
propagation : the Archbishop Ireland way of compromise and 
indirection, or the Archbishop Corrigan way of demand and 
direct approach. 

Let us hope that Mr. Minturn, a Roman Catholic lawyer 
of Hoboken, N. J., represents hosts of the laymen of his 
Church ^vhen, speaking on " The American Catholic," he says : 

"The recent agitation by some of the clergymen, bishops, 
as well as priests, in the Catholic Church, concerning the 
school question has led to counter-agitations by zealous, 
short-sighted, yet patriotic men, outside of the Church, who 
profess to see in the movement of the clergy an attempt on 
the part of the Catholics to change and displace the public- 
school question of the land. The agitation of the Catholic 
clergy, and the counter-agitation of the American Pi-otective 
Association, are both based upon the unfounded and baseless 
assumption that the Catholic bishops and clergymen repre- 
sent the Catholic people in matters purely civil and political." 

The greatest triumphs in late years of Rome as a political 
power have been witnessed in this republic, by its influence 
over executives in municipalities. States, and nation, by its 
control of legislatures, b}^ its drafts upon public treasuries, 
by its control of the balance of power in the centers of popu- 
lation all over the nation as the result of the solidarity of its 
votes. And yet men claiming to be intelligent continue to 
assert that America has nothing to fear from Romanism. 
This fact emphasizes the peril. 



^ -g Facing the Twentieth Century. 

TIk- Ainerit^au republic has a right in the first place to 
expect i.erfeet loyalty to its institutions from all who enjoy 
it«; privileges an«l protection. 

Of coui-se we must conclude tliat all of the active nmni- 
festatioiis of the presence of Romanism in these directions 
are political, for they certainly are not religious, although 
pursued with religious zeal. 

I( i^ perhaps unnecessary to say that we make a broad dis- 
tinction between the system controlled by a Jesuitical power 
for political ends and the individual members of the Roman 
Catliolic Church, multitudes of whom are honest in their 
reli"ious convictions, but have no adequate realization of the 
tyi-.Tuiiical claims of the hierarchy upon their obedience. 
The people want to know the authenticated facts about the 
insidi.)us encroachments by political Romanism upon our 
republican institutions, and the methods resorted to by its 
apologists to conceal the purposes of encroachment. 

In the course of this discussion it will be found necessary 
to ([uote largely from the utterances of the opponents of our 
institutions, " our enemies themselves being judges." Otlier- 
wise the wily and astutely unscrupulous Roman critic will 
say that the statements are false and have no foundation in 
fact ; the common method of argument with him being to 
call his antagonist a liar and persecutor, and then to act as 
though he thought that simple rude denial annihilated facts. 
Not a quotation is made in these pages that cannot be 
authenticated. Large opportunity is afforded here, in the 
discussion of the various relations of Romanism to our insti- 
tutions, to her highest authorities and representatives to 
speak their minds freely and prove our contention against 
Iht. 

We ai-e aware that books and pamphlets by the thousand 
have been written upon the relation of political and religious 
Roinanisin to our institutions, until many people have become 
weai-i(*(l because of the irresponsible character of much of this 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Roman ism. 179 

literature. But the purpose of this discussion is, dispassion- 
ately and without exaggeration, to place the menace of polit- 
ico-ecclesiastical Konianisin in the midst of a discussion of the 
institutions ^vhich it is in honor bound loyally to maintain 
and not seek to pervert or destroy. 

One of the results of this discussion of the menacing rela- 
tions of Romanism to our civil institutions will be that 
politicians among clergymen, office-holders, office-seekers, and 
other public men, will rush into print and speech to declare 
that they know many men among their Roman Catholic 
constituents and acquaintances who are just as loyal and 
patriotic as any other citizens, and from this particular premise 
will vociferously assert that Romanism as a system is not 
hostile to our institutions, but is liberal in this country and 
is adapting itself to the character and genius of American 
republicanism. There can be now, and there have been for 
years, but two reasons for this kind of unintelligent talk: gar- 
rulous ignorance and political selfishness. Every ecclesiastical, 
secular, and political organization must be held responsible 
for the official announcements of its liighest authorities ; and 
the responsibility is neither modified nor annulled because 
some members of these organizations, in spite of their politi- 
cal or other creed, are, because of the slack hold the organi- 
zation of which they are a part has upon them, Just so much 
better than their creed. The virtue of a higher loyalty to 
civil institutions, at the expense of lower loyalty to an accepted 
ecclesiastical system, must be measured by each man's con- 
ception of moral obligation. But where evident antagonism 
of principle exists there can be no debate and no compromise, 
with honest men. " No man can serve two masters." 

The safe American programme must be absolute civil and 
religious equality before the law, for all of whatever faith, 
including Roman Catholics, as citizens but not as Romanists, 
and with no special privileges for any, and with prompt and 
stern resistance to any aggressions upon our institutions in the 



jgy Facing the Twentieth Century. 

inteivsts of sectariau propagation at public expense. A 
laineiital»le lack of courage in these vital matters now exists 
umMiii: otir count lyiiu'ii. Virile and fearless leaders are in 
demand wh.. will refuse to consult expediency or selfisliness, 
an.l wli.» believe that the battle of justice promptly fought is 
In.th more surely won and more beneficent in its permanent 

results. 

Every intelligent citizen knows that the essential principles 
of Romanisiri are antagonistic to free institutions in the 
abstract, but the concrete consideration is here proposed. 

In our study of abstract principles in securing legislative 
and constitutional changes in the nation and in the States 
foi- the protection of the common schools and iov the prohibi- 
tinii of sectarian appropriations, we have found that politico- 
fci'lcsiastical Uoinaiiism is not only the chief obstacle in the 
l-atli (.f suc-h legislation, but that it tries in every possible 
way to circumvent where it cannot defeat. AVe are therefore 
forced to study the concrete. 

It is high time that these cpiestions were thus considered. 
In response to abstract assertions and negations of Roman 
functionaries and their apologists among political, commer- 
cial, cowardly, and self-interested Protestants, one individual 
instance of the practical illustration of a theory is more 
convincing than volumes of abstractions. 

This power has the most minute ramifications in municipal, 
State, national, and international affairs. It is an impertinent 
aiifl dangerous meddler in all civic concerns. 

llow is it that the secular papers will discuss and criticise 
the theology and internal economy of Presbyterianism, Meth- 
odism, Episcopalianism, and other Protestant Churches and 
uniformly deal so gently with Romanism? The reader knows 
wh\ . 

Why is it that when vigorous and truthful things are said 
aljout the aggressions of Rome, by assemblies of public men 
like a Methorlist or a Baptist Conference, some Protestant 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 181 

preachers and laymen begin to protest and apologize, indi- 
cating that their tender feelings have been hurt? Nothing of 
this kind ever occurs on the part of Koman priests when 
Protestants are assaulted from any source. This state of 
facts disgusts men in normal condition. 

Romanists claim and exercise the right in this country, 
while enjoying the liberties so deai'ly bought for them, to 
criticise and undermine our fundamental institutions, but 
chafe and protest against any criticism of their methods and 
efforts. We make no apology for plain speaking concerning 
this interference with our civil affairs and institutions, but 
propose to get out of the prisoner's box and put the aggress- 
ive enemy on the defensive. 

"When Hercules turned the purifying river into King 
Augeus's stables, I have no doubt the confusion that resulted 
was considerable, all around; but I think it w^as not Her- 
cules's blame ; it was some other's blame " (Carlyle). 

Knowing perfectly well the value of cunning accompanied 
by fair pi-etenses, the Church of Rome carefully conceals her 
methods, and in a measure disclaims any movement ao-ainst 
our institutions. But this only serves to increase the danger. 
Under any circumstances the Roman Catholic Church would 
be the natural enemy of the jirinciples which underlie our 
theory of government. But when we properly understand 
her methods it is easy to see that the danger is largely 
increased, because the appearances are so strongly calculated 
to mislead. 

Assuming honesty on the part of conspicuous Roman 
Catholics, they are forced into the most humiliating incon- 
sistencies in attempting to be loyal to the politico-ecclesiasti- 
cal features of Romanism, and at the same time loyal to 
fundamental American principles and institutions. 

The knowledge of the facts w^e state does not in any way 
detract from our confidence in and admiration for many 
Romanists, whom we personally know, and in whose charac- 



I go Faciiuj the Twentieth Century. 

ter aiul i>atiiotUra we liave faith. It is the system we cou- 
tUMini in its political workings. 

Tlu'iv are some hopeful indications that honest and intelli- 
gent Roman Catholics are breaking away from the bondage 
of politico-ecclesiastical power. They are asserting independ- 
ence as voters in increasingly large numbers. They are 
patn»ni/.ing the public schools, thus defying ecclesiastical dic- 
tali.Mi in these matters, and thus acting like Americans in their 
iiitercoui-se with their fellow-citizens. 

Some of the most conspicuous members of the Roman Catho- 
lic faith in public life, who are genuine Americans, resent the 
ijei-sisteut pushing of politico-ecclesiasticism into public affairs. 
Many priests tell us so. But they fear to state their senti- 
ni.'iits publicly, as it would involve ecclesiastical penalties and 
would probably end their priestly and religious work. Such 
men are especially helpless. 

W'.- know many priests and Roman Catholic laymen who 
despise the p<^litical machinations of the hierarchy, but they 
dare not speak out, for they would be punished and degraded, 
as many have been, for trying to think and act for themselves. 

Dr. McGlynn told some Avholesome truths once, but was 
soon crushed by punishment ; called down from his old throne 
of power in New York, and, having returned to subserviency, 
was banished to obscurity. lie was graciously permitted, in 
1H1)7, to come to town and pronounce a eulogy over the dead 
l)ody of his friend Henry George, and then he obediently 
returned to exile. 

Many of these Roman Catholic priests and laymen agree 
with us ill the attitude taken in this volume concerning the 
menace to our institutions from politico-ecclesiastical Roman- 
i.snj. Some of them have furnished us with many of the facts 
useil in this discussion. These men ought to be liberated from 
the bondage whicli is a constant humiliation. 

< >ii<- |iiii|iose of this ])l;iiu discussion of the relation of polit- 
ico-ecclesiastical IJoiuaiiisiii to American institutions is not to 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 183 

deprive American citizens who adhere to the Koman Catholic 
i-eligion of any of their rights, but to convince them, if it may 
be, that they put themselves under suspicion when they act 
in civic matters, first as Romanists, then as American citizens ; 
and also to warn American citizens that they must watch 
Romanists when they enter politics as Romanists and try to set 
up an imperium in imperio, and resist them because they then 
constitute a peril. 

Because many writers, convinced of the iniquity of Roman- 
ism as a religion, make assaults upon the religious character 
of popes, cardinals, archbishops, bishops, priests, and laymen, 
many people look upon anything said about politico-ecclesi- 
astical Romanism as a part of the same crusade. We have 
here only to do with the corrupting political power of ecclesi- 
astical Romanism. Let citizens take note of this and not 
allow themselves to be blinded by the attempt to sound the 
false alarm of religious persecution. 

We purpose in this presentation to warn politico-ecclesias- 
tical Romanism and professional politicians, and inform the 
American people concerning the illicit partnership existing 
between these self-constituted masters, and seek to lead reli- 
gious men and organizations to be patriotic in their own right 
and not dupes and slaves to the will of any foreign or domestic 
tyrant. 

Everything in the relation of sects to public or private asso- 
ciations, organizations, or individuals, that is not evidently and 
axiomatically religious and altruistic in its purpose, must be 
classed as political or ecclesiastical. 

Houest, unselfish citizens not only want to know facts and 
act in the light of them, but they do not understand why 
other honest citizens should seek either to conceal facts, or 
refuse to face them in a manly way, ^vhen they are brought to 
light. No moral principle and no civil or religious right of 
man Avere ever promoted by secrecy or concealment. Indirec- 
tion in methods and trickery in purpose can only thus pros- 



1^4 Faciinj the Twentieth Century. 

yyer. Jesuit ecclesiasticism is an historical synonym for un- 
scrupulous iuJirection and carnally cunning trickery. All 
these purposes are alien to republican institutions. They are 
the progenitors of all tricksters in politics and the debauchers 
of tlie political conscience. 

Professor S. F. B. Morse says that Lafayette, who was a 
liomauist by birth and education, said to him, and again and 
a"ain repeated the warning : " If the liberties of the American 
|)eople are ever destroyed, they will fall by the hands of the 
lioiiiish clergy." 

The ignorance of American history and of the sources of 
our civilization, indifference to the underlying principles of 
our goveriunent and of our liberties, the pusillanimity of many 
citizens inspired by ignorance and sloth, constitute elements 
of strength to Romanism and of peril to our institutions. 
And this class of people call themselves liberal and wish to 
lie counted smart and conservative. It is the conservatism of 
persistent ignorance and the smartness of unreasoning egotism. 

Political party leaders must be made to understand that 
they have to reckon with the overwhelming majority of our 
citizens as well as with the minority solidarity under politico- 
ecclesiastical control. 

Tlie question of ecclesiastical interference in American 
j»olitii's has been raised as a vital issue before the people, and 
has been persistently and openly pushed by the Roman 
Catliolics, and the American people must pronounce their 
verdict upon it. The issue cannot be side-tracked, the ques- 
tion cannot be lauf^hed out of court. 

Tiiat wise and experienced and venerable statesman, the 
II'«n. \{. W . Thonqison, in his work on "The Papacy and the 
Civil Power," makes the following comments on the relations 
i)[ th(' l*ai)acy to the organic law of the land (pp. 209--11) : 

"The C'onstitution of the United States repudiates the idea 
of an established religion, yet the Pope tells us that this is 
in violation of (iod's law, and that, by that law, the Roman 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 185 

Catholic religion should be made exclusive, aud that the 
Roman Catholic Church, acting alone through him, should 
have sovereign authority, 'not only over individuals, but 
nations, peoples, and sovereigns,' so that the whole world 
ma}^ be brought under its dominion, and be made to obey all 
the laws that he and his hierarchy shall choose to promulgate ! 
And that this same church shall have power also to inflict 
whatever penalties he shall prescribe upon all those who dare 
to violate any of these laws ! The Constitution guarantees 
liberty of speech and of the press ; yet the Pope says this is 
' the liberty of perdition,' and should not be tolerated. The 
Constitution requires that all the people, and all the churches, 
shall obey the laws of the United States ; yet the Pope 
anathematizes this provision, because it requires the Roman 
Catholic Church to pay the same measure of obedience to law 
that i« paid by the Protestant churches ; and claims that the 
government shall obey him in all religious affairs, and in all 
secvlar affairs which pertain to religion and the church, so 
that his will, in all these matters, shall hecome the law of tlie 
land. The Constitution subordinates all churches to the civil 
power except in matters of faith and discipline; yet the Pope 
declares this to be heresy, because God has commanded that 
the Government of the United States, and all other govern- 
ments, shall be subordinate to the Roman Catholic Church. 
The Constitution repudiates all ' royal power,' yet the Pope con- 
demns this, and proclaims that the world must be governed 
by 'royal power,' in order that it may protect the Roman 
Catholic Church to the exclusion of all other churches ! The 
Constitution allows the free circulation of the Bible and the 
right of private judgment in interpreting it ; yet the Pope de- 
nounces this, and says that the Roman Catholic Church is the 
only ' living authority ' which has the i-ight to interpret it, and 
that its interpretation should be the only one allowed, and 
should be protected by law, while all othei's should be con- 
demned and disallowed. In all these respects, and upon each 



Igg Facing the Tiventieth Century, 

of these important and fuudameutal ideas of governmeut, there 
is an invooiit'ilal.le difference between tlie Constitution of the 
United States and the Papal principles announced by this 
encyclical lettei-. Tlie two classes of princi|)les cannot both 
exist, anvwlitM-e, at the same time. Where one is, there it is 
imiK.ssililr for the other to be." 

Such is p.-rverse huniau nature that the man who warns 
i>eo|)le of ix-rils they are unwilling to recognize is often either 
ridicided for his presumption or scorned for his temerity, 
by thosH who speedily pay the penalty of their ridicule and 
scorn. The Jews would not believe the noble and prophetic 
warnings of Samuel ; the Athenians scouted the Philippics of 
Demosthenes; the Greeks discredited the truths uttered by 
Themistocles; Rome rejected the report of her faithful 
envoys; but the prophesied misfortunes overtook the Jews ; 
tht' Athenians soon beheld their ruin; the Greeks were 
humbled by the Persians, and Rome was crushed by Sulla. 
Tliese historic illustrations might be run through the cen- 
turies, to prove that men and nations are unwilling to be 
warned of peril, or to be reminded of au old adage worthy of 
iuspirati<»n whicli runs: "There is always danger when the 
persuasion exists that there is none." 

Nation after nation, for centuries, has been warned of the 
pt-ril of permitting political Jesuitical Romanism to make au 
alliance witli the state. The warnings have uniformly beeu 
mihet'(led, and to undo the wickedness which the warning 
heeded Would have averted has cost untold treasure and 
baptized the continents and many islands of the sea with 

I )io( III. 

We h(jpe to be able to show that despite the multiform evi- 
dences of the active presence and persistent threats of this 
menace to civil and religious liberty which has become hoary 
with age, }>y extended study and increased watchfulness the 
inheritors of our pi-iceless American patrimony will meet 
these peiils ant I paialy/e tlieir }K)wer. The patriotic move- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Rom anism. 187 

meiDt to the front is now tlie one prominent fact in American 
political experience. It cannot be frowned down, scared 
away, or bowed out. Politicians and political parties must 
reckon with it. It is to the front to stay until the relations 
of ecclesiasticism and sectarianism to our civil institutions 
are normally adjusted and our institutions are intrenched 
by constitutional safeguards. Mistakes will be made as to 
methods of work, and consequent defeats will be suffered, 
but these will only be temporary, as, learning wisdom from 
mistakes and defeats, the patriotic forces will be mobilized 
and consolidated and present an undivided front, which means 
victory. 

CLAIMS. — CONCERNING UNIVERSAL DOMINION IN BOTH 
SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL AFFAIRS. 

"The polity of the Church of Rome is the very masterpiece of human 
wisdom. . . The experience of twelve hundred eventful j^ears, the in- 
genuity and patient care of forty generations of statesmen, have improved 
that polity to such perfection that, among the contrivances which have been 
devised for deceiving and conti'olling mankind, it occupies the highest place." 
— Macaulay. 

" There is no patriotism without publicity, and though publicity cannot 
always prevent mischief, it is at all events an alarm bell, which calls the 
public to the spot of danger. " — Lieher. 

On the following syllogism Romanism as a religious and 
political organization stands, and by it determines all its re- 
lations to individuals and to society: The Church of Christ 
is infallible ; the Church of Rome is the Church of Christ ; 
and therefore the Church of Rome alone is infallible, and the 
head of an infallible church must himself be infallible. This 
logically puts the stamp of permanency and universality upon 
all its exercise of power upon the conscience of its follow- 
ing, destroying individuality and prohibiting the spirit of 
inquiry. 

Facts concerning the relation of politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism to our civil institutions have been repeatedly 



^gg Facing the Twentieth Centw^y. 

triven to the i.ii]>lic in books and pamphlets, but seldom 
fhroii-h the iieusi)apers, which in these modern times con- 
stitute the c'liief sources of instruction for most of the Ameri- 
can people. N\'hile no citizen ought to make statements for 
the purpose of alai-ining his fellow-citizens, every patriotic 
eitizen ought to be willing to state and hear the truth bear- 
in ir ii|H)n tlie safety or peril of the institutions he holds dear, 
iixu\ liold himself in readiness for their defense and perpetua- 
tion. Hlindness to truth does not destroy it, and declining to 
reooiTuize peril does not avert it. Clamor against exposition 
of .Linger only intrenches it, and denial of its existence is the 
congenial occupation of fools and fanatics, and ought not to 
iiitinii.late tlie wise and courageous. Light has but one 
enemy, and though it may present various phases, darkness is 
its comprehensive name. 

Romanism in history has been one continuous politico- 
ecclesiastical conspiracy against the liberties of maukiud. It 
has never deviated from its purpose to conquer nations and 
subject rulers to its sway. 

We cheerfidly give it credit for plainness of speech in the 
statement of its claims. No man can have excuse for mis- 
understanding the primary statement of these claims, despite 
the ingenuity sometimes exhibited in concealing the im- 
mediate purposes. 

Di-. (t. F. Von Schulte, Professor of Canonical Law at 
I*rague, gives the following digest, the fairness and accuracy 
«»f wliicli liave never been contested, of the code of Romanism 
styled the Canon Law: 

*• All liuiiiaii power is from evil, and must therefore be 
stamling iiiiilt-r the Pope. 

" The teiiij»or;il powers must act unconditionally, in accord- 
an<-.' with the (»nlers of the spiritual. 

" 1 III- Chuich is empowered to grant, or to take away, any 
temporal j>ossession. 

" Thf Pope has the right to give countries and nations 




POPE LEO XIII. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 189 

Avhich are non-Catliolic to Catholic regents, who can reduce 
them to slavery. 

" The Pope can make slaves of those Christian subjects 
whose prince or ruling power is interdicted by the Pope. 

"The Pope has the right to annul State laws, treaties, con- 
stitutions, etc. ; to absolve from obedience thereto, as soon as 
they seem detrimental to the rights of the Church, or those 
of the clergy. 

" The Pope possesses the right of admonishing, and, if 
needs be, of punishing the temporal rulers, empei'ors, and 
kings, as well as of drawing before the spiritual forum any 
case in which a mortal sin occurs. 

" Without the consent of the Pope no tax or rate of any 
kind can be levied upon a clergyman, or upon any church 
wdiatsoever. 

" The Pope has the right to absolve from oaths, and 
obedience to the persons and laws of the princes whom he 
excommunicates." 

Cardinal Manning says : " There is a divine obligation 
biudino; the Church to enter into the most intricate relations 
with the natural society or commonwealth of men, or, in 
other words, with peoples, states, and civil powers. 

" The Church has in every age striven to direct, not the 
life of individual men only, but the collective life of na- 
tions in their organized forms of republics, monarchies, and 
empires. 

" As soon as the society of the empire became Christian, 
the Church penetrated all its legislative and executive action. 
The temporal power of the Pontiffs is the providential con- 
dition under which the Church has fulfilled its mission to 
human society. 

" The Church never withdraws from the state as such, 
which would be to abandon the natural society of man to its 
own maladies and mortality. 

" While it permits the sons of heretics to frequent its own 



jy() Fa^vng the Twentieth Century. 

^\\(M^h, it forbids Catholic parents to seud tbeir sons to the 
schoi.ls of those who are out of the faith. 

• We n.'W eonie to detine what is meant by modern society. 

•• .M.mI.tu society is the ohl society of the Cliiistian world 
muiihitiMl ))y the character forced upon it by the hist three 

hundred years: 

" First,' In the so-called Reformation, which, wheresoever 
it pievaiied^ destroyed the Catholic unity and extinguished 
the Catholic mind of the Christian society. 

"Secondly, by the principles of 1789, whicli were not 
a mere local formula of French opinion, but a dogmatic 
theory of revolution, promulgated by its pretentious authors 
for all nations. It has now, in fact, directly and indirectly 
pervaded the whole political society of modern F^urope. 

" Thirdly, by the recent international settlement, or law, 
which has admitted the kingdom of Italy, with Rome as 
capital, and, therefore, witli the usurpation of the rights and 
soverei*Tnty of the pontiffs, into the commonwealth of Euro- 
j>ean states; and, so far as any jus gentium now survives, 
into the diplomacy of Europe. 

"Modern society, therefore, is not the natural society of 
the world l)efore Christianity, nor is it the society of Christen- 
dom, when the two societies were in amity and coincidence 
of law and of intention. It is the political society of the 
natural oi'der, fallen from the unity of faith, communion, and 
o))edience to the divine voice of the Church, revolutionary in 
its political creed and practice, and either in usurpation, or 
in culpable connivance at the usurpation, of the sacred rights 
and sovereignty of the Vicar of Christ." 

The ])urpose of the Founder of Christianity was universal 
empire, by the extension of his reign of love over the hearts 
of men. Th(i purpose of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism is 
iiniver-al ••mpire, but by different methods than those used 
l)y tlie F<Mind(*r. If Roman Catholicism had adhered to the 
methods of the Founder of Chi'istianity, and politico-ecclesias- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 191 

ticism had not come to be supreme, Catholicism would to-day 
have juiversal empire, with no rival in the affections and 
loyalty of men. 

The evolution which has turned the religion of primitive 
Christianity into Romanism has had its germ and propelling 
power in politico-ecclesiasticism. 

The universal rule of the known world by Augustus has 
been the type of the ambition of all the Popes. 

The avowed purpose of universal spiritual and temporal 
empire, on the part of Roman Catholicism, differentiates it 
both in the scope and character of its claims from all other 
Christian organizations. 

Milton said : " Popery is a double thing to deal with, and 
claims a two-fold power, ecclesiastical and political, both 
usurped, and the one suppoi'ting the other." 

The claims of Romanism, when properly understood, admit 
of no limitation whatever. They are simply absolute, and 
amenal^le to no human law. Accordiuo; to Cardinal Man- 
niiig, " The Church itself is the divine witness, teacher, judge 
of the revelation intrusted to it. There exists no other. 
There is no tribunal to which appeal from the Church can lie. 
There is no co-ordinate witness, teacher, or judge who can 
revise or criticise or test the teachiuo; of the Church. It is 
sole and alone in the world. . . It belongs to the Church 
alone to determine the limits of its own infallibility." 

The attempt on the part of the Popes to establish some 
official relation with the United States as the initial step 
toward more extended dominion, furnishes an interesting 
chapter in our national history. 

" The illustrious Pope Pius IX. showed his interest in 
America also by sending a Nuncio to the United States. 
Our Government some years previously had sent an Ambassa- 
dor to Rome, apparently without any knowledge of the long 
established system of diplomatic intercourse between the 
Popes and foreign powers. No intimation was given to the 



|,,., F(ir /')}(/ the Twentieth Century. 

Holy Set- of any wish <>ii tlie part of the American Govern- 
ment to (lerosrate from tlie custom of centuries. The Sov- 
ereij-n roiitifniid no{ at once send a Nnncio to this country, 
l»ut^in l.S5i> he dispatched Mgr. Cajetan Bedini, Archbishop 
of Thei^es, a prelate of great ability, learning, and mildness, 
as Nuncio to Hjazil, and intrusted him with a letter to the 
IVsiilent of the United States, so as gradually to open 
ofhoial intercourse. 

-At this moment an anti-Catholic excitement had again 
arisen in the United States. An organization known as the 
Order of United Americans liad spread over the country, the 
object "f which was to exclude Catholics from office, busi- 
ness, and as far as possible from all civil rights. The party 
of wliich this society was the nucleus was popularly called 
Know-Xotliings. 

"The anival of Mgr. Bedini gave fresh impulse to the in- 
tolerant si)irit, and the great Gernum infidel element in the 
country, with similar refugees from other parts of Europe, 
whose gi'eat object was the overthrow of the Papal power of 
Rome, f^ave all their aid. Mij-r. Bedini had been Governor of 
Bologna when that city was occupied by the Austrians, who 
arrested and shot several revolutionists, including a pi'iest 
named Bassi. All these executions were now ascribed to 
MuM'. P>t'<lini as his work, although he was utterl}^ powerless 
aii'l ha<l taken no part in the affair. A plot was formed to 
assassinate the Nuncio, and though he escaped by a timely 
warning, his informant was poniarded in the streets of New 
^'<>rk, and the authorities dared not investigate the affair. As 
th'- Nuncio vi'-itcd other cities he was mobbed, especially at 
I'itt.sbuigh and Cincinnati. At AVashiugton the question of 
liis rec<'ption led to most pitiable equivocation, and they 
finally took the ground that under our Constitution a Nuncio 
••"uld not be rccinved, 1)ut that a simple ambassador would be, 
althouirh fioiii tlir outset they knew that the Popes never sent 
any. 




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Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 193 

" All this fed the auti-Catholic excitement, whicli soon cul- 
minated in acts of violence. As usual the cry was raised that 
Catholics wished to drive the Bible out of the common schools, 
and meanwhile they forced Catholic pupils in the schools to 
take part in the reading of the Protestant Bible and the offer- 
ing of Protestant prayers." — Bminger and Shea's " History 
of the Cath. Church'^ pp. 395-96. 

O'Reilly, in his "Life of Leo XIIL," p. 34, in speaking of 
the condition of the Papacy in its relations to the governments 
of the world at the close of the reign of Pius IX., says of the 
United States: "The Republican Congress of the United 
States had, after our war, and forgetful of the thousands of 
■Catholics who had died for the Union, suppressed the Ameri- 
can Legation at the Vatican. It was an ungenerous and im- 
politic act, which another Congress and President will not fail 
to undo in the near future." 

' The primary object of Mgr. Satolli, tlie Papal " Apostolic 
Delegate " to this country, in taking up his residence in AVash- 
ington, was that the American people might become familiar 
with the Pope's representative, and when the temporal power 
was restored he would be near at hand for recognition as Minis- 
ter Plenopitentiary, accredited from His Holiness' sectarian and 
secular government. The secondary object of his mission was 
contained in his commission from Leo XIIL, to conciliate the 
opponents of the papal school programme, whicli had caused 
rebellion in the ranks of the American Roman Catholics who 
were patronizing the public schools. The time of his coming 
was in the midst of a heated Presidential political campaign. 
The Chairmen of the National Committee of both the Repub- 
lican and Democratic parties were Roman Catholics. A 
threat was sent by one of these chairmen to the Propa- 
ganda at Rome, that unless the Roman Catholic assault 
upon the public schools should be more moderate and less 
severe and audacious, a strong plank would be put in the 
party platform defending the schools. Satolli came, and both 



J 94 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

parties i»iit in tbeir platforms plauks on tlie school question 
couclieil in sucli language tliat tbey could by no possibility 
wi.und the ilelicate sensibilities of the most vindictive enemy 
of tiK' schools. This historic incident is one of the most 
humiliating in American political annals. The Republican 
party wji-^ deservedly defeated for its compromising cowardice, 
an. r the Democratic party, which equally deserved defeat, 
lu-m-tited by this political abasement of both parties. The 
IN.pe's commission to Satolli reads: " We grant you all and 
siii'Mdar p«»wers necessary and expedient for the carrying on 
of 8ucli delegation. . . We command all whom it concerns to 
recoiTiiize in you as apostolic delegate t4ie supreme power of 
the delegating pontiff. AVe command that they give you aid,, 
concurrence, and obedience in all things ; that they receive 
\\\\\\ reverence your salutary admonitions and orders. What- 
ever sentence or penalty you shall declare or inflict duly 
airainst those who oppose your authority, we will ratify, and 
with the authority given us by the Lord, will cause to be 
observed inviolably until condign satisfaction is made, not- 
withstanding constitutions and apostolic ordinances or any 
other to the contrary." 

Satolli's efforts for the settlement of the school contro- 
versy and the work of his successor will be considered else- 
wliere. 

One of the methods used by political Romanism for 
promoting universal domination has been securing from igno- 
rant and superstitious people, by fraudulent and intimidating 
methods, accumulations of almost unlimited wealth. One of 
the jtiincipal sources of its revenue has been the treasuries of 
governments which hold the moneys of the people, which it 
has forced open by preying on the fears and by inspiring the 
cowardice of politicians. To this end it has threatened and 
cajoled legislatures and debauched courts and executives. 
S.-lf-preservation has often compelled civilized governments 
to i)aral}ze this power by confiscation. The apparcMtly normal 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 195 

relation of things iu pronouncedly Roman Catholic countries 
has come to be that the richer the church the poorer the peo- 
ple; the more absolute the domination of political Romanism 
the lower the people iu the scale of a civilization based upon 
civil and religious liberty. 

The experience of Pius IX. in trying to be a liberal republican 
Pope is one of the monumental jokes of papal history, while 
under him the claims of the papal system culminated in the 
dogma of infallibility with its blasphemous pretense. Leo 
XIII. succeeds to the throne with so-called liberal notions and 
with an ambition to be known in history as the statesman 
Pope of the century. He makes haste to accept and ratify 
the bold, brazen, and exclusive prerogatives of his predecessor, 
and in the details of administration exceeds him in offensive- 
ness, paying little attention to the rhetorical explanations by 
his prelates in this and in other countries of the repulsive 
rigors of Canon Law, until their utterances begin to be taken 
too seriously by the people, when his iron hand does its woik. 
One of the most demoralizing features of the woi'ld-wide 
ambition of ecclesiastical Romanism is that it not only permits 
but compels its representatives to make excuses for, and ex- 
planations of, its unreasonable and audacious claims, which 
they know are false and deceptive. 

Leo XIIL, at the age of eight, was put for molding into 
the hands of the Jesuits. They did their work well and 
never have permitted their subject to escape from their 
grasp. His administration has been a Jesuit administration, 
and his views concerning the relation of the temporal to the 
spiritual power have been in harmony with Jesuit views. 
The conclave which elected him in 1878 was Jesuitical in the 
character and dictation of all its transactions. 

To establish the fact clearly that the Jesuits were the edu- 
cators of Leo XIIL, and that he in turn made them rich requi- 
tal for their services, we quote from the biography of the Poj)e, 
which has been approved by him : 



I9g Facing the TirentietJi Century. 

•'The Jesuits had opened a college at Viterbo, which was 
^u,Ml tiHe.l with the sons of the best families of Rome and all 
Italy. Tliitlier, in the antunin of 1818, Joseph and Joachim 
Vincent Pecci were sent to begin their long and careful educa- 
tion for pnl,lio ]\i,r-(ni<.in>f8 " Life of Leo XLIL^ p. 52-53. 

" Just as he had completed his twelfth year a college festi- 
\;il \vas crot up to welcouie the Provincial of the Jesuits, 
Father vCicent Pavani. This gave to Vincent Pecci the first 
ivcor.led opportunity of showing his proficiency in Latin verse, 
as well as his admiration for the character of the venerable 
man who honored the name of Vincent." — Ih.^j). 55. 

•• His masters — the very best classic scholars whom the 
Society of Jesus liad in the Peninsula — knowing what pre- 
cious material they had in Vincent Pecci, took especial pains 
to form and perfect his taste." — Lh.^p. 50. 

•'Leo XII., in the year 1824, restored the famous Collegio 
Romano to the Jesuits. Few, indeed, as were the men who 
liad survived the long period of dispersion, exile, poverty, and 
proscription consecpient upon the suppression of the Society of 
the Bourbons, their spirit had passed into the noble band 
nursed among the snows of Russia; and the young men who 
flocked to the Jesuit novitiates after the restoration of the 
Society allowed themselves to be molded to the same heroic 
fjenerosity and lofty intellectual ideas which had character- 
ized, in their long and cruel trial, the dispersed sons of St. 
Ignatius. 

" When, in the autumn of 1825, the Roman College solemnly 
inaugurated its courses of ecclesiastical and secular teaching, 
its halls were at once filled by fourteen hundred students. 
Among these was Vincent Pecci." — Lh., p. 05. 

"The apostolic virtues, the eminent learning, and the still 
more eminent holiness of life of the first generation of restored 
Jesuits, were Pecci's admiration at Viterbo and in Rome." — 
P'.^p. 75. 

N<.w h't us concisely consider what this Jesuit power is, that 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 197 

we may as Americans understand our relations to the claims 
of this foreign ruler to universal dominion. 

The Order of Jesuits was first recognized by the papal 
power in 1540. It is the most ghastly institution in human his- 
tory. It is unique. It has been courted and feared, and hated 
and banished by almost every nation in the world where it has 
gained a footing. It has done great pioneer, educational, and 
charitable work. It has made and controlled Popes and been 
suppressed by them. It has been expelled from the territory 
of European governments over seventy times. It has exem- 
plified the most abject poverty and reveled in fabulous wealth. 
It has espoused the cause of nations and ruined them. It has 
planned conspiracies, plotted against sovereigns, overthrown 
cabinets, kindled insurrections, incited wars, promoted perse- 
cutions, and procured assassinations. The darkest deeds of 
rascality which have cursed the history of civilization for 
four centuries have revealed the figure of a Jesuit in the back- 
ground. The absolute surrender of the will of the Jesuit 
novice to his superior has deprived the order of great leaders 
of independent mind, and left it in control of men of tyranni- 
cal will and conscienceless character. Wherever its power has 
been dominant there has been intellectual sterility. Where 
its representatives have succeeded in benefiting a race of peo- 
ple by missionary effort, it has been the result of a departure 
from the conspicuous practical principles of the order, and an 
accommodation to environment by some leader in distant iso- 
lation and separated from the authority of his superior. Com- 
pared with the entirety of their ^vork, these exceptions are so 
rare as to be notable, although, despite the system which de- 
stroys individuality, some of them have become heroes, saints, 
and martyrs. The principal efforts of the order in late years 
have been concentrated upon preparing and securing the Vat- 
ican decree of papal infallibility and in maintaining the 
claim and seeking the restoration of the temporal power of 
the Popes. The promulgation of this decree and the assertion 



J 98 ■ Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

of this claim (Ictciinine the place of Pius IX. and Leo XIII. 

ill histoiv. 

Pone Clemt'iit WW. nt cost of his life, abolished the Order 
of Jesuits. In 188() Leo XIIL abrogated the work of Clem- 
ent, liis infallible i)redecessor, and restored the Jesuits to a 
position of pt)\ver superior to any other order in the Roman 

C'linroh. 

Carlvle savs : "For some two centuries the genius of man- 
kiii'l has btvn dominated ))y the gospel of Ignatius Loyola, 
the poison-fountain from which these rivers of bitterness that 
now submt'i-ge the world have flowed. Long now have the 
En«dish iM-oj.le understood that Jesuits proper are servants to 
til.- I'riiicc of Darkness." 

Talk of the liljerality exercised in this country by the papal 
powt-r as we may, the fact remains that, whenever since 1870 
it ha^ expressed itself officially, its claims have been as bold, 
hrazen, and blasphemous as those of Boniface VIII., when lie 
said : " Moreover, we declare, say, define, and pronounce, that 
every human being should be subject to the Roman Pontiff, 
to be an article of necessary faith." Liberal, indeed ! If his- 
torv estaljlishes beyond controversy any single fact, it is that 
iionie never changes in her purpose of universal, spiritual, and 
temporal dominion. Lack of opportunity may change her 
metliods, but nothing can change lier purpose. 

Jesuitism in liistory has been the leader and political 
aggressor — and still is — but politico-ecclesiastical Romanism 
has often found it convenient to use it as a scapegoat for its 
sins in oi(hT to divert the attention of men and nations from 
its o\\ II pur|»ost's and machinations, while at the same time it 
li.i> had a iMM-fect understanding with Jesuitism, and when 
hlorius of indignation pass by, the copartnership is again 
<»p<-nlv ronf<*ssed. 

K'ln*' iKvei- clianges. Let it be remembered tbat the infal- 
liliiiity <loL,r|,,;i xvas promulgated in 1870 — the very year when 
the temjM.r.d po\\(.'r of tlie Pope was overthrown — and what 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Momanism. 199 

a persistent appeal is made for the restoration of that power— 
Avliile the Pope enacts the farce of pretending to be a prisoner 
in the Vatican ! 

In his sermon at the Centenary of the Establishment of 
the Roman Catholic Hierarchy in the United States in 1889, 
Archbishop Ireland said that the work which Roman Catho- 
lics in the coming century were called to do in the United 
States was : " To make America Catholic, and to solve for the 
Church Universal the all-absorbing problem with which the 
age confronts her. Our work is to make America Catholic. . . 
Our cry shall be, 'God wills it,' and our hearts shall leap with 
Crusader enthusiasm. We know the Church is the sole owner 
of the truths and graces of salvation. . . The Catholic Church 
will confirm and preserve as no human power or human 
church can,the liberties of the republic. . . The Church trium- 
phant in America, Catholic truth will ti-avel on the wiugs of 
American influence, and with it enrich the universe. . . The 
burden of the strife falls to the lot of Catholics in America. 
The movements of the modern world have their highest ten- 
sion in the United States." 

Continuing, he says : '' As a religious system Protestantism 
is in hopeless dissolution [in the United States], utterly value- 
less as a doctrinal or moral power, and no longer to be con- 
sidered a foe with which we must count. . . The Amei'ican peo- 
ple made Catholics, nowhere shall we find a higher order of 
Christian civilization. It can be shown to the American peo- 
ple that they need the Church for the preservation and com- 
plete development of their national character and their social 
order. The Catholic Church is the sole living and enduring 
Christian authority. She has the power to speak ; she has an 
oi'ganization by which her laws may be enforced." 

America is to be made Catholic in order to possess a 
" higher order of Christian civilization." Let the reader sup- 
press laughter and remem1)er that this sentiment was uttered 
in a sermon and not in an after-dinner speech. This " higher 



>,,.( Facing the Twentieth Century. 

oixler of Christian civilization" experiment tried by Roman- 
ists on scores oi peoples all over the world lias not been sucli 
a notable and trimuphant success as to cause a nation, founded 
by refu'^ees froki governments controlled by papal intoler- 
ance, cruelty, and persecution, to impatiently clamor for its 
ivpetiti<»n in America. 

Vfs, Archbishop: "She [the Roman Catholic Church] has 
all ia\'auization by which her laws may be enforced"; and it 
is this *' ori'anization " which has strangled individuality and 
enslaved conscience and imperiled free institutions wherever 
it has been permitted to get foothold ; and you, as a citizen 
supposed to be patriotic beyond your fellows, propose to pass 
\\\'m "last experiment" in "government of the people, by 
the people, and for the people," into the control of this 
" organization Ijy which her laws may be enforced." Your 
" organization " needs to expend its energies in Mexico, South 
aiitl Central America, and Cuba, more successfully by way of 
civilizing l)efore it makes audacious overtures to our part of 
the Western Hemisphere. 

The Archbishop further says: "The Church of America 
nuist be of course as Catholic as ever in Jerusalem or Rome; 
hut so far as her garments assume color from the local atmos- 
I>here she nuist be American." Of the chameleon the lexi- 
cographer says: "Its color changes more or less with the 
color of the objects about it, or with its temper when dis- 
turbed," but the nature of the chameleon does not change 
when it assumes " color from the local atmosphere." 

Archljishop Ireland's rigid adherence to papal doctrine and 
authority on official occasions proves his accommodating and 
genial utterances on social and patriotic occasions to be of 
tin- chameleon order, assuming "color from the local atmos- 
jiherc." 

'Hie jtrelate from St. Paul may extract some comfort from 
one (.1 the following expressions of judgment : 

Thr ('athnlir Wi,,},], September 1, 1871, says: "Protestan- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 201 

tism, like the heathen barbarism which Catholicity subdued, 
lacks the elements of order, because it rejects authority, and 
is necessarily incompetent to maintain real liberty or civilized 
society. Hence it is we so often say that if the American 
republic is to be sustained and preserved at all, it must be 
by the rejection of the principle of the Reformation and 
the acceptance of the Catholic principle by the American 
people." 

Mr. Froude says : " So much only can be foretold with cer- 
tainty, that if the Catholic Church anywhere recovers her 
ascendancy, she will again exhibit the detestable features 
which have invariably attended her supremacy. Her rule 
will be once more found incompatible either with justice or 
with intellectual growth, and our children will be forced to 
recover by some fresh struggle the ground which our fore- 
fathers conquered for us, and which we by our pusillanimity 
surrendered." 

In this claim to universal rule America is the special field 
for conquest. 

Dr. Brownson, speaking for Romanism, says: ''Undoubt- 
edly it is the intention of the Pope to possess this country. 
In this intention he is aided by the Jesuits and all the Catho- 
lic prelates and priests." 

As we shall have occasion hereafter to cite Dr. Brownsotfs 
authority on questions under discussion, we give a brief state- 
ment concerning him, from a Roman Catholic source : 

" Orestes A. Brownson was born in 1803 in Vermont, a State 
noted for the vigor of her sons. His mind was too clear to 
rest long cramped by New England theology, and in the 
narrow circle of local dissent he sought a religious system 
that he could respect. But Universalism and Unitarianism, 
though he embraced them and advocated their doctrines as 
a minister, proved hollow aud unsubstantial. They were 
not the Church, and during the year 1844 grace enlightened 
his mind so that he saw in Catholicity what his heart had 



002 Facing the Twentieth CenMry. 

yearnea for. He at once sought instruction with all the 
a.K-ility of a cliiUl, and was received into the Church. To 
tlu- day of his deatli, April 17, 187G, he was constant in all 
his Christian duties, h;i\ iiig found true peace in the unity of 
V'AiWAwMsy—Bmimjtr and Shea's ''Hist, of Cath. Churcli;' 

Th.' (v.n.juest of America is but a part of the compre- 
hen^iv.' plan, proved by history and current events, to bring 
th.- nations into sul)jection to politico-ecclesiastical Romanism. 

Tliis po\\«M-, which has surrendered none of its claims or 
pret«'nsions, has during a majority of the centuries of the 
Cliristian era disposed of crowns and thrones, sanctioned 
di-loyalrv toward legitimate sovereigns by absolving citizens 
fn.in allegiance, forced people to endure the bondage of 
tyrants, and granted indulgence for all forms of treason. It 
has disturbed the peace of nations, in the Old World and 
in tlie New World, and its trail has usually been marked 
with blood. It has undertaken the task of grappling for 
siii.reinacy with the " Giant Republic of the AYest." Its 
iiniH^rialism dreams of nothing short of universality, and 
Ji'snitism plans and executes its purposes. 

\{ it has modified or changed its claims, so far as our 
Rt'pnblic is concerned, it has never notified the world of the 
fact, and it must therefore stand upon and be judged by its 
n*cord. 

l*opes may die, but the Papacy never dies. It is not what 
till' individual Pope may do or say; it is the system that 
sp«';iks, and the system that abides. Popes once made the 
systr-m, but now the system established makes the Popes. 
No single Pope can Ijreak the machine or run it on a new 
track, and if he attcmjtts it he will find himself either broken 
or side-tracked. Popes and minor ecclesiastics have seemed 
occasionally to ))(; trying to recognize that they lived in 
tiniM when the world insists upon civil and religious liberty, 
but tiiey have soon been muzzled by mediaevalism. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 203 

Euforced efforts at adaptation to existing institutions, in 
tlie face of compelling conditions, are not proofs of changed 
purposes or claims, but of expediency or cowardice. Com- 
pliance with law under compulsion is no proof of penitence 
or reformation in tlie offender. 

While faithful to the justice and liberty which are the 
supporting pillars of our Constitution, let us not forget that 
in dealing with Romanism we must meet a disciplined and 
subtle enemy, -who understands the forces at his command 
and knows how to use them ; and while we are bound to 
extend to him justice, liberty, and equality, we are bound also 
to challenge and resist his insidious methods of attack. 

An astute observer has truthfully said : '' Grossly deceiv- 
ing ourselves as to the influence which Roman Catholicism is 
capable of exerting on our national life, we have shut our 
eyes to the facts, and for a healthy liberality have substituted 
supineness and a false sense of superiority." 

Dr. McGlynn said : " One of the most unpardonable, and, 
in some views, amusing aspects of the subject, is that the 
greatest sticklers for this temporal power, this kingsliip of 
the Pope, for what they call the spiritual and temporal sov- 
ereignty of the Vicar of Christ, are men converted from 
English or American Protestantism." 

As between lazy lil)erality and truckling servility there is 
little room for choice among honest men. 

Since the declaration of papal infallibility no Roman 
Catholic divines or scholars, liberal or conservative, have 
a right to claim to represent Rome in politics or religion. 
The question is, wliat does the head of the Church say, and 
not what does some Roman doctor think. 

Such men as Cardinal Gibbons, Bishop Keaue, and Arch- 
bishop Ireland are permitted to give vent to liberal, patriotic, 
and tolerant utterances for consumj^tion by the easily deceived 
among Americans ; but they are not speaking by authority, 
but schooling the public mind for new encroachments, and 



204 Facing the Twentieth Centwnj. 

\\\e\ are easily halted wheu tliey give too loose reiu to their 
toiifues or pens. J^ut there is one beueticial result from these 
tK.'oi.siuijal ..iitl)ursts of liberality and tolerance, that many 
honest Koinauists of the rank and file are stirred by what 
thev Ijelieve to be emancipation proclamations from bond- 
a^'e, and they never can be forced into imprisonment again, 
although their leaders, like McGlynn and Burtsell, are lashed 
into silence and exile. 

The Pope lost his tempoi'al power when the bayonets of 
Napoleon III, no longer supported his throne. He wants 
temporal power restored that he may have the right to 
representation at the political capitals of the nations for 
political pur[)oses and power. 

In this [)urpose of universal empire time is no element, 
centuries are not a factor. Temporal power, however small 
in its beginning of restoration, must be secured as the initial, 
as the open door to the conquest of nations. 

If politico-ecclesiastical Romanism is not the persistent 
m»'d(ller in the affairs of nations, why is it that in all national 
and international complications it everlastingly projects its 
presence and its power ; always in an attitude to recognize 
the victorious side, and then, if the victor is not subservient, 
lieginning promptly to plot for his overthrow ? The religious 
feature of politico-ecclesiastical llomauism always retires in 
the presence of the political. 

Pei-secution and torture, the favorite instruments of politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism for suppressing knowledge and stran- 
gling liberty, are now from stress of circumstances in this 
land exchanged I'oi' stratagem, indirection, assiduity, and 
sidjtlety ; but while the instruments are changed, the same 
hand wields them with an unchanged and unchanging 
purpose. 

Politico-ecclesiastical Romanism seems to be either unwill- 
ing <.!• unable to yield anything of its traditions, apparentl}^ 
fearing tliat it may be destroyed. Its flexibility is only seem- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 205 

ing, and even this is a temporary expedient to dispose of a 
present o])stacle. 

Its attitude says : " We are ready to adopt tlie most con- 
ciliatory courses if it be only a question of turning certain 
difficulties and weighing expressions in order to facilitate 
argument." 

Leo XIII. is considered by many as an ideal Pope, worthy 
of the ambitious title he craves of statesman pontiff. lie cer- 
tainly has been the consistent defender of the sacreduess of 
dogma, and the politician who has shown his astuteness by 
temporary concessions and conciliations. He has reconstructed 
and indorsed the philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas, thus 
linking the Middle Ages to the outgoing nineteenth century. 
He has been an opportunist in international and world-wide 
politics. He restores harmony between Germany and the 
Papacy, he appeases Switzerland, courts Great Britain, Rus- 
sia, and China, and sets the seal of legitimacy upon the 
republican government of France, and tolerates with becom- 
ing grace the American republic. 

Grant him honesty of purpose if you choose. It is an hon- 
esty based upon conceptions of duty born in an age of the 
long history of cruelty and from a cherished hope of restora- 
tion of temporal power. 

Is it not true that apparent personal sincerity and honesty 
on the one hand, and pronounced adherence to a system 
which, wearing a triple crown of tyranny, enforces disgusting 
arrogance, blasphemous claims, refined perfidy, compelled 
ignorance, and assassinated individuality, are all the more 
dan2:erous because of the honest semblance ? 

We have seen what manner of man this Pope is who per- 
sistently injects his personality into American affairs, both in 
time of peace and in time of war. His interference as an 
attempted mediator in our war with Spain was in entire har- 
mony with the papal assumption of temporal power and right 
to rule over the rulers of nations. 



206 Fiu'ing the Twentieth Century. 

Kverv move of politico-ecclesiastical Koman power to get 
coiitr.aof cihication, army, navy, politics, legislation is for the 
purpose of shaping our civilization after the Latin type. We 
owe a duty to the suhjects of such a power coming to us from 
tlu'ir foiviV^i bondage to fui-nish them opportunities for lib- 
eration and assimilation, and to i)rotect our civil institutions 
from I'Miriiption and l)ondage. 

The ilogma of infallibility is thus defined by the Vatican 
Council of 1870, p. 48 of '' The Decrees " : 

" We teach and define that it is a dogma divinely revealed, 
that the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra, when in 
dischai'ge of the ofhce of pastor and doctor of all Christians, 
by virtue of his supreme apostolic authority, he defines a doc- 
trine regarding faith and morals to be held by the universal 
chuivh, bv the definite assistance promised to him in blessed 
Peter, is possessed of that infallil)ility with which the divine 
lu'deemer willed that his church should be endowed, for 
(h'tining doctrine regarding faith or morals, and therefore such 
detinitions of the Eoman Pontiff are irreformable of them- 
selves, and not from the consent of the church. But if any- 
one, which may God avert, presume to contradict this our 
definition, let him be anathema." 

Froude says : " More than ever the assumptions of the Holy 
See are perceived to rest on error or on fraud. The doctrines 
of the Catholic Church have gained only increased improba- 
bility from the advance of knowledge. Her history in the 
light of critical science is a tissue of legend woven by the 
devout imagination. Yet the Romish Church has once more 
shot uj> into visible and practical consequence. Her hier- 
ai-chy, ill England and America, have already compelled the 
State to consult their o])inions and respect their pleasure ; 
while <?ach step that is gained is used as a vantage-ground 
from which to present fresh demands. Hildebrand, in the 
pleniliid*' of his powder, was not more arrogant in his claim of 
universal sovereignty than the present wearer of the tiara." 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 207 

To uuderstand the lueuace of politicO:ecclesiastical Roman- 
ism to the American republic, we must know tlie history of its 
relations to other governments, and what relation it bears to 
existing civil and religious conditions in the nations where it 
continues to be a dominant power, as in Italy, S])ain, Austria, 
Mexico, and the South and Central American states, and in 
the Province of Quebec. Politically, it is the Church of the 
Vatican. Its most sacred traditions and ideals are those of 
the Middle Ages. It has never gotten farther from the tyran- 
nies and depravities of the past than to apologize for them, 
and many of them, more or less fully abandoned, it would be 
willing to renew if the times permitted, or if they were nec- 
essary to the accomplishment of its purpose. It must never 
for a moment be forgotten that Pome, neither in its character 
nor purpose, changes its programme for universal temporal and 
spiritual dominion. It may desist from aggressiveness in cer- 
tain directions when the temper of the people seems to be 
aroused, but it is only temporarily quiescent and not convinced 
or reformed. Its might, though in a minority in voting and 
legislative strength, is the marvel of history, due, however, to 
the unscrupulousness of its methods in controlling men with- 
out convincing them. No honest man as a citizen need wait 
lono; or make extended research to find some rational cause of 
offense against the universal assumptions of this power. 

Gladstone says : " The Pope demands for himself the right 
to determine the province of his own rights, and has so defined 
it in formal documents as to ^val'l'ant any and every invasion 
of the civil sphere. . . Against such definition of his own 
power there is no appeal to reason, that is rationalism ; nor 
to Scripture, that is heresy; nor to history, that is private 
judgment." 



208 Facing the Tweiitietli Century, 

CONCERNING THE ESSENTIAL CHARACTER OF CIVIL LIBERTY. 

••The liberty whicli our fathers planted, and for Avhich they sturdily con- 
UMuM ami under which they grandly conquered, is a rational and temper- 
ate l)ut brave and unyielding freedom,-tlie august mother of institutions, 
the hanly nurse of enterprise, the sworn ally of justice and order; a liberty 
that lifts'her awful and rebuking face equally upon the cowards who would 
sell, and the braggarts who would pervert, her precious gifts of rights and 
obligations." -iicZ/c/" P- Whipple. 

Tlie ohanicter of the claims of Romanism for universal 
(l.,iniiiion compels the negation of all the essential principles 
(.f I'ivil liherty upon wliicli onr republican form of government 
i-fsts. " Govermnents derive their just powers from the con- 
sent of tlie governed," says the Declaration of Independence. 
Tlif j.riiicipie of individual sovereignty is here announced. 
I'.iit IJomanism claims this sovereignty for the Pope. The 
Can.. 11 Law of the Roman Catholic Church says: "The Pope 
has the right to annul state laws, treaties, constitutions, etc.; 
to absolve from obedience thereto, as soon as they seem detri- 
mental to the rights of the church or those of the clergy." 
*'Tlie Pope can release from every obligation, oath, vow, 
eitlier l^efore or after being made." The Revised Statutes of 
the United States require that an alien making his declaration 
of intention, and when admitted to United States citizenship, 
sliall take oath, " That he will support the Constitution of the 
United States, and that he absolutely and entirely renounces 
and abjures all allegiance to every foreign prince, potentate, 
state or sovereignty, and particularly, by name, to the prince, 
potentate, state or sovereignty of which he was, before, a citi- 
/..•n oi- subject." The organic law of the United States says : 
" This Constitution and the laws of the United States which 
shall be matie in pursuance thereof . . . shall be the supreme 
law <■!' the land." 

in a scniiuii preached in the Pro-Cathedral at Kensington, 
October 1), 1S04, (Jardinal Manning, speaking as for the Pope, 
i)Ut into his niouth the followimr: "I acknowledjie no civil 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 209 

power ; I am the subject of uo prince ; and I claim more tlian 
this — I claim to be the supreme judge and director of the 
consciences of men — of the peasant that tills the field, and of 
the prince that sits upon the throne ; of the household that 
lives in the shade of privacy, and the legislator that makes 
laws for kingdoms ; I am the sole, last supreme judge of what 
is right and wrong." 

In his encyclical issued in the second year of his pontifi- 
cate, Leo XIIL says : " As prince and master, Thomas Aqui- 
nas far outshines every one of the scholastic doctors. There 
is no part of philosophy that he has not handled fully and 
thoroughly. . . His treatises on the modern system of lib- 
erty, which, in our time, is tending to license, on the divine 
origin of authority, on the laws and their binding force, on the 
fatherly, just government of sovereign princes, on obedience to 
the higher powers, etc., and other subjects of a like nature 
treated of by him, have a great and invincible influence in 
rooting out the new principles of right, which are recognized 
as dangerous to order, peace, and public safety." 

Thomas Aquinas says : " Human government is derived 
from divine and should imitate it. . . For the temporal power 
is subject to the spiritual as the body to the soul, therefore it 
is not a usurpation of jurisdiction if a spiritual prelate intrudes 
himself into temporal affairs. . . And such laws (which are 
opposed to divine law) should in no way be observed." 

The civil liberty of the individual sovereign in a republic 
made up of sovereigns and controlled by popular sovereignty 
is nullified when some alien and ecclesiastical power claims 
and secures his first allegiance. In the Syllabus of Errors, 
the infallible Pope Pius IX. said: "It is an error to hold 
that, in the case of conflicting laws between the two powers, 
the civil law ought to prevail." 

The revolt among people seeking civil liberty in Italy and 
in France has made agnostics of them so far as religion is 
concerned, because they have seen the utter inconsistency 



o|o Failing the Twentieth Century. 

between tlie claims of Romanism and the rational enjoyment 

,.f oivil liiit'itv. 

Lfo Xlll. in his encyclical of 1890 says: "It is wrong. . . 
under pretense of civil rights to transgress the laws of the 
("innvh. . . But if the laws of the State are openly at vari- 
aiKv with the laws of God— if they inflict injury upon the 
C'lnnvh . . . t>r set at naught the authority of Jesus Christ 
which is veste<l in the Supreme Pontiff, then indeed it be- 
comes a duty to resist them, a sin to render obedience." 

This clearly i-eipiires the Roman Catholic American citizen 
to obey tirst the papal power, although it may require him to 
disobey and resist the civil power which he has sworn to 
obey as the condition of admission to the rights and privileges 
of citizenship. Mr. Gladstone in his work on the Vatican 
Decrees mentions among the many subjects which might come 
under " the domain and competency of the state, but also un- 
deniably affecting the government of the church," the fol- 
lowing : " marriage, burial, education, prison discipline, 
blasphemy, poor relief, incorporation, mortmain, religious 
endowments, vows of celibacy, and obedience." 

( )n some phase of most of these subjects the Church of 
Rome has been in conflict with the civil liberty of the citizen 
as defined by the civil law in this country. In many States 
it has used its political power to secure special legislation 
to inti-ench itself in its defiance of the sovereignty of the 
citizen. This has been notably true in the securing of 
charters for institutions which in their management violated 
}>oth civil rights and religious liberty. 

Vicar General Preston on January 1, 1888, preached a re- 
markable sermon, throwing an ecclesiastical light upon civil 
lil^erty and personal sovereignty. He said: "Every word 
that Leo sjx'aks from his high chair is the voice of the Holy 
(rhost and must be obeyed. . . You must not think as you 
choo.qe, you must think as Catholics." The Pilot, a devoted 
Kmiii.iii Catliolic paper, puts it that the Roman Catholic, 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanisiri. 211 

according to Leo XIII., must render as "perfect submission 
and obedience of will to the Church and the sovereign 
Pontiff, as to God Himself." 

Edmund Burke cannot be referring to responsibility to the 
Pope in the following passage : 

" All persons possessing any portion of power ought to be 
strongly and awfully impressed Avith an idea that they act in 
trust, and that they are to account for their conduct in that 
trust to the one great Master, Author, and Founder of 
Society." 

Is it any wonder that multitudes of candid and intelligent 
citizens believe that no orthodox Roman Catholic can be a 
loyal American citizen ? If he is intelligently honest in his 
church belief, he owes his first loyalty and obedience in all 
things to the infallible head of his Church, the Sovereign 
Pontiff. If he is intelligently honest in his relation to the 
oath he has taken as a citizen, he owes his first loyalty in 
civil affairs to the government Avhich protects him in both his 
religious and secular rights and privileges. But his loyalty 
to the head of his Church covers in its requirements his 
reason and his conscience. His volitions are subject to the 
will of another. He has no liberty of choice, but is to submit 
obediently without debate to the will of a foreign ruler, wdio 
claims to possess the powder to nullify the laws of civil 
governments and to absolve citizens from obligations of 
loyalty and obedience to those laws. We submit that this is 
a mild putting of the case, in the face of the admitted claims 
of Romanism. We know that when the facts are presented, 
and the legitimate inferences are drawn from them, it is the 
habit of certain Roman Catholic priests and editors, and their 
zealous Protestant apologists, to rush into print with heated 
assertions of loyalty on the part of Romanists, giving notable 
illustrations, and crying bigotry and persecution. The ugly 
fact remains that an intelligent, conscientious, and loyal 
Romanist who means to be an intelligent, conscientious, and 



oio Faciih/tltt TiiHutieth Century. 

loval citi/oii of tlie iri)nl)lic- lias a pioblem in ethics to solve 
that will iv.|"'»"^'pl^'"^''y indulgence and expertuess in moral 
Lfvniiiastics. 

li^MKuaiice, or iiiditterence to the unreasonable claims of his 
i-liuri'li. fivciuently results in his increased loyalty to his 
count rv. l)ut this is a lamentable alternative. 

In bs^l there appeared in the Fortnightly Revieto an 
article b\ M. Paid liert, ex-Minister of Public Instruction 
ami A\'or>hii» in France, on the relations of Rome to religious 
and political ail'airs in France, from which we quote the 
f«»llowing : 

•' She has opposed the progress, not only of liberty of 
thought — that is within her role — but also of popular edu- 
cation, of which slie seems to fear the consequences above 
cvt'iythini:-. She has l^ecome aristocratic and royalist, iden- 
tifviu'^' li'T cause with that of the ancient regime. 

"She has again and again threatened the existence of the 
Iu'|Miblic; and has taken pai-t in the elections against all 
candidates who reiu'esent libeial and democratic ideas. The 
cliarges of lier bishops and the sermons of her cures have too 
oftni been lillcd with protestations against the state of society 
that has spnuig from the French Revolution, with attacks 
up"»n the (rovernment which France has freely chosen, and 
with insidts against the representatives of the country. And, 
moreover, in aid of its bellicose propensities, the church em- 
ploys not only the powerfid influence which it wields over 
the souls of its believers, but also that which the civil power 
hjis given, intlier by the Concordat or subsequent laws, or by 
its weakness and concessions in practice. 

"Sucli a state of things cannot last. If, as many en- 
lighttMKMl minds think, there is an al)Solute antagonism 
between the tendencies of the church — ivltich has not ahan- 
dtjiu'l^ at haM in France, its dreams of universal domination 
— and iIh- Kejjublic, which means to be master in its own 
house, aii<l \vli(>>e fundamental princi[)le, liberty of conscience, 



Polit Ico- Ecclesiastical Mom anism. 213 

has been formally condemned by the two last Popes, how 
can we admit that civil society should continue to augment 
the power of its would-be ruler ? " 

The essential character of civil liberty demands, for its 
highest rational enjoyment in the individual and for its 
highest development in the state, freedom of conscience and 
freedom of will, unfettered intelligence and undaunted 
courage, individual sovereignty and personal responsibility. 
Komanism either fetters or destroys every one of these 
qualities. 

Liberal prelates, as they are styled, because they at one 
time protested against the dogma of papal infallibility, have 
all submitted, and formally published it to their following 
and sworn obedience to the infallible Pope, despite the fact 
that they had denounced it as giving the lie to history and as 
stultifying reason. The Vatican Council defined this blas- 
phemous and insolent dogma, Pius IX. and Leo XIII. inter- 
preted its scope, and no honest Romanist, from Pope to 
peasant, dare disobey it in any particular, and is bound to 
submit his conceptions of civil liberty as absolutely to the 
known will and judgment of the Pope as the most devout 
Christian would to the known will of God. We have seen 
what the papal claims are on the subject of civil liberty. 
How can a man who honestly accepts these claims be a 
loyal subject of a government which is founded upon popular 
sovereignty, and claims to " derive its just powers from the 
consent of the governed" ? 

Rev. Michael Muller, evidently the same priest who wrote 
the disreputable volume on Public School Education which 
was indorsed by Archbishop Ireland, says, in his " Familiar 
Explanation of Catholic Doctrine " : " To be separated f i-om 
the divine authority of the Pope is to be separated from God, 
and to have no place in the kingdom of Christ. . . Mark 
well, Pius IX. uttered these solemn words against 'certain 
men ' whom he calls the enemies of the Catholic faith — he 



•_' 1 i 



Faring the Twentieth Century. 



means liberal-iniiuUHl Catholics, us is evident from his words, 
wliioh, on July 28, 1873, he addressed to the members of the 
Catholic- Society, Qiiimper, 'tell the members of the Catholic 
Society that, on the numerous occasions on which we have 
oensnred those who held liberal opinions, we did not mean 
tho.se who hate the Church, whom it would have been useless 
to reprove, hut those Catholics who have adopted so-called lib- 
eral opinions, trho 2^reserve and foster the hidden poison of 
iiheral prineijjles.'' " 

The idea that Archbishop Ireland, in his so-called liberal 
utterances, dangerous because oratorically plausible and at- 
tractive, and wliich seem to exert a soporific and hypnotic 
intluence over Republican financiers and politicians, repre- 
sents the puri)Ose of Rome in America, is simply ludicrously 
absurd, in the liirht of his absolute submission to Rome's 
extreme demands contained in these very utterances and not 
concealed by rhetoric from observant eyes, and in the light of 
his inc(^nsistent and double utterances on vital features of 
civil liberty, some of which are designed for American 
political consumption and others to assure Rome of uncon- 
ditional loyalty. 

The Plenary Council and the Apostolic Delegate and the 
uncompromising xVrchbishop Corrigan type of prelate speak 
for Rome in America, and when they speak debate must end, 
and none know this fact better than the small class of prelates 
\\ lio attempt temporary and plausible explanations of claims 
wliieh, in their nakedness, would shock the American con- 
ceptions of civil liberty. 

Tlioughtful Roman Catholics themselves look upon the 
HO-calh-d liltcial Cai-dinal (ribbons as an unsuspecting, good- 
natured, forceless, and harmless gentleman, who makes a good 
appearance on dress parade in a procession, and who has 
phot.)irnij.he(l himself in his tame and colorless book entitled, 
" < )in- ('liii>ti;iii Heritage"; and who has repeatedly '?/^/6;'6t/, 
but never in action llJusfnitid, liberal American sentiments. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 215 

For Protestants to praise and pet the liberality of Koman 
Catholics who assert their loyalty as citizens and who still 
submit to the claims of Canon Law, and Syllabus, and Encyc- 
licals, is to put a premium on broken vows and disloyalty to 
convictions. The only honest and praisewo^'thy course which 
any Romanist in this Republic can pursue is open repudi- 
ation of the extreme ecclesiastical claims upon him as a mem- 
ber of the body politic, while at the same time he accepts 
the religious claims of his church in so far as those claims 
pertain to his personal character and his personal relations to 
Christ. 

Leo XIII., in his encyclical of November 7, 1885, said : 

" Every Catholic should rigidly adhere to the teachings of 
the Roman Pontiff, especially in the matter of modern liberty, 
which, already, under the semblance of honesty of purpose, 
leads to destruction. We exhort all Catholics to devote care- 
ful attention to public matters, and take part in all municipal 
affairs and elections, and all public services, meetings, and 
gatherings. All Catholics must make themselves felt as 
active elements in daily political life in countries where they 
live. All Catholics should exert their power to cause the Consti- 
tutions of States to he modeled on the principles of the true 
Churchy 

No genuine republican form of government has ever been 
established in any country on anything like a permanent 
foundation until politico-ecclesiastical Romanism has been 
eitlier crushed or put under bonds. 

The enthronement of Romanism always means the de- 
thronement of liberty. The supremacy of ecclesiasticism 
always means the starvation of reason and the suppression of 
man's noblest faculties. 

We do well to keep in mind the words of Gambetta, 
" Always remember that our enemy is clericalism," and let 
us also remember that with us, as with the French Republic, 
there exists a radical and necessary antagonism between the 



210 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

iinperioiis pretensions of political Koimmisin and the freedom 
an.l self-rt'liance essential to a republican form of government. 
With Papal K.'iiu' as with Pagan Rome, its all-embracing 
flaim of universal sovereignty forbids the recognition of any- 
thiui,' likr half measures. As Pagan Rome followed a dream 

..f ./h.!\, 

" Scorn ill L,' 111*' base degrees 
By wli it'll it <liJ ascend," 

>.. Tap.il Rome exhibits that spirit of pride and ambition 
whicii places the temporal above the spiritual, admits no 
e<|unls. and looks on all forms of liberty as enemies to be 
resisted and crnshed. " AVhen Rome has spoken, that is 
the en«l of the matter," said Augustine; and so says every 
believer in and supporter of papal authority to-day. 

In March, 1807, Mgr. Schroeder, Professor of Dogmatic 
Thfology in the Roman Catholic University in Washington, 
|tnl)lished over his own signature the following estimate of 
lil»tM-al Catholicism : 

" It is a duty to keep up this fight against this powerful 
enemy, this so-called liberal Catholicism or Catholic liberal- 
ism, luxuriating in the garden of the Church as tares sown by 
Satan." 

Ill allot h(^r place he compares liberalism in the Church to 
the liiissian thistle. There is no such thing as a good or a bad 
thistle, all being bad alike ; so he says there is only one liberal 
thistle, and that is good for nothing. 

"It is the great heresy of the nineteenth centur)^ — the nega- 
tion <.f th(! supremacy of Christ and his Church over State 
and society in general. A Catholic liberalism is just as 
itiipo^-isibh; as a Catholic Arianism or Protestantism." 

II'- asserts that for the last fifty years the Popes have 
lu-aii.h-.l lili. ralisiii as a heresy, as a dangerous enemy, as hid- 
den poison and falhicious error. He sums up by declaring 
that : 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 217 

" We are justified in drawing the conclusion that a liberal 
Catholic cannot be a good Catholic." 

And yet there are men who tell us that the teachings of 
Romanism in this country are in tlie direction of adaptation 
to the liberal institutions of the republic, and to a broader 
conception of the essential character of civil liberty and to 
the rights of private judgment. 

On the great conflict between Americanism and foreignism, 
Lyman Beecher says : 

"Must Catholics have all the liberties — their own and ours 
too ? I protest against that unlimited abuse with which it is 
thought quite proper to round oif declamatory periods against 
the religion of those who fouo-ht the battles of the lleforma- 
tion and the battles of the Revolution ; and that sensitiveness 
and liberality which would shield from animadversion and 
spread the mantle of charity over a religion which never 
prospered but in alliance with despotic governments, has 
always been, and still is, the inflexible enemy of liberty, of 
conscience and free inquiry, and at this moment is the main- 
stay of the battle against republican institutions. A despotic 
government and despotic religion may not be able to endure 
free inquiry, but a republic and religious liberty cannot exist 
without it." 

Dr. Philip Schaff's translation of the Syllabus Errorum (Pius 
IX., 1864) and other acts of the Popes, gives the following 
affirmative claims in the interests of civil liberty which have 
received Papal condemnation; declaring them to be erroneous: 

" To maintain the liberty of the press." 

" To claim liberty of speech." 

" To contend that Papal judgment and decrees may with- 
out sin be disobeyed or differed from, unless they treat of 
faith and morals." 

"To hold that the Roman Pontiff's ecumenical councils 
have transgressed the limits of their power and usurped the 
rights of princes." 



o 1 ^ Facing the Twentieth Centwny. 

'•To lu.Kl tliat the Koiiiau Pontiff ought to come to terms 
witli proi,Me.ss, liberalism, :md modern civilization." 

Mr. (ii-idstone says : " My propositions are these : 

•• 1st. That Home has substituted for the proud boast of 
• Si-uiper Kadeni ' a policy of violence and change in faith. 

** i>d. Tliat she has refurbished and paraded anew eveiy 
rusty t..(.l slie was fondly thought to have disused. 

" ;{(1. Tliat no one can now become her convert without re- 
nciiuciug his moral and mental freedom and placing his civil 
l..\alty and duty at the mercy of another. 

" 4ih. That she, Rome, has equally repudiated modern 
thought and ancient history." 

This government has been to an enormous outlay of life and 
treasure to rid the AVestern Hemisphere of the curse and 
cruelty and barbarism of a Latin civilization enforced by 
Koiiian C'ath(»lic Spain upon Cuba. This power lias been ex- 
erted by the use of religious sanctions in the union of church 
and state for its political and military tyranny. Now, in 
|»eace, the republic must not allow its institutions to be under- 
mined by ecclesiastical domination over the loyalty of our 
citizens, by teaching allegiance to any foreign potentate in 
anything pertaining to civil duties. We have had enougli of 
that type of civilization. 

THK (JLAniS OF POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL EOMAISTISM CONCERmNQ 

i:r;i.i(;i()us liberty and the union of church and 

STATE. 

■• All history tells us that wherever the Romish priesthood has gained a 
pnHlriiiiiiiaiK'c, tliere the utmost amount of ijitolerance is invariably the prac- 
ticf. In countries where tliey are in the minority they instantly demand, 
not only ttjleration, but equality, but in countries where they predominate 
they ullow neither toleration nor equality." — Lord Palmerston. 

Tiir union (.f the church with the state is the theory and 
practir<* of the Roman Catholic Church wherever it is per- 
niiftc(| 1,1 liMve its wa}^, its assertion always being that in this 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 219 

relation it has the right to exclude all other religions and that 
the ecclesiastical authority is superior to the civil. Its pres- 
ent status shows that it holds a privileged and official relation, 
to the exclusion of equal rights to all other churches, in but a 
limited number of governments. 

In Spain the Constitution of 1876, which is still operative, 
has this article : " The Roman Catholic apostolical religion is 
that of the state. The nation obliges itself to maintain the 
worship and its ministers. No person shall be molested in 
the territory of Spain for his religious opinions, nor for the 
exercise of his particular worship, save in the respect due 
Christian morality. Nevertheless, no other ceremonies nor 
manifestations in public will be permitted than those of the 
religion of the state." 

In Austria the Roman Catholic Church has the permanence 
of a public institution privileged by the state ; the others are 
private institutions entitled to equal protection. 

The Republic of Colombia, in South America, is essentially 
Roman Catholic, which is also true to an extent of most of the 
other nations on that continent. 

The present kingdom of Italy, since the destruction of the 
temporal power of the Pope and the incorporation of the 
Papal States with the other previously independent states of 
Italy into one kingdom, still retains the fii'st article of the Con- 
stitution given in Turin, March 4, 1848, as follows: "The 
Apostolical and Roman Catholic religion is the sole religion 
of the state. The other cults now existing are tolerated in 
conformity with the law." 

In Mexico the church and state are absolutely separated. 
In Brazil all Christians are put upon the same footing. 

Each state of the confederation comprising the German 
Empire has its own laws relating to religion. While the 
Lutheran faith is the state religion of Prussia, the state con- 
tributes to the support of the Roman Catholic Church. 

In Bavaria the state religion is Roman Catholic, while 



oo(, Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

l^rutt'staiitism is aided ; in fact, tlirongliout tlie German Em- 
nirc the lu.iuan Catholic and Protestant chiirclies are botli 
aidiMl ill their support by the state. 

Ill Kraiii-e all cliiuvlies are efpial under the law, while the 
priest.s and niinistt-rs of the Roman Catholics, Protestants, and 
.f«'\vs are paid l)y appropriations from the state. 

I'ud.'r the union of church and state in Great Britain, 
IJoiiiaii ('atli..rh-s and Dissenters share about the same privi- 
Je-'es, and it t-ontinues to be an anomaly in history that a 
nation and race whose flag carries with it to so many lands 
guarantees of civil and religious liberty should not, in its own 
home (htiiiaiii, have put in practice religious liberty instead of 
mere toleration. 

In tlie United States the theory is absolute separation of 
clnirch and state, which is the principle of the government and 
n(>t tlie policy ; yet while the practice of the government has 
been with great uniformity wise and safe, the principle is not 
y«'t adt'<iuatcly intrenched in the organic law of the nation 
and of all the States. The Roman Catholic authorities in this 
government, as in all governments with which they have 
sustained relations, make their most persistent assaults upon 
the American theory of separation of church and state at the 
treasury point, in seeking to bring about a kind of union which 
will enable them for their security to prey upon the fears of 
jH.liticiaiis who seek preferment as the result of the electorate. 

Maryland was the only one of the original thirteen States 
settled by R<)nian Catholics, and they constantly reiterate the 
fact, seeking to Ijliud the eyes of the present generation to the 
faets (tf their constant assaults u[)on religious liberty, that 
tie- .M;ii\ land colony declared for religious toleration, while 
the tiuih is that they conceded religious toleration because in 
thfir ieI;ition to all the colonies they constituted but a small 

nii ity, and had they lield a majority in twelve of the 

thiiiren colonies instead of one, is there any historic reason 
for siij,j,i,viiiu- tli;,| toleration would have been conceded? 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanistn. 221 

Tlie Roman Churcli lias recently proved that there is no 
change in its spirit or purpose, despite the liberal utterances 
of irresponsible ecclesiastics, who speak by permission Jesuit- 
cally to deceive Americans, by serving notice upon the world 
that civil and religious liberty are not the rightful and 
God-given inheritances of man as man ; but that the See 
of Rome has the infallible power to dictate in these things. 
When will America stop consenting to be trifled with by this 
power ? 

While the American principle of the separation of church 
and state is from necessity recognized by the Roman Catholic 
Churcli authorities, it is repudiated by the supreme teaching 
of the Church and dej^lored by the present Pope in his en- 
cyclical addressed, on January 6, 1895, to the Hierarchy in 
America. After commenting on the equity of the laws and 
the impartiality of the tribunals so that the church " is free 
to live and act without hindrance," he says : 

" Yet, though all this is true, it would be very erroneous to 
draw the conclusion that in America is to be sought the type 
of the most desirable status of the Church, or that it would be 
universally lawful or expedient for state and church to be, 
as in America, dissevered and divorced. The fact that Catho- 
licity with you is in good condition, nay, is even enjoying a 
prosperous growth, is b}^ all means to be attributed to the 
fecundity with which God has endowed his church, in vir- 
tue of which, unless men or circumstances interfere, she spon- 
taneously expands and propagates herself. But site tvould 
bring forth 7nore abundant fruits if, in addition to liberty, she 
enjoyed the favor of the laws and the patronage of the public 
authority.'''' 

The Syllabus of Pius IX., issued December 8, 1864, and 
subsequently by the Decree of Infallibility confirmed as truth 
eternal and equal in authority with the Decalogue, sa3^s : 

" The state has not the right to leave every man free to pro- 
fess and embrace whatever reliirion he shall deem true. 

o 



O.JO Facing the Twentieth Century. 

" It liad not the rii^lit to enact that the ecclesiastical power 
shall le.iuii-e the perniissiou of the civil power in order to the 
exercise of its authority." 

'I'h.Mi in the same Sylhibus the rights and powers of the 
C'hurcli are artirnied tlius, viz. : 

•• Slit' has the right to require the state not to leave every 
I, Kill five t.) profess his own religion. 

•• She has the right to exercise her power without the per- 
mission or consent of the state. 

" She has the right of perpetuating the union of church and 

state. 

"She has the right to require that the Catholic religion 
shall he the only religion of the state, to the exclusion of all 
others, 

" She has the right to prevent the state from granting the 
public exercise of their own worship to persons immigrating 

into it. 

" She has the power of requiring the state not to permit 
free expression of opinion." 

The present Pontiff, Leo XIII., in a letter to the Bishop of 
Terigueux, July 27, 1884, explicitly confirms the foregoing 
thus: "The teaching given by the Apostolic See, whether 
contained i^i the Syllabus and other acts of our illustrious 
predecessor, or in our own Encyclical Letters, has given clear 
guidance to the faithful as to what should be their thoughts 
and their conduct in the midst of the difficulties of times and 
events. There they will find a rule for the direction of their 
minds and their works." 

The formal union of church and state always restricts reli- 
gious liberty, placing all who are not members of the estab- 
lished church under a ban where the most they can expect is 
tolf-ration and not liberty. 

Ihe (juestion of taxation for the support and propagation 
of a f(.iin <•!' i-eligious faith and worship which the taxpayer 
does not voluntarily accept is a dangerous infringement on the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 223 

religions liberty of the individual, and a severe blow at the 
principle of the separation of church and state. This occurs 
where the money of the people is used under the guise of 
educational and charitable institutions for sectarian propaga- 
tion, or when grants of real estate are made by municipal, 
State, or national governments for the erection of such institu- 
tions. Roman Catholicism is especially expert at these points. 

The union of church and state began in the financial and 
political necessities of Romanism forcing it to an alliance with 
wealth and power ; an alliance which has morally dwarfed the 
rich and socially cursed the poor, while the spirit of Chris- 
tianity has been perpetually crucified, and the normal state 
of civil government has been deprived of its virility. The 
political papacy was tkus enabled to grow, while religious 
Catholicism was dwarfed. The former sought universal dom- 
ination over civil powers and held in subjection the fears of 
men by the assumption of power over the eternal destiny 
of their souls. The religion of fear was used as a political 
power by a mighty ecclesiastical system, unchanging in its 
purpose. 

The origin and peril of the temporal power of the Pope and 
of the union of church and state have been most gra2:)hically 
set forth in words of w^arning to the American people by Dr. 
McGlynn : 

" The bishops of the Church everywhere for a thousand years 
were elected by the clergy and the people, and they conquered 
the world — with the spi-i'it of Christ, and not with the sword 
of Peter. 

" After three centuries it unfortunately became good policy, 
as much as it was a matter of Christian conversion for the 
saving of his soul, or, as it was said, the result of a miraculous 
cross in the heavens, for Constantine the Emperor to become 
a Christian. And we, better than the Christians of the cen- 
turies that followed the time of Constantine, can see w^hat a 
pitiable and unfortunate thing it was that the Church of 



.JO 4 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Clirist was liel'iioiulod, protected, enriclied, not merely with 
wealth, ))iit with temporal power, by Constantine and his suc- 
oessoi-s. Thence dates the beginning of the degeneration of the 
Christian C'hurcli. The purple that symbolized, not the blood 
with which Christ einpui'pled his cross, but the power that 
Constantine i^^ave to tlie Church, is the imperial purple. The 
privilege of wearing it comes from Constantine and his 
successors. 

" Let us, taught l)y the bitter example of a thousand years 
..f shameful history, do what we can, by voice and pen and 
lalxu', to prevent the repetition of the blunder, that will not 
lie nificlv a blunder, but a crime, if it be repeated at all in 
this new vir^fin continent, of tliat union of church and state 
which means the injury and the corruption of both. 

'• It seemed good, it seemed wise, an admirable thing, that 
there sliould be such an excellent understanding between the 
spiritual and the temporal power. But the clear, cold light 
of history makes plain that it was a horrible blunder. And 
for us to repeat the blunder would be the most unpardonable 
of crimes." 

RMinaiiists constantly seek to confuse the minds of the 
)ico[ile on the questions of religious liberty and equality by 
magnifying sectarianism. 

They count evei'ything sectarian that is either Protestant or 
not Catholic. We count as sectarian everything denomina- 
tional. 

The lexicographer defines sect to be: "A body of persons 
who have se])arated from others in virtue of some special doc- 
fi-inr; a sclioo] oi' dcnoiiiiiiation ; especially a religious denom- 
ination ; a denomination w^hich dissents from an established 
church." 

S«'ctariaiiisiii is defined to be : ''The quality or character of 
a sectarian ; adlierence to a separate religious denomination." 

\\ '■ d<-<'liii<- to ac('('])t, and we believe that the majority of 
• •iii/,iii«, dccliiK! to accept, the delinition of sectarian presented 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 225 

by Romanists. We have no established state church, in the 
European sense, in this country, although many of the 
churches have engaged in the dangerous practice of seeking 
to establish a connection with the treasuries of the nation and 
state. 

Protestant is not the name of a sect. The Protestant Epis- 
copal, the Methodist Episcopal, the Roman Catholic, the 
Presbyterian, the Baptist, the Hebrew, the Lutheran, the Uni- 
tarian churches are all sects and denominations in the Ameri- 
can sense. Our opponents have no more right to count every- 
thing sectarian that is Protestant than they have to make 
Roman Catholic exclude the broader and universal Catholicism. 
An institution or government maybe Protestant and therefore 
not Roman Catholic, but it is not necessarily sectarian because 
its managers are Protestants, and it need not be sectarian be- 
cause the majority of its managers are Roman Catholic. 

The logic of this sectarian controversy ought to force a 
searching scrutiny into its animus, history, and application. 

The assumption by Rome of spiritual power is almost always 
accomj^anied with arrogation of temporal power. Mixing of 
the two disturbs and confuses the minds of the adherents 
such a policy and injects discord into the affairs of nations. 
It is inconsistent with the genius and spirit of republican 
institutions. 

Republicanism is essentially Christian and Christianity is 
essentially republican, and a republic possesses no element of 
permanency unless it is founded on faith in Christian prin- 
ciples. Skepticism is the legitimate issue of the repressive 
system of Romanism. The skepticism of the last century, 
which made republican forms of government impossible where 
Romanism held sway, is due to this "imbecile, corrupt, and 
imperious church, obtruding itself between the world and 
God and darkening the faith of the nations." 

Whenever a nation breaks away from politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism, with its denial of the right to religious liberty and 



o._)f3 Facing the Twentieth Century, 

iU enfoived union of cliurch and state, with the subjection of 
the state to ecclesiastical power, it always becomes infidel ; 
proviu"- that the [)olitical power of Romanism drives out both 
religion and nu»ra]ity and breeds infidelity. AVhen France, 
more than a centuiy since, threw off the yoke of Eomanisra, 
she proclaimed herself infidel, and despite the presence and 
jH.wcr of Romanism within the domain of France, she yet 
i-emains substantially infidel. Her literature, where it is not 
entirely antagonistic to religion, is divorced from it, while 
skepticism and materialism prevail. This condition of things 
is lilt' legitimate reaction from Rome's debasing superstitions 
and cruel tyrannies. Where religious liberty is denied super- 
stition prevails, and superstition breeds skepticism, while skep- 
ticism annihilates superstition. 

Protestantism in the republic has often sustained a guilty 
relation to the union of church and state in the matter of sec- 
taiian a[)propriations for education and for charities. Its 
representatives have invariably acknowledged the peril of the 
practice of receiving money for sectai"ian propagation from 
the public treasury, while at the same time they have given 
the puerile excuse for their practice that Romanism would 
get the money anyway, and instead of allowing Romanism to 
secure all the public funds, Protestantism ought to take its 
part so long as the practice was allowed ; thus absolutely 
ignoring the great principle involved and illustrating the fact 
that wherever this practice prevails it debauches the con- 
sciences of all who indulfj-e in it. 

An effort was made in the State of Maine a few years since 
to engraft upon the Constitution of that State an amendment, 
\\ liirli li;i(l been formulated by The National League for the 
I Protection of American Institutions, to protect the school 
funds and [)rohibit sectarian ai)propriations. One of the first 
citizens to subsci-ibe to the principles embodied in this amend- 
ment was file ])resident of a college in the State of Maine, 
a man ..f national reputation. Yet when the serious effort 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 227 

was made to carry this amendment into practical effect in the 
State of Maine, this conspicuous citizen appeared before a 
committee of the legislature in opposition. The amendment 
would cut off the denominational college of which he was 
president from access to the State treasury. He believed in 
the principle involved in the prohibition of sectarian appro- 
priations, but was opposed to its enforcement. 

Religious liberty in a Christian nation requires an open 
Bible accessible to all the people. To this Romanism is abso- 
lutely antagonistic. At the dedication of a public-school 
building in the City of New York some years since, an open 
Bible, from which a chapter had been read at the opening of 
the school, lay upon the desk, when an eminent Jewish rabbi 
was called upon to speak. He said he had been asked if, 
being a Jew, he was in favor of having a chapter from a Bible 
containing both the Old and New Testament read at the open- 
ing of the school, and his response was " Yes ; for wherever in 
any country there have been a free church and an open Bible 
the Jews have never been persecuted." 

The brazen manner in which Romanists assault our institu- 
tions and assault Protestantism and inveigh against what they 
style the Protestant Bible is known to all, but when we 
retui'n the assault we are counted as persecutors and enemies 
of religious liberty. Despite this let the truth be told, both 
for the benefit of their own people who are kept in enforced 
darkness and to inspire the self-respect of the people at large. 

For the most part the masses of the population of Roman 
Catholic countries are so degraded that they are considered 
the most needy and legitimate subjects for Christian mission- 
ary effort, they being ignorant of fundamental Christian moral- 
ity, while tenaciously adhering to the Church and resting their 
hope of salvation on its offices. 

American Christian missionaries declare that the Christian 
Armenians and Christian missionaries were more in peril, in 
life and property, from a United States State Department 



008 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

muler K-'iiiaii Catli..lio control thuu from the Sultan's barbar- 
ism Tins i...litic-al Roman Catholic business is all-pervasive 
;ui.l omnii.rosent in its activity. Republican institutions fur- 
nisli as fruitful a field as monarchical, provided only that Presi- 
dents an.l lawmakers are unsuspiciously gullible. 

The Cirilita Cattolica of Rome, a paper conceded to repre- 
sent the Vatican, said recently : 

•• The r«^pe greatly desires to be at peace with the govern- 
ment of Italy,''but this peace cannot be established unless he 
is restored to his sovereign rights as temporal ruler. Tem- 
poral rule is not only necessaiy for the liberty, but also for 
the unhampered international government of the Christian 
Church. . . It is impossible for the Italian government and 
the Vatican to remain at Rome together. One of them 



must go 



In purely Roman Catholic countries Romanism claims and 
exercises the right to persecute Protestants, and in Protestant 
countries it demands religious liberty. It causes friction in 
every government in the world where it can claim any con- 
siderable number of adherents. 

George Parsons Lathrop a few years since delivered, under 
the auspices of the Catholic Club of New York City, before a 
lari;e assemblage including Archbishop Corrigan and other 
dirrnitaries, a lecture on " Reli2;ious Toleration." The lecturer 
being a convert from Puritan stock to Romanism, we, bemg 
among the invited guests, were somewhat curious to know the 
direction such a man's thought would take. The lecture is 
before us. Religious toleration and religious liberty are 
strangely confounded, and Romanism is made out to be 
the source of both of them, as well as of the civilization 
we enjoy, and the last four hundred years are not to be 
con !i ted as a factor in the work. He devoted much time 
to discussing the persecutions to which the Roman Catholics 
are subject in this country, which was diverting if not true, 
lb- made light of the massacre of St. Bartholomew and styled 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism, 229 

it " entirely political," and declared it to be tlie result of 
" massaci'es committed by the Huguenots themselves ten 
years before." Mr. Latlirop devoted very little effort to citing 
any creditable modern history of Roman Catholicism. The 
whole lecture shows, as a prominent Roman Catholic ecclesi- 
astic put it apologetically at the close, " the crudity and zeal 
of a young convert." It shows more. It shows the narrow- 
ing effect of Roman Catholic conceptions of religious liberty 
on even the cultured mind which entertains them. 

In no country where Roman Catholicism is the state 
religion is religious liberty enjoyed, but if any religious 
privileges are granted they are in the nature of grudging 
toleration. 

Religious liberty in this country does not mean that any 
church or other organization is free to teach doctrines that 
unfit the citizen for the loyal performance of his duties to the 
republic, and which strike at the foundation principles of 
our institutions, whether such church or organization be Mor- 
monism, Romanism, or Atheism. 

Such are the claims of the papal power in every direction 
that, whenever it pronounces itself on any subject, it seems to 
include in its sweep the entire domain of man's responsibility, 
thus allowing no av^enue of escape for its subjects by the 
exercise of private judgment on any social, moral, or political 
question. Therefore the same article from the Canon Law, 
or Syllabus, or Encyclical will establish the menacing atti- 
tude of Romanism toward many American institutions. 

The ver}^ foundation principles of the Roman Church make 
the recognization of personal religious liberty logically, intel- 
lectually, and morally impossible. Personal liberty is a 
meaningless combination of words to the enslaved mind. 

When we remember that the Poj)e, claiming to represent 
Christ, whose kingdom is not of this world, has no right to 
use spiritual and ecclesiastical weapons to secure earthly 
sovereignty, what shall we say of his claims over the faith 



._,^5^^, Facing the Twentieth Century. 

autl morals of lueii, with authority to inflict temporal 
puiiishineiits ? 

Koiiianism .seeks to keep its followers away from assem- 
blies wlit're they will hear about religious liberty. 

It is lii"-h time that the Americau republic aud the Ameri- 
can people stopped apologizing for their principles and their 
institutions and stopped trying to accommodate their institu- 
tions to the inventors of the Inquisition, and to the stranglers 
of that civil and religious liberty which has been wrested 
from Rome by centuries of contest and revolution, and which 
has been secured by races of men who were liberated by the 
Scriptures which were buried or chained in the Old World 
l)y Rome. Our institutions were founded by free con- 
sciences and sealed in blood. No explanation, no apology is 
needed on either side, only common honesty. 

TUK CLAIMS OF POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL ROMAISTISM CONCERN- 
ING THE VOTER AS A RESPONSIBLE SOVEREIGN. 

Tlie exercise of the elective franchise ought to be an act of 
responsible sovereignty based upon judgment and reflection 
concerning principles, measures, and men. If it means any- 
thing in the United States it ought to express individual 
opinion and patriotic loyalty concerning republican institu- 
tions. The citizen who surrenders his sovereignty at the 
dictation of another, or who ignorantly, or from compulsion, 
ca.sts a vote that expresses hostility to the institutions under 
which he lives and which secure to him his liberties, is 
not only unfit to be counted a freeman, but is a dangerous 
member of society. 

I^>litico•ecclesiastical Romanism is an organization which 
<l(,'nies the right of the citizen to individual sovereignty, aud 
fiirtlici' claims exclusive jurisdiction over his morals, thus con- 
••edin^ absolutely no rights to the individual or to the state. 
This oi.r;uii/,ation is a religious sect claiming protection under 
the constitutions of the nation and States to the enjoyment 



Politico- EcGlesiastical Romanism. 231 

and propagation of its views upon these vital principles per- 
taining to citizenship. Citizens not accepting the theories of 
this sect claim that their rights are prejudiced and the power 
of their sovereignty neutralized, by being compelled to meet 
at the polls a solid phalanx acting under this false conception 
of citizenship, thus excluding from the electoral contest 
the possibility of an honest verdict on the civic principles 
involved, unless a sufficient number of thoughtful voters 
remain to constitute a majority after the solid and submissive 
phalanx has been offset by neutralizing the votes of an equal 
number of independent sovereigns. 

A religious sect wherein the conscience of the individual is 
subjected to ecclesiastical authority is a dangerous factor 
in politics; the non-control of conscience leaves nothing in the 
individual to which argument can be addressed. 

An ambitious person assuming the role of political leader 
will influence the custodian of these individual consciences 
by promises of money grants and political preferments. 
Until these surrendered consciences are restored to their 
owners, they endanger civic institutions, because elective and 
appointive officials fear and dread an irresponsible, vacillating, 
and conscienceless master. 

Secret, oath-bound organizations, whether religious, benev- 
olent, patriotic, or secular, injecting themselves into politics 
constitute a peril, because they represent the surrender of 
individual sovereignty, and place citizenship beyond the 
scope of appeals to reason and argument. 

Roman Catholicism, whenever acting as a politico-ecclesias- 
tical organization, purposes to vote as a unit. This is a stand- 
ing menace to republican government. It is substantially 
a fixed factor in national. State, and municipal elections. In 
most contests for municipal reform, this vote must be reck- 
oned upon, and counted out by being offset, before any esti- 
mate as to results can be made. Occasionally, ecclesiastical 
non-interference with this vote permits a division of it at the 



o;io Faeinff the Twentieth Century. 

polLs ; then men assert themselves as men. The single-tax 
canipaigii in New York illustrates this, but the eh qiient 
priestly leader in that campaign was punished for his 
temerity. In the highest interests of individual citizenship 
and for'the free perpetuity of our free institutions, let us help 
tc. speed the chiy when these would-be freemen shall become 
freemen indeed. In 1894, in New York City, liberty of 
action was allowed and the voteAvas divided, and reform won. 

Modern constitutional government, liberty of conscience, 
religious liberty, free speech, free press, free popular educa- 
tion, e(iuality of all before the law, the impartial liberties 
which 'Hve character to free governments and institutions are 
tolerated from necessity, and never conceded as rights, by 
K<»nian Catholic ecclesiastical power. 

If the members of the hierarchy will take their hands oft' 
tlit'ir people as citizens, they will become amenable to argu- 
ment and become genuinely American. 

Whoever dictates or destroys the vote of an individual 
sovereign assassinates sovereignty, and an assassination of 
sovereignty in a republic is the assassination of a sovereign 
and ought to be punished accordingly. 

That any alien person or power has the right or authority 
to instruct an American citizen as to w^hether the Constitution 
of the United States is " in conformity with the laws of God," 
and consequently determine the loyalty or disloyalty of his 
lelation to tlie form of government under which he lives and 
whose i)rotection he shares, is treasonably to usurp the powers 
of government and imperil the existence of republican insti- 
tutions. 

By \vhat human or divine right has the Pope any business 
to interfere in the sovereignty^ of American citizenship and 
issue his instructions on the various phases of our institutions 
lor the control of our citizens? ' 

Almost every peril to our institutions comes from the im- 
port, it lon-^ fi'oni countries under papal control and molding. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 233 

Assaults on the American Sabbath emanate chiefly from this 
source. Anarchists and Socialists have been created by re- 
volts against politico-ecclesiastical tyrauny in the Old World. 

Why is it that Roman Catholic priests and prelates have 
power often to quell riots ? Is it not because the rioters are 
mostly of their faith ? It is said that the Pope and the hier- 
archy often command Homanists to take the side of order and 
government in political contests. But what business has the 
Church, as such, to interfere in civil and political matters? 
This is a peril, because it assumes and demands solidarity 
of action. 

V No man's religious creed or religious liberty should be as- 
sailed in the discussion of civic duties ; whoever attempts 
that imperils his own and is un-American in spirit, but he 
ought alwaj's to recognize the broad distinction between the 
personal religious faith of men and the politico-ecclesiastical 
organization falsely styled the Church, which usually seeks to 
control the political action of its adherents. ^' 

The fact that multitudes of Roman Catholic laymen have 
no adequate conception of the extent of ecclesiastical claims 
upon their obedience in both temporal and spiritual affairs 
does not in the least alter the fact that, in the final issue, free- 
dom of choice and judgment are neither permitted nor exer- 
cised. 

The policy of control over the voter is here candidly stated 
by a friendly pen in the American Journal of Politics: 

"The power that operates and makes effective this astute 
policy is the Pope and the College of Cardinals. The Church 
of Rome under their direction has always proved itself to be 
a dangerous foe when its resentment has been aroused, or a 
powerful friend and ally to any cause which it may have 
espoused. . . Within the Catholic communion in the United 
States there are between two and three million voters. All 
that is needed to make the Catholic hierarch}^ a most potent 
factor in American politics is to cause these millions of Catho- 



^>;j4 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

lie votei-s to interest themselves in political matters, and to 
oast their ballots so as to promote the welfare and further the 
interests of their church. This they are now being trained, 
urged, and commanded to do. This is being done largely 
tln-ough the agency of the Catholic press." 

Atlhe dedication on November 20, 1898, of a new church 
for colored people in New York City, Rev. Alexander P. 
I).. vie of the Paulist Fathers spoke as follows: 

•Tilt' strong organization of the Catholic Church, its 2>oiver 
to ci„npel obedience, its ability to bring the life of Christ in 
close touch with the lives of the people, is just the agency a 
robust race demands to keep it within bounds ; while, at the 
same time, its splendid ceremonial as Avell as its warm devo- 
ti.Mial life are calculated to completely satisfy the religious 
instincts of the colored people." 

Romanism took no special interest in the colored man when 
lit' was a slave, but when as a freedman he had a vote, it 
began to yearn and exert itself for his well-being with touch- 
ing and intense solicitude. 

It would be unjust to say that the entire Roman Catholic 
vote can be carried by an oixler, but the Pope tells us that 
sixty per cent, of the voters in Italy stay away from the polls 
In- his oi-der. He has the same authority over Romanists in 
America that he has over Romanists in Italy. He is not a 
temporal sovereign in Italy any more than in America. Who 
di.ubts that as large a fraction of Roman Catholic voters can 
\ni controlled by papal oi'der in America as in Italy ? 

When Victor Emmanuel entered Rome and made it the capi- 
(.d of United Italy, a vote was taken by the Roman people on 
the (|iiesti(»ii whether they desired to be citizens of the Italian 
kingihjm or lemain subjects of the Pope's temporal power. 
Tlie result was substantial unanimity in favor of the Italian 
(jovernment and against the Pope. 

No wonder His Holiness is not willing his subjects should 
express their uutrammeled opinion through the ballot. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 235 

In his lecture upon "American Citizenship," Archbishop 
Ireland declares that, "The ballot is the pride of the true 
American ! Its proper use is his sacred duty. The American 
neglecting to vote on election days merits disfranchisement, 
if not exile. The American boasting of his political indiffer- 
ence or his political indolence proclaims his shame. The 
most deadly danger to democracy, thoughtful writers tell us, 
is that of respectable, well-meaning, and educated citizens who 
show but little active interest in the political welfare of the 
country. Others, the selfisli and reckless who have private 
ends to serve, who care not what comes of the country if they 
satisfy their own ambition and greed, will never be absent from 
the caucus or the voting booth, and in their hands the country 
dies. This peril has come to America ; let us be quick to 
avert it, while there is yet time. If there are through the 
land corrupt, incapable municipal administrations, ignorant 
and venal legislatures, is not the fact largely, if not entirely 
due to this, that the capable and honest find no time, have 
no inclination for the political convention or the public 
service ? " 

These utterances have a patriotic ring, but in view of their 
source and of the facts in the case, the ring is that of the 
" sounding brass and the tinkling cymbal." The reason why 
" the capable and honest find no time, have no inclination, for 
the political convention or the public service," is that the 
ignorant and superstitious voters who are the subjects of the 
politico-ecclesiastical organization represented by the Arch- 
bishop are so massed in the centers of population that they 
have, if not a majority at least the balance of power at 
the polls, under the leadership of a politico-ecclesiastical boss 
who delivers their vote in the mass. 

This state of things discourages " capable and honest " 
citizens, because it degrades the character of citizenship and 
subjects to humiliation the man who consents to enter 
" public service " under the demeaning conditions required. 



.,.5,; Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Jii^^tice Dykinan of the Supreme Court of the State of 
New Y..rk on April 29, 1898, reudered a decision against the 
omstitutioualitv of the Myers voting machine. The press 
ivports dcclnrtMl tliat the decision was based upon the facts 
that "the machine did not provide for or enable the voters to 
• Mve free expression to their choice of officers, and moreo\'er, it 
[s liable to ixet out of mechanical adjustment and to register 
votes for candidates which were not cast or intended for 
tli.-iii, aii.l is liable and exposed to fraudulent devices of law- 
less voters/' On the ground here stated is it not clear that 
the patent politico-ecclesiastical Roman voting machine is uu- 
c».nstitutional ? It certainly does " not provide for or enable 
the votei's to give free expression to their choice." 

Our neighbor Canada furnishes us with some interesting 
illustrations of the claims of politico-ecclesiastical Eomanism 
(.v.-r the voter as a responsible sovereign. 

Wlieii the Hon. Mr. Langevin was elected a member of the 
Canadian Parliament by the County Charlevoix, Province of 
Quebec, the electors of the county protested against his elec- 
tion on seventeen different counts, eight of which were 
classified under clerical intimidation. The case was tried be- 
fore the Superior Court of Quebec before Justice Routheir. 
llei-e are some of the specimens of clerical interference in be- 
half of Langevin the Conservative candidate, and against 
Tremblay, his opponent, the Liberal candidate. These remarks 
were sworn to before the Court and admitted as evidence. 
Rev. Father Servis said : " Liberalism was an error condemned 
by the church, and had sneaked in among us like the serpent 
into th<* terrestrial ])aradise. That it was necessary to com- 
bat this lil.i'ralisiii wliich is leading our land into ruin ; that 
it was necessai'y to listen to the priests and bishops and not 
to tiic 'false Chi-ists ' and false prophets, who came to the 
parish to divide the congregation and the pastor, to preach 
tiiat the priest has nothing to do with politics; that if the 
parishioners would listen to these ravening wolves, and 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 237 

separate themselves from their clergy, terrible chastisements 
were in reserve for their country ; that ' liberalism ' had 
caused the French Revolution and had been the cause of the 
sacrilegious murder of priests; that it had also caused de- 
structive ravages in Germany, and would cause the same 
things to happen here ; that the liberal party was dangerous, 
opposed to the interests of religion, and was condemned by 
the bishops ; that it was not permitted in conscience to be a 
liberal Catholic as the bishops had condemned this libei'alism ; 
that to vote was a duty of the greatest importance, and that 
at their death they would reproach themselves if they had 
contributed to the election of men who wanted to separate 
the church from the state, and who were endeavoring to de- 
stroy the confidence of the people in their priests; lastly 
that they w^ere obliged to vote following their conscience 
enlightened by the pastorals of their bishops." 

Rev. Father Langlois said : " That there were some hot- 
heads in the parish who were raising discord ; that the 
faithful should obey their ecclesiastical superiors who had 
the right to enlighten their conscience; that liberalism had 
been condemned by the Pontiff ; that the liberals were cheats, 
and that nobody must vote for a liberal." 

Rev. Father Mars said : " That in reading from the altar 
the pastoral letters of the bishops he had added some com- 
mentaries to define Catholic liberalism, to show that it was 
condemned by the bishops." 

Another parish priest said : " That among other things he 
had said from the altar that Catholic liberalism was an error, 
condemned by the Church, and were he to vote for a liberal 
Catholic he would commit a sin." 

In the recent contest in Canada in the interests of prohibi- 
tion of the liquor traffic the priests in the Province of Quebec 
not only counseled, but openly and threateningly commanded 
their people to vote against prohibition ; and the Canadian 
bishops gave instructions that the sacraments should be re- 



238 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

fustnl to nil Catliolios who either voted for or accepted the 
settleiiieiii •>! the school (luestion adopted by the Canadian 
Government, mimI, in addition, made threats of excommunica- 
tion au^inst those of their i'ollowiiig who should not heed and 
ohey the ecclesiastical restrictions upon their rights as voters 

and citizens. 

Ill .liil\-, 1897, a four-page circuLar was issued anonymously 
in New York City, under the title of " Civic Interrogations." 
The circular contained a series of questions in which all loyal 
citizens ought to be interested, pertaining to the relations of 
politico-ecclesiasticism to civil institutions, and closed with 

this statement: 

" Politico-ecclesiasticism, with its sweeping claims over the 
rnoials of men, reaching every rational or intentional act, 
including the act of voting, and which in foreign countries 
constitutes the basis for a dmtinct political party, must not he 
allowed to undermine the Great Republic, whose pei'petuity 
depenils upon individual sovereignty." 

These interroirations were the outcome of a conference of 
citizens, whose experience in official, business, and political life 
liad [tainfully convinced them of the scandals and perils of 
the ramitications of Roman ecclesiasticism in all departments 
of official and political affairs, and in many departments of 
business. 

One of these circulars reached Archbishop Corrigan, the 
result of which is recorded in the followins; historic state- 
ments and documents contained in the second issue of " Civic 
Interrogations." The perusal will prove both instructive and 
diverting: 

(From the " Catholic Review;' October 17, 1897.) 

ARCIIIUSIIOI' CORRICAN RESPONDS TO LINK NO. ONE OF " CIVIC INTER- 
ROGATIONS," AFTER CONFERENCE WITH THE BISHOPS OF THE 
PROVINCE OF NEW YORK. — BISHOPS OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW 
YORK CONVENE. 

The animal iiicct'mg of tlie Catholic bishops of tlie Province of New 
York was held Wednesday in the archicpiscopal residence in Madison 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 239 

Avenue and Fiftieth Street. All of the bishops of the province were 
present, as follows: Bishop McDonnell of Brooklyn, Bishop Burke of 
Albany, Bishop Wigger of Newark, Bishop Quigley of Buffalo, Bishop 
Gabriels of Ogdensburg, Bishop Ludden of Syracuse, Bishop McQiiaid 
of Rochester, Bishop McFaul of Trenton, and Bishop Farley of this city. 

Archbishop Corrigan called the meeting to order at eleven o'clock. 
Reports on the condition of the various dioceses were read by the bishops, 
and the business of the Church was discussed in a general way. Arch- 
bishop Flood of Trinidad, West Indies, was at the meeting, and was the 
guest of honor at a luncheon which was served in the refectory late in the 
afternoon. 

There was another meeting at the archiepiscopal residence Thursday. 

{From the " Sunday Democrat,'''' October 11, 1897.) 

MEETING OF THE BISHOPS. 

The meeting was a business one, purely and simply, and there were no 
religious ceremonies connected vnth it. It was strictly private^ too, and 
nothing concerning the deliberations was given out. 

{From the " >Stm," October 17, 1897.) 

THE POPE AND AMERICA.— ARCHBISHOP CORRIGAN RE- 
PLIES TO CERTAIN CIRCULARS. 

A LETTER FROM HIM TO PASTORS, WHICH WILL BE READ FROM ALL THE 
ROMAN CATHOLIC PULPITS OF THE ARCHDIOCESE TO-DAY. — DENIES 
ANY INCLINATION OF THE PONTIFF OR THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 
TO DICTATE OR INTERFERE IN MATTERS POLITICAL. — POPE'S FUNCTIONS 
DEFINED, 

Archbishop Corrigan has sent the appended letter to every Catholic 
pastor in the city, and this morning it will be read from the pulpits of all 
the Catholic churches in the archdiocese. The letter is regarded as the 
most significant document that has emanated from the archiepiscopal 
residence in some time. It is written in connection with the regular 
annual notification of the " Peter's Pence " collection, which is taken up 
on the last Sunday of the present month. The Archbishop's utterances, 
as he explains in the letter, were inspired by circulars which have been 
distributed during the present campaign, and which intimate that the 
Catholic Church has interfered in politics to an extent that has made it a 
danger to the republic. It was impossible to learn yesterday what party 
or individual caused the circulars referred to to be printed and distrib- 



o^Q Facing the Twentieth Century. 

uted. Father Connolly, tlie Archbishop's secretary, would not discuss 
the matter. Following is the Archbishop's letter: 

" Archbishop's House, 

" New York, October 15, 1897. 

" 1{KV. Dkar Sir: According to the Second and Third Plenary Coun- 
ciU of H.ihiniore, a collection is to be taken up annually in all the dio- 
cesea of the United States for the support of the Holy Father, and the 
Btatutes of this diocese in particular specify that this collection is to be 
made during the month of October. In compliance with this rule, I 
liorehy designate the last Sunday of October as the date for collecting 
the Peter-pence this year in all the churches. 

'• The reasons for this appeal have been so often explained that it is 
unnecessary to state them anew, but I avail myself of this occasion 
to allude to some misapprehensions or misrepresentations regarding the 
office of tlie Sovereign Pontiff, which are continually repeated to our 
discredit in periods of passing excitement or on the eve of popular elec- 
tions. In this way circulars have been insidiously distributed containing 
wild statements, such as the following: '■ Politico-ecdesiasticism, vnth 
Hi iiiceeping claims over the morals of men, reaching every rational or 
inttndonal act, including the act of voting * * * must not he alloiced to 
undermine the great republic ; xohose perpetuity depends upon individual 
sovereignty.'' 

" This modest sentence contains the three following propositions: 

" First. — The Catholic Church, as focused in its infallible head, ex- 
tends its sweeping claims over every human act, including the act of 
voting. 

" Second. — The Catholic Church is a danger to the republic. 

"Third. — The perpetuity of our free institutions depends on individual 
sovereignty. 

" In view of the first proposition it will not be without interest to 
recall what the Church really teaches regarding papal infallibility. Noth- 
ing can be clearer than the definition of the Vatican Council. The 
Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra, that is to say, when in the 
exercise of his office as pastor and teacher of all Christians, he, in virtue 
of his supreme authority, defines that a doctrine on faith and morals is to 
l>c held by the whole Church, by the assistance of God, promised to him 
in the person of ]>lesscd Peter, has that infallibility with which it was the 
will of our divine Redeemer that His Church should be furnished in 
dtfiiiing a doctrine on faith and morals, and that, therefore, these defini- 
tions of the Roman Pontiff of themselves, and not through the consent 
of the Church, are irreformable. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 241 

" According to this decree the Pope is infallible when he speaks ex 
cathedra, that is, when he exercises his office of universal teacher defin- 
ing some point of faith or morals to be held by the whole Church. The 
privilege of infallibility is restricted, therefore, to an act of teaching; 
it does not extend to an act of government, nor even to an act of teach- 
ing if performed by the Pontiff as a private teacher. Should he order 
Catholics to vote a particular ballot, his action, by its very nature, as 
a mere act of authority, would not be shielded by the mantle of infalli- 
bility. Again, should he, by any possibility, direct Catholics to support, 
for instance, one or the other of the several candidates now in the field 
for the Mayoralty of the Greater New York, his action evidently would 
not be an act of teaching regarding ' faith and morals,' much less an act 
tending to bind the universal Church. Faith and morals are the object 
of the Church's teaching office, not science, nor historj'-, nor politics. 
The Church, it is true, and the Roman Pontiff, as successor to St. Peter, 
have received from our Lord power to decide questions of faith and to 
offer sure and unerring guidance in the field of morals. For in giving 
Peter the command to feed His entire flock, Christ necessarily imposed 
on the flock the burden of obedience. Both duties are correlative and 
mutually imply each other. If the flock be bound to hear and obey the 
Shepherd's voice, he in turn must necessarily be safeguarded from error; 
must be able consequently to distinguish good from unwholesome pas- 
tures; otherwise the Lord Himself, the supreme Shepherd, would be 
responsible for the loss of his sheep by making them subject to a hire- 
ling who might expose them to the fury of the wolves or lure them on to 
destruction. If the Church cannot fail, because the Lord has made it 
' the pillar and the ground-work of truth,' neither can Peter fail, for he is 
the corner-stone on which the immovable super-structure rests. ' Thou 
art Peter, and on this rock I will build my Church.' If other teachers 
might perhaps falter in the faith, yet Peter may not, for the Eternal Truth 
and Omnipotence itself has said, * I have prayed for thee that thy faith 
fail not, and thou, being converted, confirm thy brethren.' But while 
the Church and the Pope are supreme judges of faith and morals, the 
light of conscience is our guide in individual acts. The gift of infalli- 
bility is vouchsafed for the good of the Church at large. 

" The Catholic hierarchy has now been established in this country over 
a hundred years. In all that period can a single syllable be adduced 
emanating from the Roman Pontiff for the purpose of directing our bal- 
lots ? In these hundred years has a single Pontifical utterance ex cathe- 
dra been made bearing in the remotest degree on the question of our 
politics? If such a fact has never existed during our entire history, is it 
not a little silly to ' fear where there is no fear ' ? Is there anything 



4: 



Faeing the Tiventieth Century. 



inon- supremely ridu-iilous than llie bugaboo that the Pope or the Church 
18 rfaohiiit; out to control ' every rational or intentional act, including the 
casting of a ballot 'V 

'• The secorul fallacy in the remarkable document before us is the state- 
ment that the Catholic Church is a danger to the republic. 

"There is nothing surely in the form of our government which the 
Church reprobates. Iler infallible head, in his encyclical on civil power, 
expres.sly teaches that no form of rule is open to the Church's disap- 
proval provided it be just and for the common good. The oldest repub- 
lics in the world were established under Catholic auspices. The blood 
of Catiiolics reddened every battlefield in the struggle for American 
independence, as it flowed freely in every subsequent national conflict. 
Should another war break out (which may God avert!) Catholics will be 
found to march to their country's defense at the first blast of the bugle. 
It is at least a century too late to question our patriotism or our civil 
allegiance. 

" Danger to the republic can never come from the Catholics while they 
remain faithful to their religion, which, in the language of St. Paul, 
teaches obedience to constituent authorities, and in the words of St. 
Augustine, inculcates 'Charit}'^ toward all and malice to none' (' De 
Moribus Ecclesia?,' lib. i. c. 30). 'Vhe signs of the times show danger 
signals in the fast rising flood of socialism and anarchy, and thinking 
men the world over find the greatest bulwark against these dangers in 
the conservative principles and doctrines of the Catholic Church. All 
her past history shows what she has done for the people — mitigating 
their sorrows, alleviating their hard fate in cases of plague, famine, or 
o|iprcssion, pleading their cause at the bar of justice and humanity; 
while she has aided civil governments, in turn, by protecting their just 
rights, and enforcing due obedience to their authority; endeavoring 
always, in one word, to make both rulers and people realize that all are 
• •hildren of one Father who is in heaven, all destined to enjo}' together 
the same Vilessed immortality. The Church is allied to no form of gov- 
ernment; she flourishes under every form in which justice and right pre- 
vail; her supreme guide of conduct and her chief solicitude consisting in 
the great maxim, 'Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and all things else 
shall be added unto you.' 

" I^iHlly, it is said the perpetuity of our free institutions depends on 
indiviilual sovereignty. 

" If this proposition be intended to imply that a good Catholic cannot 
be a good citizen, stubborn facts are against it. If merely a truism, 
it need not occui)y our attention. 

" With iJKj indignation burn of logic and history, we repel the odious 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 243 

charge that theCliurcIi of Christ cannot live in harmony with the Amer- 
ican republic. Only by distorting and perverting the plain language of 
the Vatican decree can it be made to seem that the Vicar of Christ inter- 
feres with the exercise of individual liberty. Fortunately, in the case of 
the reigning Pontiff the charge is made against one whom the civilized 
world lias learned to admire and revere as the friend of the laboring 
classes; as the champion of the down-trodden slave in darkest Africa; 
as the patron and lover of history, of arts and letters; as the pacificator 
of nations; as *a light from heaven.' Let us strengthen his hands by 
offering him material means to carry on the beneficent work of the 
Church; let us aid him by our prayers, and let us console his paternal 
heart by putting in practice the beautiful lessons he has so often and so 
eloquently taught of meekness, of charity, of earnestness and persever- 
ence in prayer, of fervor in the pursuit of every Christian virtue. 

"Have the kindness, reverend dear sir, to read this letter to your flock, 
that they may be on the alert to defend our holy motlier, the Cliurch, 
against the spread of calumnies, which, like weeds, need constant care and 
healthy, energetic treatment. 

" I am, reverend dear sir, very faithfully yours, 

"Michael Augustine, 

" Archbishop of New York." 



Come, Michael Augustine, be honest ! When you quote 
from an opponent, quote literally, and do not deceive your 
followers by directing to be read, from the altars where you 
control the teachings, distorted passages, intentionally omit- 
ting an important statement of historical fact. This is the 
entire passage, fi'om which you quote : 

" Politico-ecclesiasticism with its sweeping claims over the 
morals of men, reaching every rational or intentional act, 
including the act of voting, and which in foreign countries 
constitutes the basis for a distinct political party, must not he 
allotved to undermine the Great Republic, whose perpetuity 
depends upon individual sovereignty." 

Why keep from the ears of your people this statement of 
fact : " and which in foreign countries constitutes the basis 
for a distinct political party " % Why put three little innocent 
stars in the place of this statement of great liistoriG impm't f 



244 Facing ile Iwentieth Century. 

The Aivlibisbop's " bull " virtually admits that an assault 
OH poUtu'o-tccJtsidsticism is an assault upon the Roman 
Catholic Church. Tliis eliminates from the discussion the 
necessity of submitting the abundant proof at hand. There- 
fore let it be understood that the Romanism of the Greater 
New York, under the leadership of Archbishop Corrigan 
speakini,' e,v caOwJra, is a politico-ecclesiastical organization. 

The Archbishop, after making a garbled quotation from 
"Civic Interrogations," as before stated, then says : 

"This modest sentence contains the three following propo- 
sitions: 

" Fiist. — The Catholic Church, as focused in its infallible 
I bad, extends its sweeping claims over every human act, 
including the act of voting. 

"Second. — ^The Catholic Churcli is a danger to the re- 
juiMic. 

" Third. — The perpetuity of our free institutions depends 
on individual sovereignty." 

On the first proposition the epistle of Michael Augustine 
gives the stock incoherent statements and perversions of 
Scripture which no intelligent Roman Catholic believes, and 
for which the general public has a wholesome disgust. 

On the question of morals he substantially decrees a 
divorce between a man's morals and his civic character. 

On the second proposition he does not seem to recognize 
the fact that, politically as well as religiously, " no man can 
serve two masters "; and that the first loyalty of a Romanist 
is due to a foreign potentate who claims temporal as well as 
spiritual power. 

< )ii the third proposition the writer hedges most humili- 
atingly. "Civic Interrogations" did not assert "that the 
church of Christ cannot live in harmony with the American 
repid)Iic." The church of Christ can and does "live in 
Iiai iii-.iiy with the American re[)u])lic." If that portion of the 
"•liiiifh of Christ" with a Roman prefix has aroused suspi- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 245 

cions in the public mind concerning its relations to individual 
sovereignty, it becomes its authorities to dissipate these sus- 
picions by changing their political tactics and not by pro- 
nouncing panegyrics on Leo XIII. 

The Archbishop says : " Can a single syllable be adduced 
emanating from the Roman Pontiff for the purpose of directing 
our ballots ? " He well knows that this is playing with words. 
Archbishop Corrigan is at the head of the hierarchy in this 
center of population. What did he mean when, in August, 
1896, he stated to a gentleman of culture and veracity in this 
city, after declaring that the Church took an active part in the 
Mayoralty contest of 1886, that " the Church would take as 
great a part in the coming campaign [of 1896, when Tammany 
cast 135,000 votes] as it did in the Henry George campaign" ? 
Does His Grace deny that priests in his diocese, both in the 
political contest of 1886 and 1896, definitely instructed their 
parishioners how to vote, from the altars of the churches? 
Does the representative of the Roman Pontiff in these parts 
mean to be understood that he and his priests acted in these 
instances without the authority of their master ? 

Space has been given to the important "Peter-pence" docu- 
ment from Archbishop Corrigan in ^vhich he essays to correct 
what he asserts to be " some misa2:)prehensions or misrepresen- 
tations regarding the office of the Sovereign Pontiff", which are 
continually reported to our discredit in periods of passing 
excitement or on the eve of popular elections " ; and the facts 
concerning the inspiration of the document and the brief re- 
sponses to the same, because of their important bearing upon the 
Archbisliop's relations as one of the most conspicuous repre- 
sentatives of the Pope, in this " colony " of his world-wide 
dominions, to politics and the individual sovereignty of the 
citizen. In other parts of our discussion of the menace of 
politico-ecclesiastical Romanism we shall be anxious to 
know, when we summon the Archbishop as a witness, if he 
desires to be considered as speaking ex-cathedra. 



•_)4<*. Facing the Twentieth Century. 

\\\' HOW suiiiiiioii Henry George in tlie interests of Arch- 
MsIk"}) C'ori'igaii : 

** In the sofond issue of tbe Standard I stated that in the 
election Archbisliop Corrigan not only wanted to defeat a 
certain candidate, but also wanted to defeat tbe call for a 
constitutional convention; that be communicated with priests 
to influence them to vote against the convention, and that at a 
L^atlieriu"- where one of these priests endeavored to carry out 
the wishes of the archbishop a proposition was made to get 
h«»ld of the bags containing ballots in favor of the convention 
and destroy them. 

" Archbishop Corrigan saw fit through a Herald reporter 
to say tliat this statement was false, and througb a Tribune 
reporter that it was ridiculous ; whereupon I stated in the 
last number of the Standard, that if he would come out over 
his own signature and make an unequivocal denial, I would 
t'ilher give ray authority or retract the statement. In the 
meantime, as showing that such interference in politics was 
n«»thing new on the part of Archbishop Corrigan, I referred 
to the fact that as Bishop of Newark some years ago he sought 
ill a similar way to influence the priests of his diocese to 
defeat certain proposed amendments to tbe constitution of 
New Jersey. 

" Archbishop Corrigan has not seen fit to make the denial 
I called for, nor do I think he is likely to. If be does, how- 
ever, I stand ready either to substantiate tbe statement or to 
make public retraction. 

" In the interval the New York Herald has hunted up the 
facts in the New Jersey episode to which I referred. In 1875 
ariiriidiiients to the constitution of New Jersey were sub- 
iiilit«'d to the vote of the people of that State. These amend- 
ments prohibited the legislature from granting special privi- 
leges to coi-poi-ations, associations, or individuals, and from 
making s|»ecial laws in reference to the management and sup- 
poll (,f pill, lie schools; prohibited the donation of money, 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism, 247 

land, property, or credit by the State or any municipal cor- 
poration to any individual, association, or corporation ; forbade 
counties, cities, and towns from becoming security for, or 
directly or indirectly the owner of, any stocks or bonds of any 
association or corporation, and required the legislature to 
provide for the support of a thorough and efficient system of 
free public schools. 

"A few days before the election Archbishop Corrigan, then 
bishop of Newark, issued the following letter to the priests 
of his diocese, a copy of which was obtained by the Newark 
Dailij Advertiser and published by it on the evening preced- 
ing election. Its authenticity has never been denied : 

" ' Newaek, September 3, 1875. 
" ' Reverend and Deae Sir : 

" ' Having taken legal advice, I am informed that by the 
new constitutional amendment clerical property is liable to 
taxation. This would involve so heavy an additional burden 
to the diocese that I feel it my duty to recommend you 
to instruct your people to strike out the objectionable clause, 
or, better still, to make assurance doubly sure, let them strike 
out the whole ballot. 

" ' It is not enough to abstain from voting ; let them vote 
and vote against the amendment. 

" '■ Very truly yours, 

" ' Michael, Bishop of Newark. 

" ' P. S. Remember that our people must cancel by pen or 
pencil the whole ballot, and then vote it thus canceled, in 
order to protest against injustice. 

" '■ Remember also that the special election in regard to 
these constitutional amendments will take place next Tuesday, 
September 7.' 

" Observe the phraseology. The archbishop, with the 
absolute power of removal and promotion in his hands, 
recommends to his priests to instruct their people how to vote 
on a most important constitutional amendment. This is the 



248 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

power wliioh Archbishop Corrigan uses, as he claims, at the 
bche8t of Italiau cardinals. 

"Tlie true story of how this letter of Archbishop Cor- 
rii^'an's got into print has never been publicly told, although 
it has been hiughed over many a time in the j^vate gather- 
ing's of Catholic clergy, Avhen they felt secure from archiepis- 
c'opal eavesdropping. Many of the priests of the Newark 
diocese felt humiliated and outraged by Bishop Cori-igau's 
interference in politics then, just as many of the priests of 
this diocese feel humiliated and outraged by Archbishop 
Corrigan's interference iu politics now; but being absolutely 
under his tliumb, none of them dared to say a word. There 
was, ht)wever, in the diocese, a German priest, whose knowledge 
of KuL^dish was so extremely limited that he interpreted the 
Word 'confidential,' written across the bishop's letter, to mean 
'confide all' — that is to say, Uell everybody,' 'publish 
this broadcast,' and finding privately that this was his notion 
of ' confidential,' some American priests took means to quietly 
intimate to a Newark Advertiser reporter that he had better 
go to see the German priest and ask for a copy of the bishop's 
h^tei', as a matter of course. The reporter went ; the German 
jtriest instantly complied, glad to get the opportunity to obey 
\vhat he thought was the injunction of his bishop, the Newark 
Advertiser published the letter, and the waggish priests had 
a laugh which comes back yet whenever the incident is 
recalled." — TJie Standard, January 29, 1887. 

Sometimes the Roman priests resort to very cruel methods 
for influencing the voter. They play upon the sorrows of 
tlu' heart and upon the religious desire for burial in conse- 
crated ground for the purpose of political intimidation. We 
liave fi-om the lips of witnesses of veracity their personal 
e.xperience in this direction, during the single-tax contro- 
versy and at the time Henry George and Dr. McGlynn were 
in political alliance. 

TIk' follitu iiig is one of the numerous illustrations which 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 249 

we could furnish : A devout Roman Catholic living on Long 
Island, within the New York City limits, went to his priest 
for confession. The priest asked him if he was connected 
with the United Labor Party. When the man responded in 
the affirmative, the priest told him that unless he promised 
that he would not vote for the United Labor Party he could 
not give him absolution ; thus in the confessional intimida- 
tion was used. After the man came from the confessional 
he told another priest the facts of the case, and this priest 
told him to cross the river and go to a New York priest, 
whom he named, and make his confession, and then he would 
be ready for communion the following Sunday. AVe have in 
our possession the statement of the experience of several 
honest Roman Catholics identical with the above. 

If we can contribute in the least to the awakenins: of honest 
Roman Catholic voters to the fact that their first loyalty as 
citizens is due to the government under which they live, and 
that this loyalty need not aifect their loyalty to their religious 
faith as Catholics, but rather make it more rational, uplifting, 
and self-respecting, ^ve shall have rendered a genuine service 
to these our fellow-citizens, and to their and our country. 

Is it not time that the American people intelligently recog- 
nized the situation as it is, and while granting equal rights 
with all others to Roman Catholicism as a religion, insist 
on its non-interference as a political organization with the 
sovereignty of the citizen ? We must have no imperium in 
imperio in this republic. 

Will not politico-ecclesiastical Romanism consent to retire 
without compulsion from this field, and let religious Roman- 
ism have a chance to prove its right to the title of Holy 
Catholic by its good works and by its molding of the char- 
acters of men into the imao;e of Christ, without assertins: 
a power over their civic action which Christ never claimed ? 

The American people Avill soon reach a condition of polit- 
ical conviction that will demand, first, supreme and absolute 



250 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

loyalty to the re[»iil)lic as a condition for office-liolcling and 
citi/ensliip. They will not permit our institutions to be either 
coMii>rouiise(l, surrendered, or apologized for. The republic 
\vii8 founded as u refuge for the oppressed of all climes who 
sliouM tome to enjoy our dearly purchased liberties, but it 
was not founded to be the convenient money-making and 
il welling place of men who enjoy our republican benefactions, 
while they hold and give allegiance to a foreign potentate 
^^ll(. controls their conduct and shares in all matters pertain- 
ing to citizenship. This they must stop ! Multitudes are 
breaking away from this foreign power. All must, if they 
are to preserve a good conscience iu their loyalty to Ameri- 
can institutions. Let Romanism do its religious ^vork at its 
own expense and receive proper credit for it. Let it keep 
out of politics and thus prove that it is Christian and not 
pagan. 

Just at the present time, when the United States has 
dri\ en from the New World the last recognized imperial rep- 
resentative of papal power, and broken the last agonized 
and dying clutch of a cruel Latin civilization on the Western 
Hemisphere, it is an opportune moment to serve notice upon 
the adherents of politico-ecclesiastical Komanism that perfect 
religious liberty is guaranteed them here, but that they must 
keep out of politics and stop attempting to control the polit- 
ical sovereignty of any section of our citizenship. 

THE RELATIONS OF POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL ROMAISTISM TO 
PARTY POLITICS AND TO POLITICIANS. 

The close relation of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism to 
parly politics and politicians is most pronounced in many 
countries and no attempt is made to deny it, but on the con- 
trary it is asserted and used as a power to promote or prevent 
h'gislation and to bring rulers and political leaders into sub- 
jection hy threats and intimidation. This is equally and 
universally true in the United States, although it is frequently 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 251 

denied. On tbis matter we have no hesitancy in asserting 
that denial of the fact is simply excnseless and intentional 
misrepresentation. Romanism, in its relation to civic affairs 
in this nation, is a political machine controlled by under 
bosses who are the abject slaves of a foreign boss. And it is 
to the credit of the fidelity of these bosses that under most 
conditions they are openly proud of their loyalty, and under 
all conditions they are faithful to their chief, although their 
fidelity often requires them to be traitors to civic vows and 
honorable partisan obligations which they consider secondary, 
and hypocrites to social obligations which they consider inci- 
dental. This politico-ecclesiastical power in the republic 
demoralizes citizenship and corrupts civilization. It is the 
duty of the individual citizens and of the aggregation of citi- 
zens called the nation, either to face this power with intelli- 
gent courage and compel it to relax its grasp upon both the 
conscience of the citizen and the character of the nation, or 
reconstruct their theories of civil government by repealing 
both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, 
and by substituting for them the dogma of Papal Infallibility 
of 1870 and the Canon Law of Romanism. 

Romanism maintains such absolute control over its indi- 
vidual adherents that it can either make a political party of its 
own, or throw its solid vote with any political party with 
which it can make the best contract, and from which it can 
secure the greatest amount of spoils either in offices, legisla- 
tion, or appropriations. It does this kind of business Avith 
unerring regularity. It cares not for majorities so long as it 
holds the balance of power. When casting an actual majority 
of the votes in any given locality, it is openly grasping and 
imperious, as in New York City, and then a nauseating re- 
vulsion occasionally overthrows it, so that it usually prefers 
to hold the balance of power in one of the political parties, 
and then it gets a majority of the offices and a preponderating 
amount of the appropriations without being held responsible 



..-^o Faniuj the Twentieth Century. 

for nolitical party (lereliction. It is the most unscrupulously 
a>tute power in all political history. And it is supposed to 
lu- primarily a religious organization, and uses its religious 
u..rk to promote its political ends. When will the Ameri- 
can peopU* insist upon common honesty in the relations of 
llniManisin to the Republic? When will they take an atti- 
tmle which shall say to the honest American Roman Catholic 
that he shall be protected in all his civil and religious rights 
in tliis republic, with the understanding that his religious 
loyalty is due to religious Catholicism, and that his civic 
loyalty is due to the nation which secures to him his civil and 
rt'ligious privileges ? 

In every State, and in every municipality of any consider- 
able population, Romanism has some recognized political 
party alliance. In these alliances it is usually most open and 
pronounced. It aims at dictation and spoils always. The 
questions of patriotism and self-respecting citizenship are 
never considered. These questions do not come within the 
scope of the purposes of Romanism. 

As surely as Rome in the Old World has taken part, when- 
ever opportunity has presented, for ten centuries in the selec- 
tioii or election of kings and presidents, so surely has she 
taken part in the election of rulers in the United States. She 
is never out of politics. 

The New York Herald, owned and edited by a Roman 
Catholic, told some startling truths about political Romanism 
a few years since. It said : 

" Tlie people have an opportunity to see just what sort of 
institution the Catholic Church is in politics, and to under- 
^tanil what a farce it would be to pretend that free govern- 
ment can continue where it is permitted to touch its hand to 
politics. . . 

"This is a Protestant country, and the American people are 
a I'lotestant people. They tolerate all religions, even Mo- 
hanniittlaiii>iii, but there are some points in these tolerated reli- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 253 

gions to which they object, and will not permit, and the vice 
of the Catholic Church, by which it has rotted out the politi- 
cal institutions of all countries where it exists, which has 
made it like a flight of locusts everywhere, will be properly 
rebuked here when it fairly shows its purpose." The article 
added an assurance that the Herald was " in the fullest possi- 
ble sympathy with American oj^inion on this important 
topic," and a few days later the editor, recurring to this sub- 
ject, wrote : " In all it then said, the Herald has the sympa- 
thy of many loyal and devoted Catholics." 

The Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII. of November 1, 1885, 
says : 

"The Church is in perfect harmony with all modern prog- 
ress, and leaves intact the legitimate liberty of the people. 
Every Catholic should rigidly adhere to the teachings of the 
Roman pontiffs, especially in the matter of modern liberty, 
which already, under the semblance of honesty of purpose, 
leads to error and destruction. 

" We exhort all Catholics who would devote careful atten- 
tion to public matters to take an active part in all municipal 
affairs and elections, and to further the principles of the 
Church in all public services, meetings, and gatherings. All 
Catholics must make themselves felt as active elements in 
daily political life in the countries where they live. They 
must penetrate, wherever possible, in the administration of 
civil affairs ; must constantly exert the utmost vigilance and 
energy to prevent the usages of liberty from going beyond the 
limits fixed by God's law. All Catholics should do all in 
their power to cause the constitutions of states and legisla- 
tion to be modeled on the principles of the true Church. All 
Catholic writers and journalists should never lose for an in- 
stant from view the above prescriptions. All Catholics should 
redouble their submission to authority, and unite their whole 
heart, soul, body, and mind in the defense of the Church and 
Christian wisdom." 



254 Facing the Twetitkth Century. 

If the papacy is not in iM.Htic-s, why is it that the European 
nations all understaud that they are interested in the election 
of the successor of Leo XIII. ? During the summer of 1898, 
wh.Mi alarming dispatches were sent out concerning the condi- 
tion of the health of the Pope, the various envoys accredited to 
the Vatican were ordered to interrupt their vacations and re- 
turn at once to their posts. The successorship to the tiara was, 
according to " Ex-Attache," " quite as engrossing a subject of 
delicate ''neizotiation and intrigue in the capitals of the Old 
World as tlie future disposition of the Philippine Islands and 
the partition of China." It was announced that Germany, 
Austria, and France proposed to raise their claims to the 
right of veto formerly possessed by some of the Old World 
Powei-s, and that Italy proposed to assert its temporal power 
over the Vatican at the Pope's death and supervise the election 
of a successor. AVheu Pius IX. died, Bismarck said, in a speech 
as Chancellor in the Reichstag : " We shall abstain from 
weighing on the papal election. But when the latter has 
been terminated, and the result is announced to us, we shall 
liave to examine whether or not we will accept the result." 
Germany is interested in the election of a Pope because the 
Catholic party in tlie Reichstag is subject to orders from 
the Vatican and often can dictate parliamentary action ; it 
often holds the balance of powder and makes bargains for and 
against the government. 

King William of Germany ostentatiously takes the Roman 
Catholic interests in the Holy Laud under his protection, and 
secures from the Sultan for the Pope territorial concessions in 
Jerusalem, as the price of the support of the Catholic party of 
the Center in the Reichstag in securing appropriations for the 
large increase of his standing army and for the further devel- 
opment of his navy. 

Bismarck said: "The papacy has been a political power 
whi(di, with the greatest audacity, and \\\t\\ the most momen- 
tous consetpiences, has interposed with the affairs of this Avorld. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 255 

This Pope, this foreigner, this Italian, is more powerful in 
this country than any other one person, not excepting the 
king." 

Austria is interested in the election of a Pope because, in 
Austria-Hungary, the papal power often dictates to the gov- 
ernment, and might be unfriendly to the Trij^le Alliance. 

France is interested in the election of a Pope because its 
government is so readily subject to change that the papal 
power, by its heavy hand, can often cause the scales to turn in 
favor of republic or monarchy, 

America is interested in the election of a Pope because we 
are anxious to know whether a new pontiff will command 
our res-pect by non-interference with the rights and duties of 
American citizens ; as whenever the United States, under 
whatever party administration, has been obliged to meet inter- 
national complications, it has been confronted with politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism. 

Dr. William Butler, the founder of Methodist Episcopal 
missions in India and Mexico, says of the Jesuits in his 
" Mexico in Transition from the Power of Political Romanism 
to Civil and Religious Liberty " : 

" This hateful society, whose machinations give the religious 
world no rest, pi'epared the plan which God reversed in Mex- 
ico. Standing back in the shadow, they work unseen day and 
night for their purposes. By the use of the confessional they 
can lay their hands on every secret of social and personal life 
in every family where they have a representative of their reli- 
gion. And as to politics and public men, no power in this 
world is so debasing as that of Jesuitism. 

"Mexico, instead of being — as she was twenty-five years 
ago — the most priest-ridden country on earth, has worked her 
way up, by the help of God and the valor of her sons, to the 
position of the most free of all Roman Catholic lands, while 
her existing laws now sanction no monastery or nunnery, sisters 
of charity, or Jesuits, within her bounds." 



.,.-,♦; Facing the Ticentieth Century. 

Roiiianisiii and party politics are syuonymoiis in Ireland, 
where large numbers of Irish-American political bosses have 
reoeive<l tlieir eilucation, which enables them so easily to be- 
come our masters. In " Democracy and Liberty " Mr. Lecky 



savs 



Tlie enormous accession of political power which recent 
leirislatinii lias given to the Catholic priesthood in Ireland is 
ve'rv evident. Its whole tendency has been to diminish and 
destroy the influence of the pi'opertied classes. The ballot, 
which was supposed to secure freedom of vote, has had no 
restrainiuL; influence upon a priesthood which claims an 
empire over the thoughts and secret actions of men ; and it is 
stated on good authority that in cases where the secret- senti- 
ments of the voters were suspected they have been continually 
induced to pass themselves off as illiterate, in order that they 
may vote openly in the presence of the priest. 

'■ We have seen a bishop, in his pastorals, dictating the 
p..litioal conduct of the voters with exactly the same kind 
and weight of an authority as if he was prescribing a fast 
or pronudgating a theological doctrine. We have seen the 
whole body of the priesthood turned into electioneering 
afjents, and employing for political purposes all the engines 
and powers of their profession. The chapel under this sys- 
tem becomes an electioneering meeting." 

It has been quite the fashion to commend Leo XIII. for 
his commands to the French Roman Catholics to rally to the 
support of the republic. But what is to be said of the power 
of an Italian bishop who is powerless in Rome, which can 
make im[»erialists and royalists disloyal to their political con- 
victions^ And what power in France is now causing these 
same abject subjects of Rome to vote and plot against the 
republic I 

I'<»litieo-ecclesiastical Romanism to carry its ends enters 
into any sort of an alliance. In May, 1898, in Italy, the 
clerical party joined with the Socialists and Anarchists to 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Ronianis'iyi. 257 

overthrow the empire and set up a republic. In France it 
Joined with the royalists and imperialists in sympathy with 
Spain to overthrow the republic ^vhich it had indorsed. 

The historian Froude, writing on " what a Catholic majority 
could do in America," says : " It is only as long as they are a 
small minority that they can be loyal subjects under such a 
Constitution as the American. As their numbers grow they 
will assert their principles more and more. Give them the 
power, and the Constitution will be gone. A Catholic ma- 
jority, under spiritual direction, will forbid liberty of worship, 
and will try to forbid liberty of conscience. It will control 
education ; it will put the press under surveillance ; it will 
punish opposition with excommunication, and excommunica- 
tion will be attended with civil disabilities." 

Mr. Froude speaks like a seer. When the Romanists in 
this country were " a small minority " they were loyal to our 
institutions, at least in the sense of not attempting to under- 
mine them. " As their numbers grew " their political ambi- 
tions awakened and they have since persistently assaulted our 
school system and tried to force a union of the state and the 
church in matters pertaining to taxation. Under the guise of 
demanding "freedom of worship "they have forbidden reli- 
gious liberty and enslaved conscience. They have sought to 
" control education " at the public expense. They have already, 
to an alarming extent, " put the press under surveillance." 
They have already punished the expression of political con- 
victions " with excommunication " of the offender. They have 
already punished loyalty to the Constitution on the part of 
some of their number with " civil disabilities " inflicted by 
their solid vote at the polls. 

Referring to a petition prepared by himself and other 
prominent Catholics for presentation to the New York Legis- 
lature asking for the division of the public-school funds. Dr. 
Michael Walsh, editor of the New York Sunday Democrat, 
said: 



05S Facing the Twentieth Century. 

'• We propose to get the members of the legislature on rec- 
,,nl on tills (piestion. The politicians are all afraid of it, and 
it will have a l.>t of opposition to meet, of conrse, but we ex- 
i>ect that and are prepared for it. The politicians know that 
any position they may take will hurt them with one party or 
the other ; but we do not care for either party ; the Catholics 
JK.ld tlie balance of power, and they will not permit the poli- 
ticians to forget that fact. The politicians now have hold of 
a poker that is hot at both ends, but it is hotter for them in 
the middle and they will have to take hold at one end or the 
other." 

Political Romanism is very astute in its relations to politi- 
r;i] parties and principles. When it is relatively weak, it 
unweariedly adds to its financial resources, courts political 
preferment, and with apparent modesty pleads for what it 
calls political and civil rights. But let restlessness and dis- 
content appear among the people, let political and social con- 
ditions become agitated, let political party contests become 
aiiL^n-y, then this sleepless foe of human liberty and I'epublican 
institutions may be depended upon to use its obediently 
(Kaugerous solidarity on the side of discontent, discord, and 
disorganization. 

It will make contracts with both dominant political parties, 
vibratiuor between the tw^o until it becomes the ruler of both. 
It is prompt and facile in making bargains with politicians, 
and when convinced of its conceded strength, breaks them 
without hesitancy or scruple, or attempted justification. 

It enters Masonry for political purposes despite the papal 
condemnation of the institution, relaxing its grip on its adher- 
ents when the occasion seems to require it, as the Propaganda 
Fi<le recently did in a decree permitting priests to officiate at 
the funerals of Roman Catholic members of the Masonic body, 
"ill case the dead Mason was not openly hostile to the 
("luircii." 

It«'j)ublican party political managers, leaders, and bosses 



Politico- Ecelesiastical Romanism. 259 

persistently and continiionsly make bai-gains for the delivery 
of the Roman Catholic vote, which they never get unless the 
returns in offices are provided and paid with usurious per- 
centage. In fact, about the only Roman Catholic vote which 
can be detached from its usual anchorage is the vote of the 
increasingly large numbers of Roman Catholics who are be- 
coming thoroughly and intelligently Americanized, and who 
will not submit their sovereignty to either political or eccle- 
siastical dictation. 

In response to a question concerning Harrison's defeat in 
1892, the Western Catholic Neivs nnder date of Angust 21, 
1897, says : " Yes, we know why Benjamin Harrison was de- 
feated. Chiefly ])ecause he treacherously used his high posi- 
tion to cut the political throat of Hon. James G. Blaine, a 
member of his own Cabinet, and the greatest of Amei-ican 
Statesmen for the last half century ; because he -was and is a 
sectarian higoty 

This paper has the " ecclesiastical approbation " of P. A. 
Feehan, Archbishop of Chicago ; J. L. Spalding, Bishop of 
Peoria ; James Ryan, Bishop of Alton ; John Janssen, Bishop 
of Belleville, who are willing to be responsible for its state- 
ments. 

The acknowledgment is certainly fraiik and iwompt^ but 
we suspect it did not comprehend what the American people 
might say after hearing the hoast. 

Now after this answer one can understand why secret politi- 
cal societies sprang into being all over the land, proscribing 
this Roman sect in politics, and why commercial depression 
unparalleled, followed by panic and financial distress, came 
upon seventy million of people, and why Cardinal Satolli 
made his appearance here, and lohy Senators Caffery, Smith, 
and Mnrphy (Roman Catholics) dared oppose their party on 
the Wilson bill in 1893. 

The following document gives us a single specimen of 
Rome's political methods : 



2^0 Faring the Twentieth Century. 

Report. 

THE BUREAU OF CATHOLIC INDIAN MISSIONS. 

Washington, D. C, July 27, 1892. 

liiifftt RevtremI J>e<n- ^ir : 

i havo tlie li-.n-.r i.. siibniit herewith my annual report, and in view 
of the important events that have transpired during the past year, I feel 
ohlipod to review at some length the relations of this Bureau with the 
lie.id of the Indian OHice and otlier Government officials, more particu- 
larly since July 1, 1889, the day Mr. Morgan became Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs.' And in connection with tliis matter I am constrained to 
request that you will keep this report from the eye of the public; not for 
the reason that tlie i)ublic should not know of the facts herein stated, for 
these facts should be known of all men, and being known, I am sure 
they would cause every good citizen of whatever party or religion to 
maivel at the bigotry and intolerance which have crippled the hand of 
the church in its work of educating and redeeming from paganism the 
chiltlren of our Indian wards. But this is the year of a Presidential elec- 
tion, and if this arraignment of the Indian Office were given to the 
public at this time party prejudice, perverting the judgment of even the 
best of men, would denounce it as an attempt to furnish partisan ammuni- 
tion to one of the parties in the contest. This result I anticipate, that it 
may be obviated. I am, and for many years have been, a member of the 
party to which the bigoted Commissioner, and not much less bigoted 
PresiiK'Mt, lielong. . . 

Prior to July 1st, 1R89, tlie most friendly relations existed between 
this Bureau and all the officials with whom it transacted its business, and 
tiie same harmonious relations would have continued to this day if Mr. 
Morgan had not begun a crusade against our work, the particulars of 
which will be detailed further on. . . 

I clearly saw that if this man were permitted to go unchallenged he 
woidd, within his four years' term of office, close all our scliools, and the 
chihiren upon whom so much labor had been spent would be forced into 
Iiis unfriendly, ]jrosel3'tiiig schools. 

To get this unfair and unfriendly man out of the Indian Office, and 
if possible have some fair-minded gentleman take his place, I put forth 
every effort, beginning first with my address to His Eminence the 
Cardinal and to some thirt}' Archbishops and Bishops at the meeting 
in Baltimore at the time of the Centennial or Catholic Congress. 

We called upon President Harrison by appointment, and had a 
conference with him in the presence of Secretaries Blaine and Windom. 
At this interview the President stated that he wanted the Indian chil- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 261 

dren educated in Government schools, tluis indorsing Morgan's policy 

in this respect, and he denied our request to withdraw the nominations 

of Messrs. Morgan and Dorchestei-, thus showing his preference for these 

two men to the Hierarchy and Catholics of the country. . . 

Faithfully yours, 

(Signed) J, A. Stephan, Director. 

Rt. Rev. M. Marty, 

President Board of Catholic Indian Missions. 

It will be observed that Stepliau's secret purpose was treas- 
ured up three years aud was not released to do its work until 
after President Harrison's renomination in 1892. 

The hierarchy cared not what financial questions were in- 
volved, or whether distress would result to the millions. Pres- 
ident Harrison had " crossed" them ; he must pay the penalty, 
so that his successors would better serve their demands. 

The Catholic Rev ieiv, February 15, 1896, said : '' Mr, Ben- 
jamin Harrison has Avritten a letter to decline to be a candidate 
for the Republican nomination for President. . . 

'' Mr. Harrison could not get the nomination without a 
contest and is not sure that he could o-et it even after the 
hardest kind of a struggle. He must know that the proba- 
bilities are against him. He shrinks from the mortification of 
defeat and gracefully hauls down his lightning-rod. He made 
a respectable President, having against him only his anti- 
Catholic Indian policy, and his co-operation with the Pi'otes- 
tant missionary faction in Hawaii to rob that country of self- 
government aud annex it to the United States." 

And now we have one secret of the defeat of Beujamin 
Harrison from the lips of politico-ecclesiastical conspirators 
who claim never to enter politics. 

The New York Press, the day after the Presidential elec- 
tion, 1892, said: 

'' The reason why Connecticut went so strongly for Cleveland 
is explained by a lying circular, almost as gross a forgery as 
the Morey letter. It represented President Harrison as having 
said to Indian Commissioner Moro-an that a Catholic school in 



.,,;.- Faeing the Twentietli Century. 

Colorado innst be Presbyterianized. This circular was sent 
to all the Freuch Catholics in Connecticut, secretly. It was a 
lieoiit of whole cloth, but it served its purpose." 

UoiiiaiiiMii is ])ersisteutly interfeiiug in the making of 
political party platforms, and constantly on the watch to ex- 
clude from tiiem any expression of purpose to nurture and 
nrotect priiK'i[.les and institutions distinctively American. In 
1SU2 overtures were made to both of the dominant political 
parties to take at least as creditable a stand on the common- 
school (piestion, and on the proposed Sixteenth Amendment 
to the Constitution of the United States prohibiting sectarian 
appropriation by the several States, as they did in 1876. But 
ecclesiastical terroi's were so influential that the following 
deliverances were the measures of the then political party 
patriotism and courage. 

The Republican platform says : 

" The ultimate reliance of free popular government is the 
intelligence of the people and the maintenance of freedom 
ainoii"- men. AVe therefore declare anew our devotion to 
liberty of thought and conscience, of speech and press, and 
approve all agencies and instruments which contribute to the 
education of the children of the land ; but while insisting upon 
th»' fullest measure of religious liberty, we are opposed to any 
union of church and state." 

Tlie Democratic platform says : 

" P<.[)ular education being the only safe basis of popular 
suffrage, we recommend to the several States most liberal ap- 
pr(»i)riations for the public schools. Free public schools are 
tlie nnrser}' of good government, and the}" have always re- 
t'ei\ ed the fostering care of the Democratic Party, which favors 
every means of increasing intelligence. Freedom of education 
being an essential of civil and religious liberty, as well as 
a n«M'('ssity for the development of intelligence, must not be 
intt'i ffrt'd with under any pretext whatever. We are opposed 
to statt' interference with parental rights and rights of con- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Roma/nis'm. 263 

science in the education of children, as an infringement of 
the fundamental Democratic doctrine that the largest indi- 
vidual liberty consistent with the rights of others insures the 
highest type of American citizenship and the best govern- 
ment." 

Let it be remembered that prominent leaders of the plat- 
form committees of both conventions, in 1892, gave the most 
earnest assurances in advance that a strong deliverance on the 
schools and sectarian appropriations should be made in their 
respective platforms. Let it also be remembered that both 
National Committees had a Roman Catholic chairman in 
Carter of Montana and Harrity of Pennsylvania, whose first 
allegiance was due to the power which consents to '' tolerate " 
under compulsion the American free common-school system of 
education. 

The compulsory platform upon which these two Roman 
Catholic chairmen stood contained the following plank, of 
which Leo XIII. is the author : 

" Furthermore, in politics, which are inseparably bound up 
with the laws of morality and religious duties, men ought 
always, and in the first place to serve, els far as possible, the 
interests of Catliolicis7n. As soon as they are seen to be in 
danger, all differences should cease between Catholics." 

A ROMAN prelate's AUDACIOUS ACT WHICH ROBBED PATRIOTIC 
CITIZENS OF THEIR RIGHTS. 

If the American people had been consulted, it is undoubt- 
edly true that in 1896 an overwhelming majority of them 
would have been glad by vote to have emphasized their con- 
viction that the public schools should be protected by con- 
stitutional safeguards, and that public moneys should not be 
used for sectarian propaganda. In connection with an effort 
to meet this desire of the people, we have to record one of 
the most shameful chapters in American political party 



w,;.i Facing the Tioentietli Century. 

history, the facts uever having heretofore been authentically 
antl ohrouologically stated. 

In May, 1800, the writer was requested, by very high 
authority in the Republican party, to consult with able and 
patriotic iik-n with whom he had been associated in securing 
ci.nstitutioual changes in State Constitutions to protect the 
schools antl prohibit sectarian appropriations, and " to forniu- 
hite an a[)propriate statement for the Republican party plat- 
form concerning the school question." The consultation was 
hekl. (And here let it be noted that not a man consulted 
was a member of the American Protective Association. This 
fact has an important bearing upon a document soon to 
appear in this narration.) 

Tlie citizens consulted determined to recommend the 
rt-athnuation of the declaration of the platform of 1876 as 
folldws : 

" We reaffirm the declaration of the platform of 1876 : 

" The public-school system of the United States is the bul- 
wark of the American Republic, and, with a vie\v to its 
security and permanence, ^ve recommend an amendment to 
the Constitution of the United States, forbidding the appli- 
cation of any public funds or property for the benefit of any 
schools or institutions under sectarian control." 

This was accompanied by a letter containing the following: 

"The reasons for proposing this form of action are as 
I'.. Hows: 

•• 1. It is simply a reaffirmation of the attitude of the part}'^ 
taken in the centeimial year 1876. 

" 2. It c(jnnnits the party to nothing new and therefore fur- 
nislies no Ijasis for antagonism. 

" .'{. It is a dignified, self-respecting, and concise putting of 
thr priiK'ijdes involved. 

■■ I. While, on the one hand, it will give satisfaction to the 
rapidly throwing ])atriotic sentiment of the country, it will 
furnish n<i nt-w Ijasis of attack from any class of citizens. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 265 

" 5. Since the declaration in question was put in the plat- 
form of 1876 nineteen States have either adopted new con- 
stitutions or amended old constitutions in accord witli tlie 
principles here enunciated, until it has come to pass that 
forty-two of the forty-five States have rigid constitutional 
provisions protecting the conunon-school funds, and twenty- 
sev^n of the States prohibit sectarian appropriations ; and 
both Houses of the present Congress have made declaration 
that hereafter the policy of the National Government must 
accord with these principles. 

" 6. The best sentiment of the citizenship of the country is 
undoubtedly arrayed in an unsectarian and non-partisan way 
on the side of the free common-school system and in favor of 
the absolute separation of church and state on all matters 
pertaining to taxation. 

" 7. Tlie Democratic Party will also be appealed to, to put 
in its platform a declaration on this same line of principles." 

The letter and the prepared plank were sent as directed 
on June 2, 1896, to the prominent men suggested. The con- 
vention assembled at St. Louis on June 16, 1896. The news- 
papers throughout the country giving a digest of the platform 
before its adoption contained a plank embodying the princi- 
ples suggested in the above plank, and members of the plat- 
form committee declared that the committee Lad taken 
favorable action upon it. On June 24 the daily press con- 
tained the following from St. Louis : 

" The following telegram w^as received l)y Chairman Carter 
of the liepublican National Committee from Archbishop 
L'eland : 

" 'St. Paul, Minn., June 17. 
^'- To Tlwmas H. Carter, National Committeeman, St. Louis, Mo. 

" ' The clause in the proposed platform opposing the use of 
public money for sectarian purposes and union of chui'ch and 
state is unnecessary and uncalled for. It is urged by the 
A. P. A. Its adoption will be taken as a concession to them, 



IIUIO 



Facing the Twentieth Century. 

ill awaken religious animosities in the country, and will do 

.1^ i,a,.,n. The Kepublican party should not lower itself 

to recognize directly or indirectly the A. P. A. I hope the 
clause, or anything like it, will not be adopted. 

" ' John Ireland.' 

•• A «'entlenian was told by a prominent member of the 
cuiiimitTee that the paragraph declaring against appropria- 
tions fruni the United States Treasury for sectarian purposes 
wouKl l)e incorporated, and that the committee had taken 
favorable action upon it. Later in the day [Wednesday] he 
wa.s surprised to learn from a member of the committee that 
its action had Ijeen reconsidered and that there would ))e 
nothini.^ in the platform in that regard. This change is now 
attributed t.» the telegram from the Archbishop. The dis- 
patch was referred by Chairman Carter [R. C] to Edward 
Lauterbach [Jew] of New York, and he, witti National Com- 
mitteeman R. C. Kerens [R. C] of this city [St. Louis], went 
before the committee and succeeded in knocking out all 
reference to the Church." 

At the dictation of a Roman Catholic prelate who takes 
his onU'is from Rome, and who has proven himself to be the 
woi-st, because the most specious and deceptive foe of the 
]>ublic schools and of the public treasuries, two Roman 
Catholic Republicans and one Jew "knocked out all reference 
to tlie Church " and suppressed " the clause in the proposed 
platform opposing the use of public money for sectarian 
purposes and union of church and state." 

The action confesses that a movement for the protection of 
oiir institutions is a blow at the " Church," which here interferes 
for tin- in'otcctioii of its practice of looting public treasuries. 

Tlif ('athollc Revieio of July 4, 1896, commenting on the 
St. Luiii.s political scandal, charging every movement to the 
\. V. A., as it is accustomed to do, which has for its purpose 
tiic jirc^tection (»f oiir [lublic schools and other institutions 
against the assaults of political Romanism, had this to say ; 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 267 

" The A. P. A. was beaten at St. Louis. Senator Lodge, it 
is true, got the party to adopt a plank demanding an educa- 
tional test from immigrants, but the other principles of the 
conspiratoi-s were rejected. On June 17, Archbishop L-eland 
sent this telegram to Senator Carter : ' The clause in the pro- 
posed platform opposing the use of public money for sectarian 
purposes and union of church and state is unnecessary and 
uncalled for. It is urged by the A. P. A. Its adoption will 
be taken as a concession to them, will awaken religious ani- 
mosity in the country and do mucli harm. The Republican 
Party should not lower itself to recognize directly or iu- 
dii-ectly the A. P. A. I hope the clause or anything like it, 
will not be adopted.' Senator Gear worked hard to secure 
the two declarations desired by the A. P. A., but Senator 
Carter, Mr. Lauterbach, Mr. Kerens, and Mr. Brady persuaded 
the Committee on Resolutions that the great Republican 
party should not be controlled by a band of political bush- 
whackers. Mr. Mark Hanna agreed with them." 

When Ireland, Carter, Kerens, Lauterbach & Co. changed 
the school plank in the St. Louis platform, why did they not 
change the Cuban plank in the interests of Roman Catholic 
Spain? Both the inspiration of purpose and the end to be 
sought would have been entirely harmonious with the sup- 
pression of the school plank, and the ecclesiastical member 
of the unholy and unpatriotic cabal would have been saved 
from the weariness and expensiveness of many after-journeys 
to Washington, first to seek to prevent war ^vith Spain, and 
then, after Spain was conquered, to secure the appointment 
of a Romanist on the Peace Commission to protect the Pope's 
investments in Spanish bonds, which he had purchased to aid 
Spain in crushing Cuba. 

This performance under the leadership) of Archbishop 
Ireland at St. Louis emphasizes two facts : first, the shameless 
audacity of a Roman ecclesiastic, representing a corporal's 
guard of men who vote with the Republican party, in daring 



0(58 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

to prohibit, throudi ^^ictatiou over members of a i^latform 
committee, a majority of patriotic American people from 
expressing their opinion in favor of constitutional protection 
for their°sehools and their public treasuries. Second, the 
cowardly and fawning surrender of principle, at the demand 
of the only enemy of our public schools, on the part of men 
delei^ated to formulate a platform which should embody the 
consensus of the best American sentiment. 

If the facts of this disgraceful incident at the St. Louis 
Convention had been extensively known, despite the impor- 
tance of the financial issue in the campaign, it is very doubtful 
whether the nominees of the convention could have been 
elected, as multitudes of candid citizens would have reasoned 
that the dishonesty at St. Louis, audaciously and deliberately 
practiced upon the peo^jle, was fully as dangerous in its 
pennanently baleful results as the adoption of any experi- 
mental financial fad upon which candid men could honestly 
differ. 

One thing is certain, that the American people are about 
readv to serve notice upon politicians posing as statesmen and 
leaders that their trilling with the people and courting Kome 
in the face of her demands, which are always antagonistic to 
our institutions, musst stop, and that no more dangerous and 
disgraceful chapters of political party history can be written 
like the one just recorded, without incurring the ^v^ath of the 
people and without insuring i>arty defeat. 

We made an appeal to the Democratic Convention, meet- 
iucr in Chicago on Julv 7, 1S96, but after the transaction at 
St Louis on the part of the Republicans it found no difficulty 
in cluplicating the cowardice, but without the same treachery. 

In striking contrast with the cowardly and treacherous 
jxjlitical history enacted at St. Louis in 1896, and as an illus- 
tration of the courageous recognition of perilous conditions 
and the purix:>se to meet them, the Republican party in 1876 
not only adopted in its National Convention the plank in 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 269 

question, but issued as campaign document No. 2 " Vati- 
canism in Germany and in the United States." 

The following quotations from this document will furnish 
interesting and instractive reading : 

" What is Vaticanism ? Vaticanism is papal authority in 
its organized form, or, the will of the Vatican as expressed 
through canonical and ecclesiastical laws ; a system arrogat- 
ing to itself the divine right of governing, both in politics 
and relisriou, the whole domain of Roman Catholic Christen- 
dom. The Vatican decrees are held to be the supreme 
command of God, through the Pope, to his faithfid subjects, 
to be obeyed by them on all questions of faith and morals, of 
civil and rehVious dutv. Therefore, whatever the Vatican de- 
crees becomes a law, imperative, absolute, to be obeyed and 
not to be gainsaid by any within the province of the Romish 
Church. 

"The majority of the adherents of the Romish Church 
believe in the universal and supreme authority of Vaticanism, 
are loyal to its decrees, and subordinate their allegiance to 
their country to their higher allegiance to the Pope, rec- 
ognizing in him the only sovereign who derives his authority 
from God, who through such derivation has the right to 
command their allegiance. 

" The history of the world, if it teaches anything, teaches 
this one fact, that papal supremacy over the civil law is in- 
consistent with the enjoyment and existence of civil and 
relis:ious libertv." 

Campaign document No. 2, issued by the Republican party 
in 1876, contained also the following healthful statements: 

" Hitherto, the success of parties was simply the triumph 
of a civil policy, without any religious signiticance whatever. 
Political parties were combinations of citizens of all churches 
and every faith, banded together to control the Government, 
not in the interest of church and creed, but for the good of the 
whole people. Nominations were not based upon the re- 



•^ru 



Facing tie Twentieth Century. 



li.rious opinions of the candidate, but upon the general fitness 
of tlie man to till the ofiice. The test of fitness was not his 
devoti..n to the Catholic, or the Presbyterian, or the Metho- 
.li.t c'hmvli, Init his fidelity as a man, and his loyalty as a 
citizen. To this lil)eral spirit, growing out of the complete 
sepm-ation of church and state, we are indebted for that peace 
and prosperity which have been enjoyed by each religious de- 
nomination, and every citizen in the land. 

"There is a movement on foot, not yet crystallized into 
a policy to be con<lemned or advocated by its opponents 
,,r friends, but sufficiently defined in its object to excite in 
the minds of our citizens apprehension, if not alarm. We 
refer to that alliance of church and party, which in certain 
localities is so marked as to leave no doubt of its purpose. 
This alliance is the surest evidence that Ultramontauism, 
which has cursed Europe for centuries, is seeking a foothold 
npoii our soil. Our Catholic clergy have a perfect right to 
labor and vote for the Democratic party, l)ut they have no right 
t(. use the discipline of their Church to force those who believe 
in their faith, but not in their politics, to unite with them at 
the ballot liOX. 

" Yet the coercive policy is the one now adopted. The dis- 
cipline of the Church is to be brought to bear ui)on its follow- 
ers, and the Romish Church, inspired by Jesuitical teachings, 
is to make common cause with Democracy, in its endeavor to 
overthrow the Republican party, and with it the free-school 
8yst<'m whicli it sustains. 

" The legislation of Ohio and New York, especially their 
city legislation, affords strong proof of the design of the Papal 
Ilieiarchv to use the Democratic party as the political lever to 
overthrow the free-school system of the land. This accom- 
plished, the door is open for the control of other institutions 
in the futni-e, and through a national triumph of the party to 
which tli«' Church is allied, to a radical change of our form of 
government. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 271 

" These possibilities should arouse intelligent citizens of all 
creeds, whether of native or foreign birth, to the danger that 
threatens our country if the Ultramontane element of the 
Church, through the success of Democracy, should obtain 
control of our national affairs." 

Since the above sentiments were published for the enlight- 
enment of the people, the attitude of Ultramontanism toward 
political parties has materially changed. While the mass of 
its voters still profitably adhere to the Democratic party, 
it has sent enough of its leaders into the Republican party to 
intimidate or bribe its managers by threats or pi'omises of 
votes to be delivered in the mass. Thus the triumph of either 
party it claims as its triumph, and demands its reward in offices 
and appropriations, while the rank and file of the American 
citizens, constituting the following of the two parties, are help- 
less for either protest against the dangerous alliance of Roman- 
ism with politicians, or for expression of conviction by ballot 
concerning the protection of our distinctively American insti- 
tutions from foreign papal aggressions. 

The South since the war has been Democratic in politics, 
in order to defeat the ^possibility of negro domination, 
although by history and conviction opposed to the political 
power of Romanism. 

Hugh McLaughlin, styled the veteran leader of the Democ- 
racy of the Borough of Brooklyn, New York City, because he 
is the Roman Catholic boss of the Roman Catholic voters, is 
coramendably frank in his comments on the attitude of Roman- 
ists in the mayoralty contest in 1897. In an interview in the 
Brooklyn Eagle of November 3, 1897, this political prince of 
the Church says : 

" It is the most wonderful thing in the history of politics — 
Low's vote is. It cannot be analyzed by any living being 
except those who are interested in bringing about that result. 
Look back to 1854, 1855, and 1856, and then make compari- 
son between the vote then and the vote for Low this year. 



070 luu'iiHj the Twentieth Century. 

Do you ^'et tbe idea? The same spirit whicli prevailed in 
those past times prevailed in the Low party yesterday. Sure ! 
It was the Know-Nothing system of those years. It was the 
American Protective Association yesterday, supplemented by 
tlie supiwrt of so-called high-toned Roman Catholics, such 
nuMi here as the Keileys, and the McMahons and the Kellys. 
ThtTc is a j>assage of Scripture which says : ' Lord, forgive 
tluMii ; tlu'v know not what they do.' You get the idea, don't 
von I The same spirit prevailed yesterday as that which was 
iiwmifested in 1854, 1855, and 1856. There isn't the slightest 
(l(»ubt of it. Tiiere was no sound reason why the Republican 
party sliould go against Tracy or any man like him. 

'• i venture to say that no man is more surprised by the vote 
tiiaii Low liimself. I can understand it, and as I said, I attrib- 
ute it to the so-called ' better element ' of the Catholic Church. 
Word was passed around to support Seth Low. They are men 
who represent Catholicism in their minds, hut they don't go to 
<'(wfemon very often, I guess. I could say a lot of things more. 
I feel like saying them." 

These utterances of McLaughlin stirred up some resentment 
among two classes. A Roman Catholic who claims to be a 
Repuljlican, but who is afraid to sign his name to his commu- 
nication, writes the Ecigle thus: 

"Tlis evident attempt to (piestion the freedom of Catholics 
in jM.litical affairs is certainly astounding, and if he is trying 
in shoin a direct alliance between Catholicism and Democracy 
he rti'ijds a condition heretofore unknown. It has presumably 
been tlie supposition of every intelligent American that sec- 
tarian considerations should not influence the political action 
of tin* citizen, and this theory is supposed to hold good at this 
day. What will Protestants think of Mr. McLaughlin's action ? 
They can but regard it as an indication that he believes the 
Democratic j^arty to be an annex of the Catholic Church. 
I iidt'i' ^\u-\\ cii'cunistances they would naturally feel out of 
place. 'I'lic (tcca>ioii demands that an effective denial be given 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 273 

to his utterances, and that any wrong impression be removed. 
The Catholic Church holds aloof from all political matters 
and not only allows, but guarantees to all its members the 
widest latitude in civil affairs. No political f)arty has any 
claim on her, and Mr. McLaughlin's attempt to make it appear 
otherwise should be considered as an irresponsible declaration." 

Mr. J. Seton, claiming to be a Protestant and a Democrat, 
writes in the Eagle thus : 

"Mr. McLaughlin's bigotry finds parallel only in the six- 
teenth century. His interview reads like a page from the 
history of the Covenanters. It may be observed that he 
was most careful in makino; his statement after election. Does 
McLaughlin think it is impossible to be a Republican and at 
the same time a good Catholic like himself and Dick Croker ? 
At a time when he ought to be generous to his defeated oppo- 
nents it seems a lamentable mistake to heap abuse upon the 
better element, as he terms them, of Catholics who supported 
the movement for honest city government. This will be a 
useful interview for future reference, Mr. McLaughlin, for as 
a Protestant and a Democrat I cannot bind myself to a party 
which you assert is composed mainly of the lower class of 
Catholics. And there are others." 

The Sunday Democrat (R. C.) of November 7, 1897, con- 
tains the following : 

" Since the election Mr. Hugh McLaughlin, leader of the 
Brooklyn Democracy, has given his opinion, and he traces the 
opposition to Tracy to the revival of Know-Nothingism. We 
print on our first i:>age Mr. McLaughlin's analysis of the 
Mayoral contest, and it fully justifies the warning spoken by 
Mr. Farrell. 

" It is safe to say that no more than a dozen Catholics voted 
for Mr. Seth Low, and Mr. McLaughlin tells us the kind of Cath- 
olics they are. Catholics individually take an active interest 
and often play an important part in American politics, but 
they never drag religion into politics unless when they are 



4 



Failing the Twentieth Century. 



foired t<. act on the defensive and protect tlie rights of their 
Churcli against Know-Notliiugisni, as in the case of Mr. Seth 

Low. 

" So far from combining as Catholics to accomplish a [ oliti- 
oal pnrpose, they object most strenuously to any attempt 
beiuLi made to stir up any feeling in the community on ac- 
count of religion, and feel that the sound sense of the people 
will not approve the conduct of those who have undertaken 
to <lo it, even though they affect to do it iu the interest of the 
toiling masses. 

" In every case the religious question was introduced, not 
)»v Catholics, and it is shameful that the Lowites were the 
fii-st to introduce it. Mr. McLaughlin has taken their meas- 
ure, and we thank him for it." 

On January 1, 1898, tlie victorious Koman Catholic forces 
enthroned their Dictator Kichard in the New York City Hall ; 
but for convenience' sake, as Richard was liable to be out of 
tlie country during the English racing period, put the crown 
on the head and the scepter in the hand of one Robert, a Hol- 
lander in the line of William of Orange. On January 26, 
1898, there appeared in the Eagle a letter from one of Rich- 
ard's worshipei's and namesakes, bearing date January 15, and 
signed James M. Richards. After some moralizing on religion 
and the Irish, Mr. Richards says : 

" There are enough good, trusty, honest Catholic Irishmen 
in New York to fill every municipal office therein. I see no 
cause to l)]ame Mr. Croker for the appointment of Irish CatJi- 
nlirs to oJfi<:e. They form the most numerous body of voters 
in tlie Democratic camp. They never holt the regular ticket. 
lit can rely on tlwn in all emergencies. Their discipline and 
olhdumce are certain. Can he say as much of any other na- 
tionality ? Tlie American Democrat asks what there is for 
liiiii. What's lie crying about? How man}^ of him are 
\]\<'V*' '. What does his little company amount to? Perhaps 
he thinks his braius are of use to the party ! His brains ! ! ! 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 275 

Why, any disinterested observer will tell Iiiiii, as I \vould, he 
is the inferior of the Irishman in every respect — mentally, 
morally, and physically. Get him to call the roll of his native 
American Democrats in New York city. Native American 
bosh ! Go to, thou Native A merican Protestant Pe7nocrat ! 
Take a back seat or stand up. Can't you learn sense from 
the German Democrat ? Do you hear him sniveling ? No, 
sir ; he's earning an honest living, and a glass or two of beer 
beside. Or if you can't be patient, take your skeleton com- 
pany into the Republican camp and swell (oh, what a swell !) 
their vote on next election day. Shall we notice the in- 
creased count ? Seriously, the action of Mr. Croker is as wise 
as it is natural. The new city government is to be manned by 
Irish Roman Catholics because the battle was toon by them. 
To the victors belong the spoils. All that anyone has a right 
to ask is that they take Father Malone's words to heart and 
conform their official and private lives to the teaching of our 
Master as interpreted by that branch of His Church to which 
they belong." 

The three Roman Catholic political leaders — Richard 
Croker, Edward Murphy, and Hugh McLaughlin — are the 
absolute masters of the Democratic party in the city and 
State of New York, dictating its nominations for and appoint- 
ments to office, and they are ambitiously planning to control 
the i:)arty and government in the nation. Is there any ques- 
tion that the sole power of these men in politics consists in the 
fact of their being personally Romanists, and in their politi- 
cal alliance with ecclesiasticism Avhich enables them to mass 
the Roman Catholic vote at the polls? These men on the 
basis of character, culture, attainments, or patriotic service, 
would not be designated as leaders and guardians of the 
public weal by any considerable number of loyal and honest 
citizens. In fact, if leadership was conditioned uj^on the 
possession of these qualities, this triumvirate would be com- 
pelled to earn an honest living by honest toil. But with the 



276 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

political power of Rome back of them and others of their ilk, 
thev (liotate terms to decent men, and dispense political 
p:itroiiUi,'e as though it were their personal property, as it is 
their personal possession ; usually selling the nominations and 
othc'os, like iiitliilgences, at a fixed price called an assessment, 
while the most of these and their fellow dictators and 
eons[)irators, like their historical ecclesiastical predecessors, 
i;row rich in mysterious ways, while they impudently flaunt 
their wealth before the eyes of honest people, who are help- 
less in the grip of an ignorant and superstitious voting 
j)ower, upon which their alien masters are enthroned. If 
a citizen ventures to speak the truth about the source of the 
power of these rulers of a large domain who even aspire to 
control the nation, he is told by the sycophants whom this 
power has created that he is injecting religion into politics 
and threatening religious liberty. It is blasphemy to 
associate the holy name of religion with Roman political 
power and intrigues in this republic of ours. 

Venality of politicians and political leaders is the weakness 
and wickedness to which Romanism makes its appeals when it 
desires to bolster up its pretensions and demands and strike 
a l)low at the foundations of our republican institutions. 
Yielding to this tempter has clouded the fame and termi- 
nated the usefulness of many conspicuous names in American 
history. 

The rivalry of Roman Catholic prelates in party political 
manipulations presents some amazing incidents. Archbishop 
Ireland writes letters, and furnishes interviews in condemna- 
tion of the A. P. A., which are believed to have placated his 
Roman Catholic following in the interests of the Republican 
party, and poses as an illustration to prove that the Roman 
vot(* can be divided and partly won away from the Demo- 
cratic i)arty, and as a reward by the grateful Republicans, some 
of their numl^er assemble at the offices of a Trust Company 
in New ^'ork, and gladden the heart of the political j^relate 



Politico- Ecdesiastical Romanism. 277 

by relieving his financial straits. The redoubtable Bishop 
McQuaid of Rochester rebukes Ireland, and this arouses Di-. 
Walsh, editor of the Sunday Democrat, to vent himself thus : 

" When Bishop McQuaid inveighs against Ai'chbishop Ire- 
land for interfering in the affairs of New York, he forgets 
that he himself lives in a very big glass house. He seems to 
forget that he himself cannot be absolved of guilt in this 
matter. It is notorious that most of the unfortunate steps 
taken by New York church authorities have been either ini- 
tiated or suggested or approved by ' My Lord of Rochester.' " 

Dr. Walsh's article concludes with the remark that ''Arch- 
bishop Ireland holds a sort of brevet commission from the 
Holy See to do just such work as that for which Bishop 
McQuaid so sev^erely reproves him." 

May 8, 1897, there appeared in the New York World i\ie 
following : 

"Washington, May 7. Mgr. Martinelli, the Apostolic 
Delegate, has rendered a decision in the case of the Rev. 
Peter Rosen against Archbishop Ireland that bids fair to 
cause more excitement in ecclesiastical circles than anything 
since the famous Corrigan-McGlynn episode. 

" Father Rosen is charged with the authorship of an an- 
onymous pamphlet attacking Archbishop Ireland, which 
appeared in Washington simultaneous!}^ with Father Rosen's 
an-ival about ten days ago. It was sent to several Senators 
and Representatives, known to be friends of the St. Paul 
prelate, and to many of his clerical admirers. The pamphlet 
accuses the j^relate of political corruption and gives what is 
called the inside history of his connection witli Senator Davis, 
former Governor Merriam, and other Minnesota politicians. 
The history of the Archliishop's speculation in land is also 
given with elaborate detail. It charges that, while himself 
engaged in political intrigue, he was very hard on those of 
his priests who merely exercised the rights of an American 
citizen and voted according to their political creed. 



o y ^ Facing tlie Tioentieth Century, 

" A letter addressed to a priest during tlie campaign telling 
him not to meddle in national questions is quoted in full 
without name, to substantiate the author's statements. The 
,,:,mplilet is entitled ' Archbishop Ireland as He Is.' A copy 
was seat to Mgr. Martinelli, and it is known that the Delegate 
stronirly condeumed the publication, and took immediate steps 
to stop its circulation. 

••'rhf news that Mgr. Martinelli has promised to espouse 
the cause of the refractory priest is considered astonishing, 
aii.l the Delegate will soon be asked to explain publicly his 
attitude in the controversy. 

" Hishop Marty was much discouraged at Father Rosen's 
liiiaiicial troubles, and advised him to try to get a chaplaincy 
ill tiie army. The Bishop used his influence, and it is claimed 
by Father Rosen's friends that he would have been success- 
ful had not Archbishop Ireland interfered in favor of another 



inaii. 



'• Father Rosen has the unanimous support of the German 
Hierarchy in his fight against the Metropolitan of St. Paul." 

Although we are presenting to the vision of the American 
people " Archbishop Ireland as He Is " in many important and 
interesting relations, we have tried in vain to get a copy of 
Father Rosen's pam[)hlet on the subject. Like many other 
interesting revelations of the inwardness of political Romanism 
which tell too much truth, this dangerous document has been 
suppressed but not answered. 

Archbishop Ireland injects his political personality into the 
atl'airs of the Republican party, to which he claims to belong; 
but when appropriations for Roman Catholic charities are at 
stake, he, with great facility, throws the w^eight of his polit- 
ical intluence first with one party and then with the other. 

On Novemljer 25, 1894, Bishop McQuaid of Rochester read 
a senuon from "manuscript because he did not wish to leave 
auy doubt ill anyone's mind of his position." The place of 
thi-^ dfbNerance was 8t. Patrick's Cathedral. The reader 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 279 

needs to bear several things in mind as be peruses the parts of 
the prelate's sermon which we here quote. 

Archbishop Ireland was supposed at that time to represent 
what was called the " liberal " party in the Roman Catholic 
Church in this country, and Corrigan and McQuaid repre- 
sented the Bourbon party. They are all Bourbons now in 
subserviency. 

Archbishop Ireland had offensively and persistently re- 
mained in his Fifth Avenue Hotel headquarters in New York 
during the progress of the New York political contest of 
1894, issuing political encyclicals and bulls of excommunica- 
tion ao-aiust members of the American Protective Association, 
and all other citizens who were opposed to the politico- 
ecclesiastical aggressions of Romanism. 

If Bishop McQuaid had waited a little, he would have 
found his Tammany indignation mollified against the Arch- 
bishop of St. Paul, by ascertaining that he had in him an 
ardent ally in the New York Constitutional Convention in 
blocking the desire of the people for the protection of their 
public schools and for the prohibition of sectarian appropria- 
tions. 

Bishop McQuaid, by his own avowal a violent enemy of the 
public-school system, with characteristic modesty was a candi- 
date for Regent of the University of the State of New York, 
a body having the educational interests of the State in charge. 
Archbishop Ireland, accustomed to think and act as though 
the entire country were in his politico-ecclesiastical diocese, 
whenever offices are to be dispensed to Roman Catholics, had 
favored a Republican priest by the name of Malone for the 
office of Regent. 

Tammany's iniquities had been exposed, the wrath of the 
jDeople had been aroused, and it was important that there 
should be no wavering in the ranks of the Roman legions in 
ease they were then defeated and ever expected to rally for 
a future victory. 



i>i>u 



Facing tlie Iwentieth Cmtury. 



GEilS FKOM BISHOP MCQUAId's SERMON. 

"Now that the election, with its excitement, turmoil, and 
passions, has passed away, I judge it my duty to refer in this 
l.ul.lic inaiiiier to some incidents and scandals connected there- 



with. 



Kvery Catholic having respect for his bishops and priests, 
aii.l tlic honor and good name of his Church, must have been 
pained and mortified wheft he learned, during the late politi- 
cal campaign, that one of our bishops, the Archbishop of St. 
I'aul, oast to one side the traditions of the past and entered the 
p<»litical arena like any layman. 

" 1 contend that this coming to New York of the Arch- 
Mshoi) of St. Paul to take part in a political contest was 
undignitied, disgraceful to his episcopal office, and a scandal in 
the eyes of all right-minded Catholics of both parties. It was 
furthermore a piece of meddlesome interference on his part to 
come from his State to another to breakdown all discipline 
among our priests and justify the charge of those inimical to 
us that priests are partisans and use their office and opportu- 
nities for political work. 

" New York is abundantly able to take care of itself with- 
out extraneous help, as the last election showed. And if the 
news[tapers report correctly, the Legislature of Minnesota is 
itself sadl}' in need of purification, and His Grace might have 
f<jund fidl scope there for his political scheming. 

" l^>ut it is w^ell known to many that it ^vas from no love for 
go(xl government that Archbishop Ireland spent so many weeks 
in New York City, and so far from his diocese, where the law 
of i.'si(h'nce o])liged him to be. It was to pay a debt to the 
lifltiil)lican ]>arty that his services were rendered. 

" During the last session of the New York Legislature, 
Arcld)isho}) Ireland of far-off Minnesota busied himself writ- 
iiiL*^ h'ttei-s to leading Republican members in favor of the can- 
didacy <jf Rev. Ml-. I\Ialone for the position of Regent of the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 281 

University. It was none of the Archbishop's business to 
meddle with what did not legitimately concern him. But 
then he knew the Archbishop of New York and his suffragans 
desired the election of a candidate able and willing to protect 
the best interests of Catholic schools and academies coming 
under the control of the Regents." 

For this somewhat free expression of opinion Bishop Mc- 
Qiiaid was rebuked by Rome and required to apologize. 

This power over party politics and politicians has corrupted 
the Jews by making combinations which appeal to greed for 
appropriations. This has often occurred in constitutional 
conventions, in legislatures, and in boards of management of 
institutions. We know of tAVO illustrations in the organiza- 
tion of a board of education, where in one case the man who 
was elected pi'esident agreed as the condition of his election to 
constitute all committees with a majority of Romanists and Jews, 
and he carried out his contract. In the other case the candi- 
date agreed to appoint Romanists as chairmen of all commit- 
tees with which any patronage was connected with a chance 
to make money, and he carried out his contract. 

It is but just to say that most Israelites are patriotic Amer- 
icans, but some of their conspicuous representatives have 
yielded to the voice of the siren. AVhat an anomaly is pre- 
sented when these two facts of current history are placed in 
juxtaposition : Romanists in France persecuting Dreyfus and 
all Jews; Romanists and Jews in America combining for 
political power and plunder. Peter and Pilate kissing each 
other ! 

Mr. George W. Aldi'idge, late Commissioner of Public 
Works in the State of New York, eagerly sought in 1896 and 
supposed that he had secured a sufficient number of delegates 
to make sure for himself the Republican nomination for Gov- 
ernor in that State. It was claimed for him that he could 
secure by his canal patronage enough Roman Catholic votes 
through the influence of Corrigan and McQuaid and others to 



2b'2 



Facing the Twentieth Century. 



more than make np for the loss of the respectable Republican 
vote which would certaiuly bolt the ticket in case he was 
iiominatecl. He \\as defeated for nomiuation by the pro- 
ii..iiiu't'.l Ainericau sentiment in the State expressing itself 
through ditferent patriotic organizations. In the light of the 
.'vposure of canal affairs of the State, what do his lioman 
Catliolic and subservient Republican constituents think now? 
It doesn't answer to pay court to Romanism as a political 
machine. 

Contracts and political appointments to office are made and 
mouey paitl by political party managers for the delivery of 
Kt)man Catholic votes, and then the same course is pursued 
with some of the men who claim to represent anti-Romanist 
secret societies, for the purpose we must conclude of overcom- 
ing their deep-seated and patriotic anti-Romanist convictions 
and securing their votes on the same side with the purchased 
Romanists. These facts are capable of demonstration in so 
far as they are applicable to more than one National election 
and to many State elections. It seems to be inevitable that 
wherever political Romanism touches men or institutions, it 
pai'alyzes the moral sense. 

Men ambitious for preferment in political and professional 
lines, es[)ecially lawyers, who legitimately desire judicial posi- 
tions in New^ York and in every great center of population, 
are oljliged to abase themselves before representatives of 
politico-ecclesiasticism. 

Political appointments and places are notoriously sought 
ami secured for sectarian reasons. Commissioners and heads 
of departments are appointed avowedly to represent the Roman 
Catholic Church, and the head of the hierarchy in New York 
and in other large cities is virtually dictator in making many 
subordinate appointments — and this under a representative 
form of government. 

Since 1870, when Victor Ennnanuel became the ruler of 
I uittMl Tialy and the temporal power of Pius IX. was de- 



Politico- Ecdedastkal Romanism. ^83 

stroyed, Le and bis successor, Leo XIIL, have declared them- 
selves prisoners in the Vatican city, for the purpose of making 
a persistent and an abiding advei'tisement to the nations of the 
earth thut temporal political power must be restored, and for 
the purpose of furnishing ground for appeal by the members 
of the hierarchy in different parts of the world for Peter's- 
pence collections, to relieve the Pope from his impecunious 
condition while in imprisonment. The presentation of this 
appeal is taken advantage of by the Pope's representatives in 
different lands to assault the Italian government. Archbishop 
Corrigan in his last appeal, October, 1898, addressed to his 
clei'gy, made a most violent assault upon the Italian govern- 
ment, because of its relations to the Pope ; thus abusing his 
lights as an American citizen by inveighing against a foreign 
po^^er with which the American republic sustains friendly 
relations. 

Why do United States and State Senators vie with each 
other in unseemly eagerness to give an affirmative vote for the 
confirmation of Roman Catholic nominations for office ? Why 
should statesmen find it necessary to avow their adherence to 
the American principle of absolute religious liberty when a 
representative of Romanism is thrust upon their horizon ? 
What is there in this question which, whenever it comes to 
the front, causes lawmakers to apologize or hysterically 
launch into a patriotic disquisition concerning their own liber- 
ality and impartiality? They can answer, and we can answer, 
these questions. 

This ever present and mysterious power causes flunkyism 
in so-called statesmanship and citizenshij). We have heard 
United States Senators say, when called upon to vote for 
measures which they conceded to be right and just, and which 
were designed to resist the aggressions of ecclesiasticism, *' I 
will vote for the measure if you don't insist upon a roll-call." 

Father McGlynn forgot for a time that he was a slave, and 
walked and talked like a free man ; but his clanking chains 



284 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

soou remiiuled him tliat be must return to Lis cell, where he 
has since been sechuled from the public gaze, and Rome, in 
the person of Aivhbisliop Corrigan, has kept the key of his 
cell bound to his girdle. 

While lie was out of prison and breathing free and pure air, 
he talked like a healthy man : 

'"The beneficence of the Pope's influence in politics?' It 
has bei'u the curse of nearly every nation. It has been the 
furse of Italy, France, Spain, German}^, England, Ireland. 
Ciod forbid, Crod forbid that the hated thing should have an 
ill-omened revival ! 

•It is one of the signs of the degeneracy of the Church and 
churchmen that, while criminally neglecting their own busi- 
ness of preaching the Gospel and administering the sacra- 
ments to the poor, they seek to control education and politics, 
of which you have examples lying loose all around you in this 
\K'\\ city and all ov^er this country. 

" And it is clearly trtie that you can be good Catholics, and 
I pray that you shall all be better Catholics, for refusing, in the 
name of religion, to take your politics from Rome ; for the 
more of your politics you take from Rome the less religion 
you will have, and the more you refuse to take j^our politics 
from Home the more likely you are to preserve yotir religion 
in its purity and to win for your religion the respect and the 
friendship, and even perhaps the fellowship, of your fellow- 
countrymen. The Catholic religion is best to-day where it 
has been remotest for generations from the intrigue and the 
politics of the court of Rome. The Catholic religion has been 
purest, it has the most perfect allegiance of all those who 
••all themselves Catholics in all those countries where the 
Church is shorn of temporal power, where it has no voice in 
j)oliticH. 

"Let tli<* Pope mind his own business. Insist upon it, 
• •laiiiur for it, pclitioii, dciuand, threaten to rebel, refuse sup- 
plies, tiglilcM your purse strings, compel that ecclesiastical 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism . 285 

machine to give tlie clergy and the people the control of your 
temporalities. 

" And now I prophesy that the Know-Nothings of the future 
will not be so much your native Americans as they will be 
Irish Catholics ; that the men to put to shame you Americans 
of Protestant and Puritan faith, the men to put you to the 
blush in their magnificent protest against the interference of 
any ecclesiastical machine, Avill be men of Catholic faith and 
men of Irish extraction." 

Many incredulous Americans think that the Pope's attention 
is so thoroughly taken by matters pertaining to the spiritual 
interests of the Church of which he is the head, and by broad 
matters of international statesmanship, that he takes no inter- 
est in American politics and politicians, and in affairs that 
pertain to the personal interest of individual American poli- 
ticians. Let us consider a few individual incidents of the 
Pope's paternal interest in certain Americans whose names, if 
here mentioned, would startle the circle of home friends where 
they move in social and political relationships. One Repub- 
lican politician of local fame in New York City and State, 
visiting in Rome, was surprised to find himself invited to an 
audience with the Pope; His Holiness evincing the greatest 
interest in his family affairs, concerning which he had a thor- 
ough understanding, and which he intelligently discussed. 
The Pope made this gentleman the bearer of communications 
to an obscure local politician, whose fame was limited to a 
single State assembly district. On other occasions, in similar 
interviews with comparatively obscure Protestant Americans, 
the Pope has evinced a detailed knowledge of their personal 
affairs which must have been reported to him by his repre- 
sentatives iu this country, who inform themselves concerning 
the purpose of Americans to visit Rome. In late years two 
conspicuous American politicians and public men have visited 
the Pope and have made the most elaborate reports on their 
return, in the American newspapers, concerning their inter- 



236 Facing the Ttventieth Centwy. 

vie\v:=i witli His Holiness. In the one case the conspicuous 
public man was a Protestant, a Republican, a great orator, 
and the chief of immense moneyed interests. He had a great 
opi>ortuuity to state to His Holiness the condition of public 
sentiment in the United States concerning the school question 
and the sei)aration of church and state, — the two vital questions 
at that time absorbing American attention, — but he lost his op- 
poi (unity antl seemed to devote his energies almost exclusively 
to «Mving to the Pope a certificate of good character for Arch- 
bishop Corrigan at just the time when this prelate's reputation 
at Rome needed bolstering up. The other conspicuous public 
man was a great lawyer, a Democrat and a Romanist, and 
therefore it was not at all strange that his elaborate report in 
the American papers concerning his interview with Leo XHI. 
should be colored with the experiences of a religious ecstasy 
incident to an interview^ with the man whom he believed to 
]>e the vicegerent of God on earth. Still this conspicuous, 
able American ought to have so mastered his reverential feel- 
injis as to have been able to tell His Holiness that the Ameri- 
can people, who are willing to grant absolute religious liberty 
and equality to all sects, will not endure any political aggres- 
sions from any foreign politico-ecclesiastical Roman power. 
It is to be hoped that the day is not far distant when some 
great representative American Republican Romanist or Prot- 
estant, gaining admission to the Vatican, shall have the courage 
to tell the Pope some facts which he ought to know, and 
wliich he would undoubtedly appreciate from honest men who 
are not obsequious flatterers. 

Romanism and Protestantism, as self-sacrificing religious 
forces, are to be commended ; but, as organized political forces, 
they are to be resisted if the American republic is not to 
sliare the fate of the. nations controlled by Latin civilization. 
America asleep is strengthless, but America awakened on the 
subject of the character of her civilization is omnipotent. 

The hour has struck for retiring the time-serving profes- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 287 

sional politicians and spineless citizens, whose political princi- 
ples are corraled in the columns of figures in their account 
books, and who tremble when boycott in business is threat- 
ened by men claiming the rights of American citizenship 
while they give their first loyalty to a foreign potentate. 

TO LEGISLATION. 

If other nations, including Protestant Germany, to protect 
themselves against the encroachments of political Romanism, 
have been obliged to legislate, so have we. In fact the most 
of the legislation in the States and nation designed to protect 
the public-school system fi'om sectarian aggressions, and for 
the perpetuation of the principle of the separation of church 
and state, has been forced by ecclesiastical encroachments. 
Lecky, in his new work, " Democracy and Liberty," says : 
" The Catholic Church is essentially a state within a state, 
with its frontiers, its policy, and its leaders entirely distinct 
from those of the nation, and it can command an enthusiasm 
and a devotion at least as powerful and as widesjjread as the 
enthusiasm of patriotism. It claims to be a higher authority 
than the state ; to exercise a divine, and therefore a supreme 
authority over belief, morals, and education, and to possess 
the right of defining the limits of its own authority. It also 
demands obedience even where it does not claim infallibility. 
Such an organization cannot be treated by legislators as if it 
were simply a form of secular opinion, and many good judges 
look with extreme alarm upon the dangerous power it may 
acquire in the democracies of the future. One of the facts 
which have been most painfully borne upon the minds of the 
more careful thinkers and students of the present generation 
is how much stronger than our fathers imagined were the 
results which led former legislators to impose restrictive legis- 
lation on Catholicism. Measures of the Reformation period 
which, as late as the days of Hallam, were regarded by the 
most enlightened historians as simple persecution, .are now 



2gg Facing! the Twentieth Century. 

sen. t-. have been in a large degree measures of necessary 
self-at-ffiise, or inevitable incidents in a civil war." 

l'„litical RoiuMnists are always injecting their personality 
into legislative matters. At times they are gracious, but 
speoioir^ in their pleas for slight consideration. Often they 
make exorbitant demands upon the fears of politicians and 
tluMi condescendingly offer compromise, and step by step get 
all their original demands in final legislation. 

They never seek legislative action placing them as sec- 
tarians upon an equality with other denominations, but 
always move for special privileges and exclusive rights. 

Legislators nmst either advocate their claims or give dumb 
and compromising assent to their demands. 

They never forget that they are Romanists when acting as 
legislators. 

Watch their votes and analyze them in the United States 
Senate on the Arbitration Treaty, and on the Sugar ques- 
tion and Ilawaian and Spanish questions. 

The enlightened effort in 1897 to secure ratification of the 
arljitration treaty with Great Britain was concededly defeated 
by Roman Catholic political power. 

' The Immigration Bill, passed by the United States Senate 
in 1898, was strangled in the House of Representatives by 
Roman Catholic power, which worked upon the fears of 
j.oliticians concerning the election of the members of the new 
Congress in the fall of 1898. 

In constructing the constitutions of Territories for ad- 
mission as States into the Union, and in constitutional con- 
ventions in older States, politico-ecclesiastical Romanism has 
always attempted to make them un-American, as far as the 
schools, charities, and conditions of citizenship are concerned. 
In tlie legislation for the admission of New Mexico into 
til.' l^ni<.n the English language for the schools was voted 
down ill Congress at its dictation. Mormonism in Utah 
provt'd \\<v\[ more loyally American than Roman Catholicism 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanisvn. 289 

by adopting in its constitution one of the safest provisions in 
existence for the protection of public-school funds and to 
extend and perfect the system. 

The social functions in Washington are made to contribute 
to the legislative, political power of Romanism. The cross- 
ing of these social Hues entangles Members of Congress, and 
tells on their votes when appropriation bills are to the front 
containing provision for Roman Catholic educational or chari- 
table work. 

In the work of the National League for the Protection of 
American Institutions in Washington, Congressmen have been 
known to give as a reason for their indefensible vote on bills 
involving sectarian appropriations, that their social and family 
relations with certain Roman Catholic families were such that 
they feared to offend them. The same thing occurred in the 
formation of a local league composed of prominent citizens in 
the city of Washington. 

Politico-ecclesiastical Romanis4n constitutes substantially 
the only opposition in legislation to the State control of chari- 
ties and to the protection of the schools. 

The members of the hierarchy in different parts of the 
land, are, to put it mildly, not ardently loved by many of the 
priesthood and by the so-called liberals, but when it comes to 
a legislative assault upon treasuries, they all present a solid 
front for appropriations. The posing patriot and the persist- 
ent Bourbon join hands and strive together. 

While the Hebrews have every reason, religiously and 
politically, to hate Rome-ruled Sj^ain, in this country they 
often strangely unite politically, especially in legislative 
affairs, with Roman Catholics, and thus buttress the power 
which has been the master of Spain and the protector of her 
iniquities at home and abroad, and which will here persecute 
the Jews so soon as she becomes strong enough to be inde- 
pendent of their political power. 

Hon. Henry W. Blair, on the floor of the United States 



290 Facing the Ttoentieth Century. 

Senate, February 15, 1888, in speakiug on the Education 
Bill, said : 

" Upon this very floor soon after we had passed this bill, 
full two yetirs ago, and while it was in the hands of a packed 
committee in the House of Representatives, where it was 
tinallv stranded — on this very floor a Senator showed me a 
it'ttcr which I read with my own eyes, the original letter of a 
Jesuit priest, in which he begged a Member of Congress to 
opp(\se this bill, and to kill it, saying that they had organized 
all over the country for its destruction ; that they succeeded 
in the Committee of the House, and they would destroy the 
l)ill inevitably ; and if they had Only known it early enough, 
they could have prevented its passage through the Senate. 
Tlu'v had begun in season this time." 

In seeking legislation, State or National, where the votes 
of Roman Catholic members are important as constituting a 
balance of power, they uniformly demand some concessions 
and special favors to Romanism as a price for their votes even 
for concededly good measures. 

One of the most talented and trusted Congressmen from a 
strong Repul)lican State spoke to ns, in 1898, in the most en- 
thusiastic manner of the liberality of the Roman Catholics in 
his State, and claimed that they voted with his party, and 
that he was interested in securing offices and legislation for 
them as a reward. This effort by Congressmen and other 
legislators of all parties, to secure Roman Catholic favor by 
the gift of oflfices and dangerous legislation, and taking it f(^r 
granted that the intelligent American citizen can be depended 
upon to vote with his party anyway, is an insult to all 
patriotic men, and is destined to be rebuked when American 
sentiment, slow to be awakened, is finally aroused. In an- 
othei- direction equally disgraceful, in imitation of the Roman 
method, in the last Presidential campiagn, large sums of 
m<»ncy w<*i-e paid to the claimants of so-called patriotic orders 
for v(jtc8 which were never delivered, but the funds were 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 291 

pocketed by sharpers who trade upon their claimed patriotic 
influence, just as politico-ecclesiastical Komanists trade upon 
their asserted power to deliver Eonian Catholic votes. Patri- 
otic votes, whether Roman Catholic or anti-Roman Catholic, 
can neither be purchased nor delivered by party boss or 
leader, but the jDurpose formed, and the effort put forth, are 
both corrupting. 

A notable case of Roman Catholic opposition to safe 
national legislation at a pivotal point in American history, in 
1876, will be found in the record of the congressional contest 
over the Blaine Amendment to the United States Constitu- 
tion, which had been prepared by President Grant and was 
designed to protect the j)iiblic-school funds. 

This amendment passed the House of Representatives by 
one hundred and eighty affirmative votes to seven negative 
votes. In the Senate, after a debate extending at intervals 
through some days, and after many changes had been pro- 
posed, which did not, however, change the primary purpose 
of the Amendment, it was defeated under the leadership of 
Francis Kernau, a Roman Catholic United States Senator 
from New York State, the vote standing at twenty-eight in 
the affirmative and sixteen in the negative. A two-thirds 
vote being required for the passage of the Amendment, Roman 
Catholic power succeeded in compassing its defeat by con- 
trolling the two votes necessary. If this Amendment in 
1876 had become a part of the organic law of the land, the 
treasuries of the nation, the States, and the subdivisions of 
States would have been saved millions of dollars, and the sec- 
tarian issue concerning the public schools, which has been, 
and continues to be, a disturber of the peace, would have 
been banished from political issues. 

The only church or ecclesiastical institution, except Mor- 
mouism, in the United States which has ever in the past 
maintained, or which now maintains, a regularly organized 
and legally incorporated lobby in Washington is the Roman 



0(,0 



Facing the Twentieth Century. 



Catholic Church. The facts concerning the origin and con- 
stitution of this lobby are taken from Roman Catholic 
sources of information. The methods of work of this lobby, 
throu^'h Director Stephau, have been audacious and insulting 
toward public officials, — including a President of the United 
•States,— intimidating toward law^makers, and mandatory 
toward politicians. We are in possession of documents, 
letters, and circulars of Director Stephan, addressed to the 
prelates of the Roman Catholic Church, in one of which he 
says, " I am constrained to request that you will keep this 
report from the eye of the public "; the report in question con- 
taining an account of his effoi'ts to defeat the confirmation 
by the United States Senate of General Morgan for Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs and of Dr. Dorchester for 
Superintendent of Indian Schools. This report, and other 
documents issuing from the same source, have contained such 
vile assaults upon the President and other executive officers 
of the National Government that the author and all of his 
backers ought in national self-respect to have been banished 
fi-om every department in Washington. 

While the primary official purpose of this Roman lobby is 
announced to be " the procurement from the Government of 
funds for their support," referring to Indian schools, they 
watch every movement of legislation by Congress and report 
any lack of subserviency to their sectarian demands on the 
part of any individual congressman to the Roman Catholic 
autiiorities within the bounds of his constituency. 

Archbishop Ireland and other prelates have often served 
as solicitors and advocates of this lobby. We have a number 
of their speeches while serving in this capacity, taken steno- 
gi-aphically. 

"The Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions was established 
in 1874 by the ]\[ost Rev. Archbishop of Baltimore, upon the 
reeonimiMHlation, and for and in behalf of, the Catholic prel- 
ates having Indian missions within the limits of their dio- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Momanism. 293 

ceses, for the purpose of representing before the Government 
the interests and ^vants of the said prelates in all matters 
pertaining to Indian affairs. It was, by decree of the Third 
Plenary Council of Baltimore, which was approved by Rome, 
recognized as an institution of the Church, and was by that 
council placed under the charge of a committee of seven prel- 
ates, consisting of His Eminence James Cardinal Gibbons; 
Most Rev. P. J. Ryan, Archbishop of Philadelphia; Most 
Rev. P. J. Riordan, Archbishop of San Francisco ; Most Rev. 
P. L. Chapelle, Archbishop of Santa Fe ; Rt. Rev. James A. 
Healy, Bishop of Portland ; Rt. Rev. John B. Brondel, 
Bishop of Helena, and Rt. Rev. M. Marty, Bishop of St. 
Cloud. In 1894 this committee was dissolved, and the 
bureau as then constituted was superseded by a new corpora- 
tion chartered by an Act of the Assembly of the State of 
Maryland — the incorporators being His Eminence James 
Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore; Most Rev. P. J. 
Ryan, Archbishop of Philadelphia, and Most Rev. M. A. 
Corrigan, Archbishop of New York, and its corporate name 
being the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions. The new 
organization succeeded to all the rights and powers of, and 
all the property held by, the old corporation ; has adopted 
laws for the government and guidance of the bureau, and 
has selected as its officers the following : His Eminence 
James Cardinal Gibbons, President; Rt. Rev. Monsignor 
J. A. Stephan, Director ; Rev. E. R. Dyer, SS., D. D., Treas- 
urer ; Charles S. Lusk, Secretary. 

'■'■ The principal work of the bureau is the establishment of 
boarding and day schools among the Indian tribes, and the 
procurement from the government of funds for their su^^port 
and maintenance." — Hoffmann\ " Oatholic Directoi^yJ'^ 1898, 
p. 530. 

The Indian schools under the direction of this bureau, for 
the support of which appropriations are annually made by 
Congress, are thirty-three in number, having 1792 pupils. 



01J4 Facing the Tioentieth Oentw^y. 

The Indian schools under the same direction, wliicli are 
siiui>ortt'd entirely by private charity, are ten in number, and 
have yWi") pupils. 

'11 lis lei'-alized lobby has, in the Indian School department 
alune of its work, administered at its discretion, since the year 
1882, ^4,000,000 of the funds of the American people. 

General Thomas J. Morgan was appointed Commissioner 
(.r Indian A Hairs by President Harrison, July 1, 1889, and was 
oontirnieil by the Senate in February, 1890. J. A. Stephan, 
Director of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, as we 
have seen, opposed his confirmation with malignant spirit and 
unscrupulous methods. 

The Conunissioner found that the Bureau of Catholic Indian 
Missions had before it the work of securing from the United 
States Government the largest possible amount of money and 
of also securing, to the utmost extent, any power which might 
come from the appointment to public place in the Indian serv- 
ice of those devoted to the interests of Romanism. 

He also ascertained that the organization was compact, 
vigilant, aggressive, and absolutely unscrupulous. It had its 
agents and spies everywhere in the Indian service Avho kept 
it informed of any changes, actual or prospective, in the serv- 
ice, and who also kept it advised of anything that might be 
necessary to the prosecution of its work. It sustained close 
and intimate relations with Members of Congress, with mem- 
bers of the administration, and with newspapers, and had 
otlier means of influencing legislation, administration, and pub- 
lic sentiment. 

The chief of the Educational Division in the Indian Office, 
Ills first assistant clerk, and another of the clerks were Roman 
Cat Indies, and the chief was wholly obedient to the Bureau 
of Catliolic Indian Missions, recognizing, apparently, his alle- 
giance to that body first and to the Indian Office next. It came 
to tlic Coiiiiiiissioiicr's knowledge afterward that Mr. Stephan, 
tilt' Director of the Catliolic Bureau, was in the habit of com- 



f 




.»/. Marty, 
raliiik W. Riotilan. 



James Cardinal Gibbons. 
R. I.. Chapdle. 
I. A. Ihalv. 



Patrick J. Ryan. 



J. B. Bt 07idel. 

TIUC ROMAN- CATHOLIC LOBBY IN WASHINGTON, STYLED "THE BUREAU OP 
CATIIOMC INDIAN MISSIONS." ESTABLISHED IN 1874; RECOCNIZED "BY 
DECREE OK TIIK THIRD PLENARY COUNCIL OF BALTIMORE" AND "AP- 
PROVED BY RoMi: ■ 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 295 

ing to the Indian Office, entering without special authority 
into the Educational Division, seating himself at the desk of 
the chief, and conferring with him day by day ad libitum re- 
garding Indian educational matters, and through him securing 
practically everything that was available as much as though 
Stephan had been actually Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 

There had also grown up during years preceding a system 
of contract schools, by which increasing annual amounts of 
money were devoted to various religious denominations, the 
bulk of it going to the Roman Catholics. 

It also came to his knowledge subsequently that in making 
appointments to educational positions in the Indian service 
there had been apparently two controlling principles. One 
was to satisfy tlie politicians by appointing anybody that they 
desired to have appointed, and second, to put the largest 
possible number of Roman Catholics into the service without 
regard to fitness. 

Commissioner Morgan was obliged to ask the Secretary of the 
Interior to dismiss from the service Mr. Gorman, the chief of 
the Educational Division, a Roman Catholic, for intemperance, 
incapacity, meddling with other departments than his own, 
and persistent discourtesy and impertinence. 

After Mr. Gorman's dismissal he pursued the Commissioner 
with vindictive and slanderous assaults in Roman Catholic 
and other papers. 

Despite these and other assaults upon him. Commissioner 
Morgan treated the Roman Catholics in the employ of his 
department both in Washington and in the field with the ut- 
most fairness, and never discharged an employee because he 
was a Roman Catholic. But the Commissioner during his 
entire term was obliged not only to contend with Roman 
Catholic bigotry and trickery, but with the ignorance and 
treachery of Congressmen, Senators, and Representatives 
upon whom Rome had a mortgage. 

Let it here be recorded that President Harrison in all this 



290 Faeing the Tioentieth Century. 

coutroversy sustaiued the attitude of tlie Commissioner. By 
this we iiieaii that the President pursued au impartial, a 
inaiih , and an American course. This was counted a crime in 
tlie eyes of the mercenary Koman Catholic lobbyists. 

The effort of politicians, Senators, Representatives, and others 
to control appointments in the Indian schools service was well- 
nioli constant and sometimes very disagreeable. On the Com- 
missioner's recommendation, the President placed the school 
supei-intendents, matrons, teachers, and physicians under the 
operation of the civil service rules. 

While Commissioner Morgan's name was before the Senate 
for confirmation he was offered the aid of the Roman Catholics 
to secure his confirmation, but the price to be paid was the 
si*'niuf of a contract for tlie benefit of a Roman Catholic 
whereby an Indian tribe was to be mercilessly cheated. Of 
course the Commissioner spurned the overtures, and he was 
confirmed by the Senate by a large majority composed of both 
Democrats and Republicans. Some Republican Senators who 
voted against confirmation were defeated in the near future 
by their independent, patriotic constituencies, and one prom- 
inent Senator Avho stoutly stood in favor of the confirmation 
was defeated for both Senatorship and Governorship in his 
State, and he was told by a Roman Catholic priest that the 
Catholics were opposing him on this ground. 

The Roman Catholic Washington lobby thus makes its 
connections with the constituencies of our public men who 
liave convictions of duty and act upon them. 

Tiiis lobby, in 1891, became so imperious that it forced 
a crisis in its relations to the National Government. For- 
tunately for American honor and civilization the right man 
was ffjund on guard in the right place. That man was 
General Tliomas J. Morgan, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 
wlio was sustained by the commander-in-chief who had 
assigned him to duty. 

The ciisis to ^vhich we refer was the dissolution of partner- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 297 

ship between the United States Government and the Koman 
Catholic lobby styled the Bnrean of Catholic Indian Mis- 
sions, a dangerous partnership which never ought to have 
been consummated. 

The action of General Morgan in severing official relations 
between the Indian Office and the Bureau of Catholic Indian 
Missions was one of great significance, was wortliy of careful 
study, and ought to have received the cordial indorsement of 
every American citizen. While it was true that the imme- 
diate occasion of the action was the unstinted abuse which 
had been heaped upon him by the bureau and its attaches, 
we are quite sure that the commissioner would never have 
resorted to so serious a measure simply for the sake of admin- 
istering a well-deserved punishment. 

We desire to call attention to what Ave regard as the real 
significance of this action. In the first place, it was a very 
proper assertion of the official dignity of the head of a great 
government bureau. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs is 
charged with the responsibility of administering one of the 
most difficult offices of the Government. His duties are vari- 
ous, complex, delicate, and continuous. Unfortunately the 
bureau over which he presided had been for many years 
regarded as corrupt, and it was very difficult, under the most 
favorable circumstances, for any commissioner, however hon- 
est or able, to administer it satisfactorily. During his admin- 
istration Commissioner Morgan proved himself honest, able, 
and fearless, and won for himself the strong support of those 
best acquainted with his services. 

When, notwithstanding this, he was persistently vilified 
and slandered by a bureau that was in almost daily official 
relations with his office, he had a right to say to that bureau, 
as he did, that instead of dealing with it he would deal 
directly with the schools that it represented. In his official 
position he represented the people of America, and was 
under the highest obligation to uphold by all proper means 



298 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

the essential dignity which, for the time, in his sphere, he 
represented. 

In the second place, the action was significant as an asser- 
ti..ii of the right of the Government, which represents the 
wlicle peo[»le, to transact public business with a view to 
public ends, and not at the dictation of an organized lobby 
representini? only a small minority. The Bureau of Catholic 
Indian Missions had been prosecuting its work by its own 
peculiar methods for more than twenty years, and had suc- 
ceeded not only in diverting to its own treasury millions of 
dollars of public funds, but had grown insolent and dicta- 
torial, and had attempted to control the Government in both 
its administrative and legislative functions. It Avas notorious 
that for many years the Indian Office had been in its educa- 
tional work largely controlled by the Catholic Bureau, and 
Commissioner Morgan, refusing to submit any longer to its 
dictation, was simply performing a most obvious duty devolv- 
ing u|)ou him as a public servant. 

That feature of the situation which was, perhaps, most 
obnoxious to the American people was that the Catholic 
Bureau was a strictly sectarian institution, an ecclesiastical 
organization, an organized political lobby, representing a 
church, — one of the many churches which enjoy the freedom 
of America, — which, contrary to the whole spirit of our Amer- 
ican institutions, insisted arrogantly and offensively iu assert- 
ing its right as an ecclesiastical body to control Government 
action. Its presence at the capital was and is a menace to 
Protestantism, and awakens widespread unrest and threatens 
serious religious controversies. 

The action in this crisis called the attention of the Ameri- 
can people very strongly to a most glaring misappropriation 
of j»u)>lic funds. The ap})ropriatiou of public money for the 
maintenance of parochial schools among the Indians is vio- 
lently antagonistic to the spirit of our Constitution, at variance 
^vith the genius of our institutions, and clearly opposed to 



I 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Itomanisnu 299 

public policy. While tlie action of the Commissioner in sev- 
ering relations with the bureau did not strike directly at 
sectarian appropriations, it indirectly forced that question to 
the front. It has since been fully considered by the American 
people and they have utterly condemned such misuse of 
public money, whenever politicians and ecclesiastics have 
afforded them opportunity to express their convictions. 

Commissioner Morgan was obliged to continue provision 
for church schools after the rupture with the bureau, while 
at the same time he extended largely the public-school system 
among the Indians. 

While it is officially declared that " the principal work of 
the bureau is the establishment of boarding and day schools 
among the Indian tribes, and the procurement from the Gov- 
ernment of funds for their support and maintenance," it is 
true that the money secured by intimidating legislative lob- 
bying for these Roman Catholic schools is an unpardonable 
use of the people's money, even conceding the worthiness of 
the purpose. 

The work of the schools under the control of tlie Catholic 
Bureau is very defective. The industrial training, particu- 
larly of boys, is almost wholly neglected, inferior teachers are 
employed, and the one essential work of training Indian 
pupils in the use of the English language is largely over- 
looked. Too much stress is laid upon the inculcation of 
sectarian dogmas, and too little upon the preparation of the 
Indian pupils for useful citizenship. The superiority of the 
Government schools, in almost every respect for the ends for 
which such schools are organized, is clearly apparent to every- 
one acquainted with the facts. 

But the action of the Commissioner had an important bear- 
ing upon the welfare of the public-school system of America. 
Since 1876 the Government has been engaged in the w^ork of 
developing a system of Government industrial schools for the 
Indians, and w^hile the work is still in its infancy, some of 



300 Facing the Ttventietli Century. 

these schools have been brought to a higli degree of efficiency. 
Daring Commissioner Morgan's administration this Avork re- 
ceived^'a great impulse, and more was accomplished for it than 
ever before in the same length of time. 

Tiie one gi-eat purpose of these Government institutions is, 
bv a system of moral, intellectual, and industrial training, 
carriedOn by persons specially cliosen because of tlieir fitness 
for the work, and in accordance with the most approved mod- 
ern methods, entirely free from partisan or sectarian control, 
to fit the rising generation of American Indians for the respon- 
sibilities and privileges of freedom. The parochial schools, 
represented by the Catholic Bureau, administered solely in 
the interests of the Church, making the Catholic catechism the 
substance of its instruction, have of necessity for their chief 
purpose the propagation of Catholicism. Not only are these 
two theories radically repugnant to each other, but they have 
been the source of much friction in the practical work of 
Indian education. Those representing the parochial schools 
and favoring their extension are jealous of the Government 
institutions, do all they dare to do to prevent or limit their 
success, and by threats and ecclesiastical penalties keep away 
from them Indian children over whom they have any control. 
If there is one matter which is dear to the American heart it 
is the success of the public-school system, and the course of 
Commissioner Morgan in asserting the right of the Govern- 
ment to establish and maintain for the Indians an efficient 
system of public schools, unsectarian and without partisan 
bias, was worthy of all praise. 

The thoughtful and patriotic sentiment of our citizenship 
sustained the President and the Secretary of the Interior, and 
they sustained their manly and trusted representative — the 
Commissioner of Indian Aifairs. 

(reiieral Mor2;an rendered disting-uished service forhiscoun- 
try oil th(; liattlefield of civil warfare, but his victory over the 
shaiiudess iissaults of the foreign foe, as represented by the 




M. A. L'o>rii;an. 
John IrtlanJ. 



J. A. Stephan 



James CarJiimi Hibbons. 
Patrick J. A'yaii. 



THI-: NEW ROMAN' CATHOLIC LOBBY IN WASHINCITON, "CHARTERED BY AN 
ACT OF THE ASi-EMBLV OF THE STATE OF MARVLAXD" IN 1894, AND ITS 
DIRECTOR AND OMv OF I IS SOLICITORS. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 301 

Roman Catholic lobby styled the Bureau of Catholic Indian 
Missions, at the nation's capital, is recognized by all right- 
thinking Americans as a more distinguished service than 
could be rendered by any martial triumphs. 

For some reason, unexplained to the credulous public, in 
1894 the old lobby was dissolved, and the record says: " The 
Bureau as then constituted was superseded by a new corpora- 
tion chartered by an Act of the Assembly of the State of 
Maryland, the incorporators being His Eminence James Car- 
dinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore ; Most Rev. P. J. 
Ryan, Archbishop of Philadelphia; and Most Rev. M. A. 
Corrigan, Archbishop of New York." This new corporation 
has evidently not destroyed the identity of the lobby, as the 
audacious Rt. Rev. Mousignor J. A. Stephan still stands out 
in bold relief as Director. 

Such has been the consciousness of power of the Roman 
Catholic Washington lobby that, whenever Director Stephan 
found himself in his illegal aggressions confronted by a faith- 
ful executive officer, he coolly said : " We had to return to 
Congress once more to perfect the work begun. . . Mr. Mor- 
gan should have been promptly answered that we did not 
care what his policy was, nor what his specific orders from 
the President were ; a higher power than either, namely the 
Congress of the United States," existed, to which he believed 
he could with confidence appeal. 

On December 9, 1898, the press informed the public that: 

"Cardinal Gibbons, in behalf of himself and the arch- 
bishops of the Catholic Church in America, has submitted 
a petition to Congress asking that the question of the con- 
tract-school system be reopened and that Congress again go 
over the whole subject of Indian education. 

"The petition sets forth at length the history of the Indian 
school question and the legislation applying to it, up to the 
recent provisions in appropriation bills looking to the gradual 
discontinuance of government aid to sectarian schools. The 



302 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

petition asks that a congressional inquiry be made in place 
c.f the departmental inquiries, in order that the merits and 
defects of contract schools and government schools may be 
shown and ' not kept as a secret of state concealed in the 
tiles of any department or office.' " 

Tlie petition was pi'esented in the House of Representatives 
by Representative Mclntire of Baltimore, and in the Senate 
l»'v Senator Gorman of Maryland, both gentlemen hailing from 
the State which chartered the reconstructed Roman Catholic 
h>bl»y in Wasliington. 

The meaning of this last effort to open the Indian sectarian 
school question is transparent, after all denominations except 
the Roman Catholic have withdrawn from a dangerous 
financial copartnership with the Government, and after the 
United States Congress had declared in its last three appro- 
priation bills that the future policy of the Government was 
to be a total prohibition against the sectarian appropriations 
for education, in language as follows: "And it is hereby 
declared to be the settled policy of the Government to here- 
after make no appropriation whatever for education in any 
sectarian school." 

The doors of the United States Treasury once open again 
to tlie greed of sectarianism, and funds being again appropri- 
ated for sectarian education among the Indians as the wards 
of the nation, consistency would demaud that the church or 
cluu-clies willing to do sectarian educational w^ork among the 
millions of our new wards in our new insular possessions 
should be furnished with the funds they might demand. 
^\'hat a golden opportunity this would prove for politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism in the Philippines and the other new 
possessions where its form of civilization has cursed the popu- 
lations and made them the most needy subjects for missionary 
work in the simplest elements of morality! And then, inci- 
dentally, the United States Government would, by liberal 
appi'>j)ii;itions for the work of Roman propagandists, afford 



PoUtiGO-EcclesiasUcal Romanism. 303 

financial relief to the Pope, whose Spanish bonds are not now 
at a premium, and to the poor monks and friars in the Phil- 
ippines, whose revenues will be largely decreased under a 
government where civil and religious liberty is guaranteed. 
These members of Congress even whose principles are impris- 
oned in the ballot-boxes within the districts they represent 
ought to be able to understand the peril embraced in this new 
proposition of the Roman Catholic lobby in Washington. 

Under cover of the absorbed attention of the people in war- 
time these political plotters put through Congress the West 
Point Roman Catholic Chapel Bill of devious history. Mean- 
while loyal people must keep still at such times, while ene- 
mies, posing as patriots, undermine our institutions. 

The devices resorted to in securing a Sectarian Chapel on 
the West Point Military Reservation, may be seen from the 
following narration : 

In the month of October, 1896, the officers of The National 
Leag-ue for the Protection of American Institutions received 
intimation that a movement was on foot, under the leadership 
of Father O'Keefe, the parish priest at Highland Falls, N. Y., 
to secure government permission for the erection of a Roman 
Catholic Chapel within the limits of the West Point Military 
Reservation. A permit for this purpose was granted by Sec- 
retary of War Lamont, provided that the parish priest would 
raise not less than twenty thousand dollars to cover the cost 
of the building. 

To show that this exclusive privilege was entirely unneces- 
sary, we quote from an authoritative statement of the then 
existing conditions : 

" There are already two government chapels at West Point. 
They are designated the ' Soldiers ' and ^ Cadet ' Chapels. In 
the ' Soldiers ' Chapel, worship the Catholic officers, enlisted 
men, and civilians, together with their families, also the Cath- 
olic Cadets, few in number, about ten per cent, of the entire 
corps, and usually numbering about thirty men, for whom 



304 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Father O'Keefe or his assistant conducts two masses each 
Sabbath niornin.i?. This service is followed by a Sunday 
School for the Catholic children. 

" For one hour each Sunday afternoon, Chaplain Herbert 
Shipiiiaii, an Episcopalian, holds services in this chapel for the 
non-Catlu.lics with the exception of officers and cadets. 

" What is known as the ' Cadet' Chapel is for the use of 
tliose officers and cadets who are not Catholics. The services 
are conducted by Chaplain Shipman at 10.30 A. m. each Sab- 
bath. About ninety per cent, of the corps of cadets attend 
these services. 

'' It will be noticed that the religious welfare of the officers, 
cadets, and enlisted men in the United States Military Acad- 
emy has been duly considered, and the Government has i^ro- 
vided two chapels for their use, and w^hile the Catholics 
outnumber the Protestants among the enlisted men, they also 
have the use of the * Soldiers ' Chapel the entire time, except- 
ing one hour each week. 

" Why these people who w^orship in the ' Soldiers ' Chapel 
sliould be solicited to contribute from their small income 
toward the building of another chapel, to be exclusively a 
Catholic chapel, is not understood by other than Father 
(J'Keefe, and those back of the undertaking. 

" There is no doubt but that Father O'Keefe is supported 
by powerful social and political influence." 

The National League was appealed to for advice and direc- 
ts >ii in this matter by influential citizens of various religious de- 
II' »iiiiiiations. To demonstrate the embarrassing possibilities of 
this proposed sectarian grant. The League advised the prepara- 
tion and mailing to the Secretary of War of separate denomina- 
tiutial petitions demanding similar grants of land for their 
respective denominations, within the West Point Reservation. 

The result of this action was that Secretary Lamont revoked 
tlie ]»orniit to the Roman Catholics. 

We have good authority for stating that a bill had at this 



Politico- Ecdesiadical Romanism. 305 

time been prepared, with a view to securing Congressional 
action authorizing the grant, but it was deemed expedient by 
high ecclesiastical authority to suppress it. 

The pressure upon Secretary Lamont to renew the permit 
was greater than he could resist, and he announced on Febru- 
ary 8, 1897, that, "unless Congress shall order to the con- 
trary" — which was of course clearly impossible when that 
Congress had only four weeks more of official life— he should 
renew the permit ; and before leaving office on March 4, he 
did renew it. 

Shortly after the inauguration of President McKinley, Gen- 
eral Alger, the new Secretary of War, announced his intention 
to confirm the grant and to treat all other denominations Avith 
what he styled like liberality. So widespread and numerous, 
liowever, were the protests against this procedure that the 
Secretary of War evidently hesitated to assume the responsi- 
bility, and the matter was referred to President McKinley, 
and by him was turned over to Attorney General McKenna 
for an opinion as to the power of the Secretary of War in the 
piemises. 

The opinion of the Attorney General was rendered to the 
Secretary of War on May 20, 1897, and, coming as it did 
from one of their own religious faith, gave the friends of sec- 
tarian chapel-building at West Point a decided shock. 

The opinion is lengthy, and we quote only a part of it. 

After referring to the act of July 22, 1892, relative to leas- 
ing unused Government property, he says in part : 

" It is very cleai* that the Secretary of War has no power to 
accept a donation of property for the Government — certainly 
not to accept it with the limitation proposed — its use in per- 
petuity to Roman Catholics. 

" The action of Mr. Seci'etary Lamont did not respond to 
the offer — maybe excludes it. Nevertheless, there are serious 
objections to it. It gives, not a lease having a specified dura- 
tion, but a license without limitation of time. 



306 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

"That these licenses transcend the statute is plain. The 
statute' provides for a definite term with a power of even 
levokiui,' that. The license provides for no term and really 
ooniniits^the Government to a practical perpetuity. It would 
he idle to deny this— idle to deny that you do not expect to 
exercise the power of revocation except in emergency. ^ In- 
(h'ed, a contention not without some authority could be raised 
that 'vol! .'..iild not. At any rate the Government would find 
itself embarrassed either to endure a perpetuity of right in the 
license or exercise an individual power. 

" Tiie license should, therefore, be revoked and the peti- 
ticiirr remitted to Congress." 

There can be no question as to the disappointment of Attor- 
ney General McKenna's coreligionists over this opinion, for we 
find Hon. Fredei-ic R. Coudert giving voice to his vexation, in 
the New York Journal of May 22, in language which is not 
very far removed from a threat of political boycott similar to 
thai which contributed to the defeat of President Harrison 
for re-election. He says: 

" If this decision is considered just by the President, if the 
interpretation of Mr. McKenna is sustained, it will drive from 
the Repul)lican party many of its representative men. 

" It is unjust to deny to Catholics a privilege of this kind ; 
and I am certain that any political party which sustains such a 
proceeding will surely meets its just fate at the hands of an 
intelligent public." 

Undaunted by their defeat along this line of attack, these 
persistent and usually successful plotters for securing govern- 
mental assistance in their sectarian propaganda re-formed their 
iHiik-, and turned their attention upon Congress, first making 
an ctt'ort to induce the National Board of Visitors at West 
Point to indorse their scheme, which the board very properly 
declined to do. 

Ajiparently taking their cue from the complaisant Secretary 
of W'.ir, a 1)ill was prepared, the broad liberality of which, it 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 307 

was thought, would overcome all scruples as to its funda- 
mental soundness or its ulterior purpose. It was worded as 
follows : 

" That the Secretary of War, in his discretion, may author- 
ize the erection of a building for religious worship Ijy any 
denomination, sect, or religion, on any military reservation of 
the United States. Provided, That the erection of such 
building will not interfere with the uses of said military 
reservation for military purposes. Said building shall be 
erected without any expense whatever to the Government of 
the United States, and shall be removed whenever, in the 
opinion of the Secretary of War, military necessity shall 
require it." 

With that " non-partisan " astuteness which contributes so 
greatly to the success of their schemes, they selected from the 
great political party in whose ranks they figure least numer- 
ously a Senator and a Representative, both from the State of 
New York, to present this bill in either House, which was 
done on January 5, 1898. 

This bill, in the shape in which it was drawn, did not 
progress farther than the House Committee on Military 
Affairs, where it was killed by a vote of 10 to 3. 

This evidently disconcerted them for the time being, for 
one of their champions in the House, also a New York 
Republican and a member of the Committee on Military 
Affairs, at once introduced a bill "to remove all religious 
edifices from military reservations," which also met its fate in 
the House Committee on Military Affairs. 

They still had another expedient in reserve among their 
almost exhaustless resources. The Spanish-American War 
was engrossing the entire attention of Congress and of the 
American people. 

The wording of the West Point Bill was again adroitly 
manipulated, limiting its scope, it will be noticed, to West 
Point alone. 



308 Facing the Tioentieth Centvry. 

''Be it enacted, etc., That the Secretary of War, in his dis- 
cretion, !nay aiitliorize the erection of a Imilding for religious 
worshiii l>y any denomination, sect, or religion on the West 
l\)int Military Reservation : Provided, That the erection of 
such l)nildini,^ will not interfere with the uses of said reserva- 
tion for military purposes. Said building shall be erected 
uitliout any expense whatever to the government of the 
United States, and shall be removed from the reservation, or 
its location changed by the denomination, sect, or religious 
body erecting the same whenever, in the opinion of the Secre- 
tarv of AVar, public or niilitaiy necessity shall require it, and 
without C(^mpensation for such building or any other expense 
whatever to the Government." 

In this shape, during the closing days of this exciting and 
hist(~)ric session of Congress, the bill passed both Houses with 
little opposition, many legislators who were opposed to it on 
princi[)le, laying, if they gave any thought to it at all, "the 
flattering unction to their souls " that tliey were, as the advo- 
cates of the bill asserted, " treating all alike." 

TO JUDICIAL ADJMINISTRATION. 

The dubious relations of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism 
to the judicial departments of civil government have caused 
serious alarm on the part of many thoughtful citizens and 
candid students of the principles of civil liberty. The bar- 
gains between party politicians and Roman Catholic bosses 
for the delivery of votes to be paid for by legislative nomina- 
tions, positions, and appropriations, possess elements of peril, 
1)1 1 1 when these bargains extend to nominations for the 
judiciary they sap the very foundations of justice. This very 
thing is done in multitudes of instances in all parts of the 
land, in judicial nominations from the modest civil justice of 
the peace to the judges of the highest courts of appeal. 
< )ft.ii, in case these judges, thus nominated and elected, try to 



PoliticoScclesiastical Romanism. 309 

be lionest when holding the balances of justice, their creators 
and masters refuse them the honor of a renomination. 

The annals of American courts of justice record case after 
case where the appellate courts have divided and rendered 
decisions, not only on political party lines, but on sectarian 
lines, and where it has been assumed in advance, as a matter 
of course, that the decisions would be on these lines. And 
all this is the legitimate result of the political and sectarian 
contracts in question. As in a recent appeal case where 
sectarian appropi'iations were involved in the District of 
Columbia, everywhere it was taken for granted that, coming 
before Roman Catholic judges, they would decide in the 
financial interests of their church, and the prejudgment was 
not then and seldom is disappointed. 

The District of Columbia being a part of the national 
domain as distinguished from the domain of any State, all of 
the people of the United States are interested in its judiciary. 
In 1894 the Court of Appeals, consisting of three judges, 
^vas constituted by the appointment of two Roman Catholic 
judges, and the third was of Roman Catholic heredity and 
education. It was this sectarian court which overruled the 
decision of District Judge Hagner in the matter of a grant 
by Congress for a building for contagious diseases, which 
grant was passed over by the District Commissioners to 
a Roman Catholic Hospital. This Court of Appeals did 
what it w\as expected to do by the powers which dictated its 
personnel and determined its sectarian character. 

A prominent and cultured American Roman Catholic priest 
recently made to us some startling revelations concerning the 
interference of ecclesiastics in prohibiting the promulgation 
of the verdict and indictment of a Grand Jury, which ought 
to hav(^brought about the criminal indictment of both the 
ecclesiastics and of the members of the Gi-and Jury. 

Shortly after the present Pontiff's recovery from his illness 
in 1886, after re-establishing all the privileges and immuni- 



310 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

ties of the Jesuits, lie issued a papal decree iu wliicli occurs 
the seuteuce : 

"The judicial fuuctionaries must refuse obedience to the 
State aud to the laws of the couutry wliich are in contradic- 
tion with Roman Catholic precepts." 

The New York TaUet oi April 8, 1871, said: 

''The State has not supreme legislative authority, and civil 
courts which contravene the law of God do not bind the con- 
science ; and ^vhether they do or do not contravene the law, the 
Church, not the State or its courts, is the supreme judge." 

Ruiiian Catholic political power iu New York City and else- 
where has used its subservient courts not only to fill by com- 
mitments its institutions in order to make higher demands for 
tlie people's money for their support, but it has nsed these 
eoiu'ts for the purpose of bringing its own refractory politi- 
cians into subserviency. 

In New Orleans, in March, 1898, Romanism wrote an inter- 
estino" chapter of history concerning its relations to the 
judiciary. 

For many years in this city large amounts of money have 
been appropriated by the City Council for various private and 
sectarian institutions, although such appropriations are a dii'ect 
violation of the laws of the State, and are especially forbidden 
by the Constitution. Certain citizens protested against these 
violations and proceeded legally against the Comptroller and 
the City Treasurer. In the attempt to prove that the institu- 
tions in question were private and sectarian it became neces- 
sary to bring into court as witnesses the officers and authorities 
of those institutions. Among the nundjer of such officers was 
tlie Mother Prioress of an order of cloistei-ed nuns who were 
barefooted Carmelites. This Mother Prioress had signed the 
i-eceipts for m(3ney given by the City Treasurer to the nun- 
nery. The witness refused to appear, and her legal defense 
stated that " this nun was cloistered and could no more appear 
in court than a citizen of the moon could; that her vows were 



Politico- li^cciesiastical Romanism. 311 

such that she conkl not leave the nunnery under any circum- 
stances " ; and counsel read a section from the statutes showing 
that the Ursuline nuns were exempt from such process of law, 
and said the same exemption should cover the Carmelite nuns. 
The attorney for the plaintiffs argued that if this nun was not 
too cloistered to appear at the City Hall and sign the pay 
rolls on the receipt of money, she was not too cloistered to 
appear in court when her evidence was required ; and asked 
the judge (N. H. Righter) to issue an attachment compelling 
the witness to appear. The judge said he would not issue 
the attachment. "AVhy not, your Honor? It is the law," 
said the attorney for the plaintiffs. "Because I won't," 
said the judge. " If it were twenty times the law I would 
refuse to bring a cloistered nun out of the nunnery into my 
court. I refuse the attachment." 

Thus it would appear from the Roman Catholic stand- 
point of judgment as to the relation of the judiciary to the 
rights of the people, that the members of religious orders can 
thrust their hands into the treasury of the people's money, 
take out what may be necessary to propagate their sectarian 
work and teachings, and then, when the people desire to find 
out whether the laws and the constitution of a commonwealth 
are being violated, these greedy sectarians and criminals before 
the law can shelter themselves from justice by seclusion in 
the cloisters of a Roman nunnery or monastery. 

TO EXECUTIVE ADMINISTEATION. 

The political claims of Romanists, based upon the fact that 
they are Romanists, are not exhausted when legislative and 
judicial limits have been passed. They seek to hold or con- 
trol the executive departments of government, from the 
highest to the lowest positions. 

About ten millions is the outside rational limit claim for 
the numbers of Roman Catholics in our population of over 
seventy millions, yet under the general government, and under 



312 Facing ilie Twentieth Century. 

local o-overuinents where they control the balance of power 
at the polls, they hold a number of offices more nearly repre- 
sentative of the ratio due to sixty millions than to ten 
millions. They have not more than one-seventh of the 
popuhition, nor more than one-tenth of the voters, while they 
liave the largest proportion of illiteracy, and these facts 
would in Justice give them a very limited number of civil 
office positions. Still they preponderate in an offensive way 
in Washington and at the centers of population. 

Dr. Hershey, over his own signature, in 1894 made the 
following statement concerning executive departments in 
Washington : 

" In this article I w^ant to confine myself to a statement of 
facts which have fallen quite within my knowledge in this 
city. There is a great deal being said just now about the 
unpatriotic work of Romanism in the departments of the 
general government, . . What I say herein must carry with 
it whatever weight attaches to my testimony bearing upon 
facts coming under my personal knowledge. 

"The custom of nuns going at regular intervals through 
the departments, and coercing money, is an infamous political 
iniquity. In the Pension Bureau this semi-month}^ visitation 
is an arrant outrage. The Commissioner, First Assistant, and 
the Chairman of the House Committee on Pensions are Roman 
Catholics, and the whole management of the bureau is under 
the direction of these three. The Roman Church worked to 
accomplish this. Such combinations are not accidental. A 
IViend of mine, a little w^hile ago, stood quietly by and w^it- 
nessed the semi-monthl}^ pay of the clerks. The procession 
of clerks, after receiving their pay, had to pass between two 
nuns, i'[\v\\ holding a box, and nearly all paid the price neces- 
sary to keep them in office. It took two hours and a half for 
tlie more than two thousand clerks to pass these agents of the 
priesthood and pay over their money. And this in a great 
government building ! Are we free, or are we the slaves of 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 313 

a lustful, mediaeval ecclesiastical institution ? Upon demands 
wliich were made, one of the Cabinet has stopped this collec- 
tion of a tax levied on the government clerks by the Komish 
Church. It made him quite mad, and he said all sorts of 
ugly things, but he knew the evil he had countenanced was 
an outrao;e, and he issued the order. This demand should be 
made upon every department. 

" In a certain room in the printing office are eleven clerks 
at one table, and eight of them are Catholics. In this bureau 
tickets for Catholic fairs are sold from once to twice a week 
during government hours. The Roman Catholics are com- 
pelled to buy, and say they would lose their place if they 
did not. In a room in one of the departments, six clerks 
were reduced in one day. Strange to relate, they were all 
members of the same Protestant church. Six others were 
promoted to take their places, and five of them were Roman 
Catholics. One day last fall twenty-four promotions were 
made in the Bureau of Engravings, and nineteen were Roman 
Catholics. Such things do not occur by any rule of mere 
accident. I could continue such citations over many pages." 

Dr. Hershey refers simply to two Washington departments, 
but Romanists in immense numbers are intrenched in every 
department, and not only make it uncomfortable for their 
Protestant associates, but in many instances make their posi- 
tions absolutely untenable. The supremacy of Romanists in 
the oflicial force of the Pension Department is especially 
aggravating to loyal Americans, when they recall how few 
Romanists, relatively speaking, saw actual service in the 
Union Army, how many deserted, and how many now are 
pensioners. In the Agricultural Department, when one divi- 
sion was some time since abolished, seventy-eight per cent, 
of the clerks were found to be Roman Catholics, who were 
largely provided for elsewhere, but not so with the twenty- 
two per cent, of Protestants. 

The Land Oftice, the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, 



314 Facing the Tioentietli Century. 

aiicl the Treasury Department reveal a kiudrecl state of facts. 
The Indian Bureau has been considered, with a single inter- 
n 11)1 ion, as the special reservation of the official lobby of 
UomauisHi in AVashington styled the Bureau of Catholic 
Indian ]V[issions. It has been crowded with Romanist 
employees controlled by this lobby, and this fact has done 
more to scandalize this department both in Washington and 
in its active operations in the field than all other causes 
too-ether. A few years since the following incident was 
lecorded : 

'' In the Indian reservation in the State of Minnesota, under 
the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Archbishop Ireland, was a 
priest who was creating much disturbance, and was conse- 
(juently objectionable to the government. The Indian Com- 
missioner urged that the priest be removed, and Ireland 
promised it should be done. Not long afterward the Arch- 
l)isliop wanted a favor of the Commissioner, and General Mor- 
gan telegraphed to the Indian agent : ' Is Father So-and-So 
on the reservation?' desiring to know whether Archbishop 
Ireland had kept his word. Naturally you Avould have sup- 
j)osed that the agent would have telegraphed an answer to his 
official superior, but the Commissioner heard not a word until 
Thomas H. Cartel", chairman of the National Republican Com- 
mittee, telegraphed Genei'al Morgan to this effect : that it was 
better not to make any fuss about that priest while the elec- 
tion was pending. 

"This meant that the Indian agent had reported, directly or 
indirectly, to Archbishop Ireland, and that Ireland, who poses 
as a Republican, had laid his hand upon the Roman Catholic 
wlio was running the Republican campaign, and he, in turn, 
jiu( his hand upon the Indian Commissioner, and advised him 
to leave the unworthy priest in his place." 

A prominent citizen remonstrating with a superintendent 
of schools of national reputation in a large city, against his 
subserviency to Roman Catholic priests who dictated appoint- 



Politico- Ecclesiastica I Romanism. 315 

merits of teachers in the public schools regardless of their 
qualifications and in violation of law, but on sectarian grounds, 
huniiliatiugly responded : " I know it is all wrong, but the 
living of myself and family is at stake." This same supeiln- 
tendent was afterward re-elected to his position, on the express 
stipulation of subserviency to the ecclesiastical power which 
seeks to control and fetter the public schools which it has 
been unable to destroy, despite its repeated declaration of 
purpose. 

An experienced teacher who was an applicant for a position 
as a teacher in the New York City public schools was asked 
if he would take the questions in advance for examination in 
case he could secure them. The applicant asked if he could 
get them, and was told by his informant that they had been 
secured and could be again. " How will }'ou get them ? " he 
asked of his informant. After enjoining secrecy his informant 
said, " They will come to me directly from a physician, who 
will secure them from a Catholic priest." At the time of this 
incident the typewriters and stenographers in the office of 
the Superintendent of the New York schools were Roman 
Catholics, and in their hands the examination papers were 
placed in advance for copying. Upon inquiry it was ascer- 
tained that other Roman Catholics in official school positions 
had access to the examination papers. Where did this priest 
get these examination papers ? When the teacher in question 
visited the headquarters of the Department of Education in 
New York City he discovered that Romanists were on 
watch at the doors of the office of the Superintendent of 
Schools. 

We have official authority for the statement that recently 
in New York City, the examinations of Roman Catholic 
applicants for positions as teachers, who were attendants 
upon the lectures of priests, said lectures being given to 
those preparing for examinations, were of such a uniform 
character of accuracy that there could be but one conclusion 



316 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

concerning tbeni, and that was that the priestly instructors 
must have known the contents of tlie examination papers. 
This conclusion is emphasized by the fact that candidates 
havino- had large experience in teaching, and possessed of the 
hio-hest attainments, were unable to cope in excellence of their 
examinations with the uniform excellence of those of less ex- 
perience and narrower attainments among the Roman Cath- 
olic competitors. In this same board, by the exercise of the 
usual devices in which they are so expert, Roman Catholic 
members of the board managed to get control of the com- 
mittee which has in charge the preparation of examination 
papers and the ranking of teachers. It is also true that 
almost all of the employees of this same board are Roman 
Catholics, and the rare exceptions find themselves most 
uncomfortably placed. Rome thus seeks to run the public 
schools as an annex to the parochial schools, so far as the 
executive machinery is concerned. 

In January, 1894, President Cleveland nominated for 
Justice of the United States Supreme Court AVheeler H. 
Pcckham of New York, an eminent jurist, a cultured gen- 
tleman, a public-spirited citizen, and a patriotic American. 
Senator David B. Hill, apparently having a constitutional 
aversion to these qualities in a jndge, violently opposed the 
confirmation of Mr. Peckham and secured a disgraceful 
victory in defeating the confirmation. But this defeat was 
not rendered certain until the sectarian Roman reserves were 
ordered out. 

Mr. Peckham was a member cf the La\v Committee of the 
National League for the Protection of American Institutions, 
having as his associates Wm. Allen Butler, Dorman B. 
Eaton, Cephas Brainerd, and Henry E. Howland. The 
objects of the League are : 

"To secure constitutional and legislative safeguards for the 
protection of the conunon-school system and other Ameri- 
can institutions, and to promote public instruction in har- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 317 

mony with sucli institutions, and to prevent all sectarian or 
denominational appropriations of public funds." 

No man liaving the right to live under the protection of 
American institutions ought to be offended by the pi'opaga- 
tion of these principles. A document of The National 
League, in which Mr. Peckham's name was printed as a 
member of the Law Committee, was sent to United States 
Senators, which was supposed to furnish a Roman Catholic 
reason why Mr. Peckham's nomination should not ])e con- 
firmed. Again political Romanism projected itself into the 
executive affairs of government in an excuseless, offensive, and 
disloyal manner. When Mr. Peckham was interviewed he 
responded in a characteristically manly way. He said : " I 
fail to see any connection with an anti-Catholic movement in 
the objects of the association, I believe there are a good 
many members of the Catholic Church in the National 
League for the Protection of American Institutions. I am in 
favor of spending the public funds for the purposes for Avhich 
they are voted, and I am opposed to all sectarian and denomi- 
national appropriations of these funds in the matter of educa- 
tion. I am not a Catholic, but I have no antipathy against 
that Church or its members." But it is a crime in the judg- 
ment of Romanism for a citizen to belong to any organization 
which proposes " the protection of the common-school system 
and other American institutions " and the prohibition of " all 
sectarian or denominational appropriations of public funds." 
Of course it would never do to have a man elevated to the 
bench of the United States Supreme Court who does not 
take his theory of civil government from the Sovereign 
Pontiff and his theory of political ethics from David B. Hill. 
And now let us behold the sequel. A great and incor- 
ruptible jurist was defeated by the unholy combination. Mr. 
White, a Roman Catholic Senator, was nominated, and he 
was promptly and unanimously confirmed by the joint forces 
of " Senatorial courtesy " and Roman urgency. Mr. White 



318 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

was not a nicinber of a law committee of a patriotic organi- 
zation, but be was a member of an organization which in its 
official utterances and acts has been the persistent and wicked 
foe of '^ the common-school system and other American 
institutions," and wliich never loses an opportunity to seize 
the "pul)iic' funds" for sectarian propagation. Thus another 
disf^raceful chapter of American executive history has been 
written by Rome. 

Investigation proves that important official secrets of exec- 
utive departments in Washington, and information concern- 
ing vacancies to be filled or how to create vacancies, have 
ao-ain and aaaiu reached their ecclesiastical destination 
tlu-ough Roman Catholic private secretaries, stenographers, 
and typewriters. One of the persistent, skillful, astute, and 
successful plans of political Romanism is to place its repre- 
sentatives in confidential secretarial relations with the heads 
of departments and the possessors of executive and official 
secrets. Through this medium examination papers in educa- 
tional and civil service departments have found their way 
into the hands of candidates for examination, and in some 
instances have by their sale proved a source of revenue to 
ecclesiastical brokers. 

Through these secret confidential agents, officials about to 
l)e removed from office because of their incompetency have 
been notified, and they have had ample time to bring priestly 
and political pressure to bear to retain them in places they 
could not fill, but w^here they continued anchored to the public 
treasury. These facts are simply instances in connection with 
multitudes of offices, but the chiefs in most instances dare 
not face the facts because they knoAV that they would be 
crushed by the politicians who are the obsequious slaves of 
}>()litical ecclesiasticism claiming to control votes. 

According to Dr. Dolliuger, " The infallibility dogma im- 
poses upon those who accept it the solemn obligation to violate 
civil law, to set themselves in opposition to the ordinances of 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism,. 319 

government whenever the Pope shall pronounce his infallible 
judgment against any one of those ordinances upon moral or 
religious grounds." 

TO EDUCATION AND THE SCHOOLS. 

The education of the people under any form of government 
ought to be the foundation of the civic structure. In a re- 
public where' every citizen is a sovereign, the education of the 
people is not only vital but indispensable to its peace and 
perpetuation. Ignorant masses are the dupes of a despot 
whether he be a monarch with an hereditary title, a political, 
an ecclesiastical, or a politico-ecclesiastical boss. 

The only power which can destroy superstition in religion 
or politics is knowledge. Therefore, when any institution 
founded upon superstition resists the education of the 
people, it is simply heeding the first law of nature for self- 
preservation. This accounts for the opposition of Romanism 
in every land to the uniform common education of the people, 
as well as for the ignorance of the people in Roman Catholic 
countries and the decadence of Romanism in countries where 
the common people are educated. 

The masses educated are the loyal subjects alone of a patri- 
otic conscience. Every power seeking to bring a people or 
a government into subjection to a tyrannical will aims first to 
enthrall the human mind with ignorance. Politico-ecclesias- 
tical Romanism only thrives where ignorance is prevalent, 
and whenever it grapples with a nation its first step is to seek 
to control the common education of the people, reducing it 
to a minimum of secular instruction with a maximum of 
ecclesiastical instruction. These facts are patent in every 
country where Rome has had absolute sway. In America we 
are especially interested in the history of the relation of 
Romanism to that country which furnishes us a large propor- 
tion of our office-holders in the centers of the population, and 
the would-be rulers of the republic. 



30(-) Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Ill tlie century succeeding the beneficent work of St. Patrick 
in Ireland, tlie Irish were the best-educated peo^ile in the 
West of Europe. The larger portion of the island for ages 
lias been <'-iven over by tlie Roman Catholic clergy to the 
most deirrading ignorance, despite the facts that the British 
Far! lament lias furnished ample means for the common edu- 
cation of the people, and the people themselves have been 
lHui<,ny for education, and when opportunity is presented, 
have eaf>-erly grasped it, and shown a readiness for learning 
characteristic of the naturally noble race to which they be- 
lon<^. The contrast in educational matters between the north 
and the south of Ireland needs only to be mentioned ; the 
causes for the contrast are patent to the most superficial 
o])server. 

Rome, the seat of the world-wide papal power, presents in 
its common people of the Roman Catholic pof)ulation a condi- 
tion of ignorance so discrediting to the Roman Church as 
to be appalling to the citizens of this land, where the same 
church is seeking to control the education of the people. 

No wonder Rome cherishes an uncompromising hostility to 
schools that are not completely under her care. She Avould 
make the second article of the Concordat ratified between 
Spain and the Holy See, in 1851, the educational rule for 
every land which she can control. It reads thus : " All in- 
struction in universities, colleges, seminaries, and public and 
l^rivate schools, shall he conformable to Catholic doctrine^ and 
no impediment shall be put in the way of the bishops, etc., 
whose duty it is to watch over the purity of doctrine and of 
manners, and over tlie religious education of youth, even in the 
pMic schools^ 

In every English-speaking nation the people to-day are 
engaged in a controversy with Romanism over the question of 
public-school education. 

Victor Hugo has this to say about Rome as an educator : 

"Ah, we know you! We know the clerical party ; it is 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 321 

an old party. This it is which has fouud for the truth those 
two marvelous supporters, ignorance and error. This it is 
which forbids to science and genius the going beyond the 
missal, and which wishes to cloister thought in dogmas. 
Every step which the intelligence of Europe has taken has 
been in spite of it. Its history is written in the history of 
human progress, but it is written on the back of the leaf. It 
is opposed to all. This it is which caused Prinelli to be 
scourged for having said that the stars would not fall. This 
it is which put Campanella seven times to torture for saying 
that the number of worlds was infinite, and for having caught 
a glimpse at the secret of creation. This it is which per- 
secuted Harvey for having proved the circulation of the 
blood. In the name of Jesus it shut up Galileo. In the 
name of St. Paul it imprisoned Christopher Columbus. 

" There is a book — a book which is from one end to the 
other an emanation from above ; a book which contains all 
human wisdom illuminated by all divine wisdom — a book 
which the veneration of the people call the Book — the Bible ! 
Well, your censure has reached even that — unheard-of thing ! 
Popes have proscribed the Bible. How astonishing to wise 
spirits ; how overpowering to simple hearts to see the finger 
of Rome placed upon the Book of God ! Now, you claim the 
liberty of teaching. Stop; let us see your pupils. Let us 
see those you have produced. AVhat have you done for Italy ? 
For Spain ? The one in ashes, the other in ruins." 

This morsel of history from the Roman Catholic standpoint 
will fit any part of the history of the school controversy : 

"Throughout the Northern States there had been general 
progress, but the close of the war was a signal for the revival 
of the old bitterness against the Church. An attempt was 
made to make the school question not a State but a national 
matter. General Grant, elected President in 1869, showed 
a disposition to unite with the old Know-Nothing party, and 
on several occasions alluded to the school question, taking 



32 Faeing the Twentieth Century. 

ejrouud, however, in favor of absolutely godless schools. The 
(luestiou of the right of bigoted Protestants to force their 
erroneous and mutilated ti-auslatiou into schools as being the 
Bible, came before the courts in Ohio; but the judiciary there, 
as in Massacliusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania, listened to 
prejudice, and, when Catholic cases came up, sought to warp 
the law so as to annoy the Church. 

"These signs induced new and greater exertion to expand 
our system of parochial schools, so as to avoid any necessity 
for Catholics to send their children to the public schools, which 
it was evident must soon be either absolutely Protestant or 
utterly infidel. New schools were established in many parts, 
notably in New England, where the parochial system had made 
little progress. The teaching orders already in the country 
spread, and \vere aided by others from abroad, like the Pres- 
entation Nuns, the Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus, the Sis- 
ters of Christian Charity. The preparation of suitable school 
books received greater care, and not only readers, but series 
(.f geogi-aphies and school histories were prepared equal to 
any published for use in the public schools. Some of these 
were mere modifications of Protestant works, but others were 
intrinsically Catholic." — Businger and Shears ^^ Hist, of the 
Cath. Church;' 2)p. 408-409. 

Under the requirements and dictation of the Roman hier- 
archy, the Board of National Education of Ireland issued a re- 
vised edition of a reading book to be used in the schools. From 
this new readino; book the articles on " The British Constitu- 
tion,'' and on "Political Economy," by the late Archbishop 
Whately were expunged, and in their place were five articles 
by Cardinal Wiseman, Mgr. Molloy, and other Catholic writers. 
The articles by such authors as Humboldt, Shakespeare, Can- 
ning, Gray, and Shelley ^vere replaced by poetry from Irish 
writers, and articles by Cardinal Wiseman, Rev. Dr. Healey, 
and other Romanists; and Scriptural articles were also excluded. 

The articles in these reconstructed text-books on political 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 323 

economy, money and exchange, value and labor, wages, 
security of property, capital, taxes, rent, etc., wei'e all 
changed, and infeiior articles of instruction upon these varied 
subjects were substituted for them. 

Efforts at expurgating editions of history and other school 
books in the interests of a narrow and one-sided Roman Cath- 
olic instruction have been made in schools in many of the 
States in America. 

Before the constitutions of certain States were changed to 
prohibit the division of the school fund on sectarian lines, 
many of the school books used in tlie parochial schools, Avhich 
were paid for by the State, were perversions of American his- 
tory and assaults upon Protestantism. 

Reputable publishers of standard cyclopedias have per- 
mitted new editions of their works to be rewritten by Roman 
Catholic authors, wherever historic articles had any bearing on 
the Roman Church. 

The Roman Catholic Messenger of the Sacred Heart, in its 
protest against the attendance of Catholic students upon Prot- 
estant institutions, says : " Experience shows also that history 
has never been understood nor taught, and cannot be taught 
by Protestants, as a class. Some individuals have risen above 
the prejudices of Protestantism ; but these individuals are few, 
indeed, and far l^etween. Thus Catholic students in Protestant 
institutions, in the best case, are deprived of the best elements 
in education, whether religious or secular." 

Di-. Philip Schaff's translation of the " Syllabus Errorum " 
(Pius IX., 1864) and other acts of the Popes, gives the follow- 
ing affirmative claims concerning education, which have re- 
ceived papal condemnation as errors : 

" To hold that any method of instruction of youth, purely 
secular, may l)e approved. 

"To hold that knowledge of things Philosophical and Civil 
may and should decline to be guided by Divine and Ecclesi- 
astical authority." 



324 Facing the Tioentieih Century. 

Devare's translation of Propositions XLV. and XLVII. of 
the same Syllabus, condemning secular public schools, is as fol- 
lows, denying that : 

" Tlie entire direction of the public schools in which the 
youth of any Christian country is taught, can and must be 
assi^T^ned to the civil authorities, and even so assigned that 
under no circumstances to any authority should the right be 
granted to mix itself in the discipline of the schools, in the 
direction of the studies, in the conferring of degrees, in the 
selection or approbation of teachers. 

"The best interest of civil society demands that popular 
schools which are open to all children of any class of the peo- 
ple, also public institutions as a whole that are destined to 
furnish to the youth the higher branches of discipline and 
education, should be removed from all authority of the Church 
be it of moderative, virtual, or obtrusive, and that they should 
be subject to the undisputed judgment of civil and political 
authority for the approval and meeting the level of the pre- 
vailing and more common opinions of the age." 

Father Hecker writes : 

" Catholics say that it is no necessary part of the function 
of the State to teach and educate children. The education of 
children is rather a parental than a political duty. Besides, 
to ascribe all this function to the State is anti- American. 

" It is clear that the chief aim of the advocates of the pres- 
ent public-school system in the United States is less the desire 
for general diffusion of knowledge than the advancement of a 
pet theory of education ; and they insist upon its exclusive 
adoption because they imagine that its spirit and tendency 
are against the spread and progress of the Catholic faith. 
Thus they subordinate education to a sectarian prejudice." — 
•' The Catholic Church in the United States,''^ p. 16. 

As American citizens, regardless of religious or political 
faiths, it becomes us to examine the attitude of any and all, real 
or seeming, foes of the American free public-school system of 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 325 

education. In the discussions of late years the Roman Catho- 
lic Cburcli has come into great prominence on this question. 
Let us dispassionately look into the history of this relation. 
Let us look at the attitude of this Church, speaking through 
its highest authorities. Cardinal Gibbons in 1890, in his 
book, " Our Christian Heritage," insists upon religious instruc- 
tion in the day schools, and, recognizing the difficulties, pi-o- 
poses the following remedy : " The remedy for these defects 
would be supplied if the denominational system, such as now 
obtains in Canada, were applied in our public schools." This 
is a division of the school funds on denominational lines, or 
the destruction of the system. 

In 1882 the Rev. Thomas J. Jenkins of the diocese of Louis- 
ville, Ky., issued a pamphlet of over one hundred pages, ad- 
dressed to Catholic parents, entitled "The Judges of Faith 
and Godless Schools : A compilation of evidence against secular 
schools the world over, especially against common State schools 
in the United States of America, wherever entirely withdrawn 
from the influence of the authority of the Catholic Church." 
In the preface appears the following : 

" It may be Avorthy of noting that these pages contain the 
conciliar or single rulings of no less than 250 judges of the 
faith versus Godless schools ; among which, seventeen plenary 
and provincial councils; two or three diocesan synods; two 
or three Popes (if Pius VII. be counted) ; two sacred con- 
gregations of some twenty cardinals and pontifical officials; 
seven single cardinals; who, with thirty-three archbishops, 
make forty primates and metropolitans ; about seventy single 
bishops and archbishops, deceased or living, in the United 
States." 

The pages which follow authenticate this statement. 

From the decrees of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore 
in 1889 we have the official statement of the Roman Catholic 
Church in America on the subject of education: 

" We direct and decree : 



3>j<; Facing the Twentieth Century, 

-pii-sjt. — Tliat near every church ^vhere no school now ex- 
ists a [tarocliial school shall be erected within two years after 
the promulgation of the decrees of this council, and perpetu- 
ally sustained, unless the bishop, on account of special grave 
dilHcultv, shall decide that a delay may be allowed. 

•' Second. — Any priest, who by his own blameworthy neg- 
lect shall hindei- the erection or support of such a school, or 
after repeated admonition by the bishop shall not carry out 
this law, deserves to be removed from his church. 

"Third. — Any mission or parish which so fails to aid its 
priest in the erection and support of the school, that on ac- 
count of its supine neglect a school cannot exist, nuist be 
reproved by the bishop, and by whatever more efficacious and 
pi'udent methods are needed, must be induced to provide the 
necessary aid. 

" Fourth. — All Catholic parents are bound to send their 
children to parochial schools, unless they provide at home or 
in other Catholic schools sufficientl}^ and evidently for the 
Christian education of their children ; or for any sufficient 
cause which is approved by the bishop, and with suitable 
safeguards and protection, they may send them to other 
schools ; but it is the province of the bishop to decide what 
is a Catholic school." 

On November 16, 1892, Archbishop Satolli delivered an 
address to the archbishops of the Komau Catholic Church as- 
sembled in New York City, in which he discussed the school 
cpiestiou as follows : 

" The adoption of one of three plans is recommended ; the 
ch(jice to be made according to local circumstances in the dif- 
ferent States and various personal relations. 

" The first exists in an agreement between the bishop and 
the meml)ers of the school board, whereby they, in a spirit of 
fairness and good will, allow the Catholic children to be as- 
seiiibl('(l (luring free time and taught the Catechism; it would 
also be of the greatest advantage if this plan were not con- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 327 

fined to primary schools, but were extended likewise to the 
high schools and colleges in the form of a free lecture. The 
second, to have the Catechism class outside the public-school 
building, and also classes of higher Christian doctrine, where, 
at fixed times, the Catholic children would assemble with dili- 
gence and pleasure ; induced thei-eto by the authority of their 
parents, the pei'suasion of their pastors, and the hope of praise 
and rewards. The third plan does not seem at first sight so 
suitable, but is bound up more intimately with the duty of 
parents and pastors. Pastors should unceasingly urge the 
duty imposed, by both natural and divine law, of bringing up 
their children in sound morality and Catholic faith. Besides, 
the instruction of children appertains to the very essence of 
the pastoral charge. Let the pastor of souls say to them with 
the apostle, ' My little children, of whom I am in labor again 
until Christ be formed in you ' (Gal. iv. 19). Let him have 
classes of children in the parish schools, as have been estab- 
lished in Rome and many other places, and even in churches 
in this country, with very happy results. 

'' Nor let him, with little prudence, show less love for the 
children that attend the public schools than for those who at- 
tend the parocliials ; on the contrary, stronger marks of loving 
solicitude are to be shown to them ; the Sunday-school and 
the hour for catechism should be devoted to them in a special 
manner. And to cultivate this field, let the pastor call to his 
aid other priests and even suitable members of the laity, in 
order that what is supremely necessary be wanting to no child." 

At this same meeting of the archbishops at which Satolli 
delivered his address as the representative of the Pope the 
following action was taken : 

" First. — Resolved, To promote the erection of Catholic 
schools, so that there may be accommodation in them for 
more, and, if possible, for all our Catholic children, accord- 
ing to the decree of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore 
and the decisions of the Holy See. 



328 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

"Second. — Resolved, That as to children who at present 
do not attend Catholic schools, we dii-ect, in addition, that 
pi-ovision be made for them by Sunday-schools, and also by 
instruction on some other day or days of the week, and by 
ui-fiucr parents to teach their children the Christian doctrine 
ill their homes. These Sunday and week-day schools should 
he under the direct supervision of the clergy, aided by intelli- 
gent lay teachers, and, when possible, members of religious 
teaching orders." 

The Pope, recognizing the fact that there was lack of con- 
sistency between the deliverances on the school question of 
the Plenary Council and Satolli's address to the archbishops, 
and halted by the action of the archbishops, on June 1, 1893, 
sent a letter to the American prelates, in which he said of 
Satolli : 

" But his legation had this also for its purpose : That our 
presence should be made, as it were, perpetual among you by 
the permanent estahlishment of an apostolic delegation at 
Wa-s/nngtony 

And of Satolli's school proposition he said : 

" For the principal propositions offered by him were drawn 
from the decrees of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, 
and especially declare that Catholic schools are to be most 
sedulously promoted, and that it is to be left to the judgment 
and conscience of the ordinary to decide, according to the cir- 
cumstances, when it is lawful and when unlawful to attend 
the public schools." 

In Februar}^, 1893, at the instigation of several priests, 
under the leadership of the late Father Cori'igau of Hoboken, 
a bill styled " A Parochial Free School Bill," was introduced 
into tilt' legislature of the State of New Jersey. It was a 
])()\i\ and explicit demand for the division of the public-school 
funds on sectarian lines. The bill was not pressed for pass- 
age, })ecause the Attorney General pronounced an advance 
judgment that, as woidcd, it was unconstitutional. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 329 

Father Corrigan asserted that he had the approval of Arch- 
bishop Satolli in this movement. 

lu October, 1891, Father Coi'corau, priest of St. Joseph's 
Roman Catholic Church at Stillwater, Minn., accompanied 
by some of liis principal laymen, appeared before the School 
Board and presented a written proposition to lease to said 
board the St. Joseph's parochial school building for the school 
year, for the nominal sum of one dollar. This constituted the 
substance of the written proposition ; but accompanying it 
was an oral request that the Sisters be retained as teachers, 
provided they should pass the reciuired examinations. The 
written proposition was accepted, and the oral request com- 
plied with. Some Sistei'S were brought from St. Paul who 
passed the examinations well. Thus the business was con- 
sununated, and the school, designated by the board the " Hill 
School," was ostensibly placed under its control, although the 
issue proved that this was a sectarian school supported by 
public money. The school district boundaries were totally 
disregarded. Roman Catholic scholars wei'e taken from all 
parts of the city and put into the Hill School, which, as 
before, had Sisters for teachers, di-essed in the garb of their 
order. Prayers, catechism, and other religious services and 
instructions were offered and given before and after the regu- 
lar school hours. 

The situation at Stillwater presented some features not 
encountered at Faribault. In Faribault there were more 
divisions, and the children of Roman Catholic parents were 
permitted to go to the same school fi'om all parts of the city 
without violating any of the regulations of the board. In 
Stillwater there were ward boundaries and graded schools, 
and teachers and children were subject to transfer from one 
school to another. That involved transferring teachers dressed 
in the uniform of a Roman Catholic order to the public schools, 
and the transfer of children of Protestant parents to the school 
where the teachers were a constant object-lesson for the benefit 



330 Facing ilie Twentieth Century. 

of tlieir Church. As we have seen, this system cannot be 
made to work satisfactorily, and this attempt to get the State 
to support a sectarian parochial school has signally and legiti- 
mately failed. 

The Faribault plan was the device of Archbishop Ireland, 
who submitted it to the Pope, and by so doing raised a violent 
controversy among the high dignitaries of the Roman Catholic 
Church. The plan was not entirely satisfactory to either zeal- 
ous Catholics or to good Americans ; but the Vatican decided 
that it might be "tolerated" under exceptional circumstances. 
Americans are tolerating, but not approving it. It was com- 
promising for peace's sake on a matter of principle in excep- 
tional cases then, and therefore can never become satisfactory 
to either Americans or Catholics. 

The so-called " Faribault plan," in the city of that name in 
Minnesota, was brought as an issue to the polls in the election 
of a school board. The candidates favoring the American 
free common-school system and op})Osed to the compromise 
l)lan of partial surrender to sectarian demands were elected 
by 200 majority in a total vote of 1000. 

In making his plea to the Pope for "toleration" for his 
compromise school plan at Faribault and Stillwater, in Minne- 
sota, Archbishop Ireland says : 

" I say that the transaction of Faribault does not form a 
})urt of any system whatever, but that it constitutes simply au 
honest attempt on my part to obtain, with the aid of the State, 
a Catholic education for our children in the two above men- 
tioned places, in which, without such aid, that education was 
impossible. Furthermore, I make the observation that the 
objection is in full contradiction to the organization of the 
cliurch as well as of the Republic, because no one diocese, no 
one State, has the power to make laws and systems for other 
dioceses or other States. 

" Finding it impossible to maintain a suitable parochial 
sch(j(jl in this parish with the contributions of the poor faith- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Bomanism. 331 

ful, I have made a compromise by which, through an agree- 
ment entered into with the School Commissioner, I obtained 
the aid of the State for our school. " 

Temporary toleration was granted, but it was toleration for 
a dangerous compromise, so far as the public schools are con- 
cerned, and not a recognition of, or tribute to, the value and 
character of the schools for the training of citizenship. 

On Sunday, November 19, 1893, in the Sunday Democrat^ 
a weekly family journal devoted to Irish Home Rule, litera- 
ture, politics, etc., published in New York City, there appeared 
the text of a proposed law to be introduced into the legisla- 
ture of the State of New York, which had for its undisguised 
purpose the division of the public-school funds on sectarian 
lines. 

In November, 1892 and 1893, a circular on the school ques- 
tion was issued by the Homan Catholics in Baltimore, the 
purpose of which was to create sentiment in favor of the 
apportionment of State school funds by different State legis- 
latures to Catholic schools. The circular advocated "the 
system of education in England, Ireland and in the Canadas, 
which combines State and denominational schools supported 
by the public purse." 

While certain high functionaries of the one church which 
seeks a division of the public-school funds on sectarian lines 
have denied personal responsibility, none have repudiated the 
principles and purposes embodied in the proposed legislation. 

Dr. Michael Walsh, editor Sunday Democrat, in which 
paper the proposed school bill for New York State was first 
published, said : 

" I may say that the bill has been approved at Rome ; 
where my ideas on the subject have been approved by the 
cardinals and clergy ; by the leading bishops in England, 
Ireland, and all English-speaking countries, as well as by 
some of the most noted prelates of France and Germany. It 
has also been submitted to and practically approved by the 



332 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

lead i no- clei-o"y aud the most prominent men in tlie Catliolic 
Cliurcli in tliis country." 

On December 13, 1893, the daily papers contained the 
following : 

" Baltimorp:, December 12. — The Catholics in this diocese 
will not pi'ess the demand for a share in the public-school 
fimds. A meeting of the clergy was held at the residence 
of the Vicar-General to-day, at which Cardinal Gibbous 
presided. 

" AVliile all the priests, including the Cardinal, were favor- 
ably inclined to the proposition, it was thought best, owing to 
the decided o]3position on the part of the laymen and Prot- 
estants generally, not to ask for the passage of the bill by 
the next legislature. So the matter rests for the present." 

On November 30, 1893, at a time when the American 
people were aroused as never before in reference to the 
hostile attitude of Roman Catholic authorities toward the 
public schools. Archbishop Satolli delivered an educational 
address in Washington, in w^hich he avoided any reference to 
the public schools, but did say : 

" I will say that whoever seriously meditates on the prin- 
ciples of the American Constitution, wdioever is acquainted 
with the present conditions of the American Republic, should 
be persuaded and agree with us that the action of the Cath- 
olic faith aud morality is favorable in every way to the direc- 
tion in which the Constitution turns. For the more public 
o])iiiion and the Government favor the Catholic schools, the 
more and more wall the welfare of the commonwealth be ad- 
vanced. The Catholic education is the surest safeguard of the 
permanence throughout the centuries of the Constitution, and 
the best guide of the Republic in civil progress. From this 
source the Constitution will gather on that assimilation so 
necessary for the perfect organization of that great progressive 
body which is the American Republic." 

In June, 1894, the following letter was sent out to Roman 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 333 

Catholic archbisliops and bishops by the editor of The Inde- 
pendent, of New York, to which about thirty responses were 
received and published : 

" Dear Sir : In view of the interest taken by the public just 
now in reports that the representatives of the Catholic Church 
propose to ask for a division of the public-school funds in 
various States, will you be kind enough to inform me whether 
it is the policy of your church to obtain such a division, and 
whether you would give your countenance to a movement in 
your diocese with such an object in view." 

Referring to this the Pilot, a Roman Catholic paper 
published in Boston, says : 

"These archbishops and bishops represent numerically 
more than one-third of the episcopate of the United States, 
territorially almost every one of the fifteen provinces." 

In their replies not a single eminent functionary, represent- 
ing the most influential and densely populated " provinces," 
speaks a word in commendation of the public schools as they 
are, or repudiates the principle embodied in the explicit and 
repeated demand for a division of the school fund on sec- 
tarian lines. 

The American people understand the English language 
measurably well. Why not stop this trifling, and give us a 
few plain sentences in English, repudiating any present or 
future purpose of tampering with the public schools ? We 
are sure that American patriotism would make very short 
work of any of the Protestant denominations which should 
dare to practice duplicity in reference to loyalty to any of 
our cherished American institutions. 

Wherever the public-school funds in any of the States are 
divided on sectarian lines, or attempts are made at fusion of 
public and parochial schools, the Roman Catholics are found 
to be the chief aggressors and beneficiaries. 

In 1892 a pamphlet was published by the Rev. Thomas 
Bouquillon, D. D., Professor of Moral Theology in the Roman 



334 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

ratholic University in Washington, on the subject, '' Educa- 
tion : To whom does it belong? " 

He says he " has written this pamphlet at the request of 
ecclesiastical superiors. They deemed that a clear exposition 
(^f the pnncii)les underlying the school question would be 
both useful and opportune at this hour, when the practical 
difficulties in which it is involved have become national 
concerns." 

The Professor claims to discuss the subject from the 
Catholic standpoint, and the literature of the assaults upon 
liis attitude would make volumes, and the sources of most of 
these assaults in the United States, Canada, and Europe are 
Jesuit Fathers. 

The Professor wi-ites : 

" We reduce the sul)ject-matter of our paper to the follow- 
ing four questions : right to educate, mission to educate, 
authority over education, liberty of education. . . 

" We will examine these four questions from the point of 
view of the individual, the family, the state, the chui-ch. . . 

" As to principles, we acknowledge that they are to be 
found best exposed in the more recent publicists, rather than 
in the older writers, who lived before the modern era of the 
separation of church and state." 

Under the head of the Right of the State to Educate, on 
the point which most concerns us, he says : 

" These considerations being premised to obviate all equiv- 
ocation, \ve afhrm unhesitatingly, and in accord, as Ave think, 
Avith the principles of sound theology and philosophy, and 
with the testimony of the tradition of the Church, that it must 
be admitted, as the larger number of theologians do admit, 
that the state has the right to educate. 

" Civil authority has the right to use all legitimate temporal 
means it judges necessary for the attainment of the temporal 
common welfare, which is the end of civil society. Now, 
among the most necessary means for the attainment of the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 335 

temporal welfare of the commonwealth is the diffusion of 
human knowledge. Therefore, civil authority has the right 
to use the means necessary for the diffusion of such knowl- 
edge, that is to say, to teach it, or rather to have it taught by 
capable agents. . . 

" If you would have a people instructed, you must look to 
its instruction, and, if need be, establish and direct it. We 
look upon this conclusion as impregnable. . . 

" After studying the documents we have cited — and many 
more of a like tenor might be added — no one need wonder 
that the best and most serious publicists of our day explicitly 
acknowledge the right of the state to educate. . . 

"At times we have heard serious men deny to the state 
the right to educate under the pretext that the state might 
abuse that right. This is bad reasoning. The abuse that 
authority may make of a right cannot destroy the right. 

"You would not deny to the state the right of making laws, 
of declaring wars, because it may make bad laws, or lead the 
nation into unjust wars. . . 

" The opinion we are criticising will never prevent civi- 
lized nations from having public or governmental schools ; 
but it will furnish the evil-minded a pretext for affirming that 
the church is hostile to the prei'ogatives of the state ; it will 
prevent Catholics, when in power, from using a means that 
would be in their hands a powerful agent for good. . . 

" It is plain that the right of the state in education is not 
an unlimited right. The state, just as individuals or the 
family, cannot teach error and vice, cannot set iij) schools that 
are atheistic or agnostic. Neither is this right an exclusive 
one ; it cannot destroy the rights of individuals and of par- 
ents, it supplements these ; all these rights co-exist and 
should be exercised harmoniously. Our conclusion, then, is 
this : the state has been endowed by God with the right of 
founding the schools that contribute to its welfare. 

" The state has authority to see to it that parents fulfill 



336 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

their duty oi' educating their cliildren, to compel them, if 
need be, and to substitute itself for them in the fulfillment of 
this duty in certain cases. In the use of this authority the 
state does but lend a hand to the execution of the uatui'al 
law. It forces the parents to fulfill a duty that binds tliem 
most strictly, it protects the child and safeguards his future, 
it removes from society most serious perils." 

The pamphlet had the approval of Cardinal Gibbons. It 
was designed to l)e a liberal departure for American Roman 
Catholics. The Pope was disposed to favor this view of 
a concession to republican institutions, but the Jesuits pro- 
tested, and the whole policy was reversed, the principles 
enumerated in the pamphlet condemned, and Leo XIII. was 
scared into taking j^art in a new crusade against the public- 
school system of national education, as evinced by his pro- 
nuuciamento on the Canadian school question and by the 
attitude of the Paulist Fathers' Child-Study Congress. The 
Baltimore Council was radical against the public schools. 
Satolli tried to utter contrary and liberal views. The Pope 
who commissioned Satolli has deserted and checked the 
so-called Liberals and is now in the hands of the Jesuits, who 
have been his masters since his school days, and politicians 
continue to ask patriotic American citizens to dance attend- 
ance on this alien power in our politics. 

At the hearing on June 20, 1894, given to the opponents 
of the proposed amendment to the New York State Consti- 
tution to protect the public-school funds and to prohibit 
sectarian appropriations, before the committees of the Consti- 
tutional Convention, Mr. Frederic R. Coudert, representing 
the Roman Catholic Church, in the following language made 
the official surrender and ^vithdrew the opposition of that 
Church to that part of the amendment which protected the 
public schools : 

"Now, I allude to the attempt by this amendment to make 
it impossible, for years to come, that school moneys should be 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 337 

diverted from the common-school system, as we all understand 
that expression, to aid denominational schools. 

" My friends on the other side unanimously speak of the 
common-school system as the palladium of our liberties, as 
the corner-stone of our institutions, etc. This language is 
very fine, and I am quite willing to indorse it, and I shall not 
to-day say one word in opposition to this plan of amendment 
so far as it relates to the common schools. Let it be under- 
stood that the system shall remain intact — that it shall be 
unsectarian — that public opinion will not tolerate a diversion 
of any public moneys from their lawful object, to encourage 
denominational education. Put it, if you are so inclined, into 
our Constitution. 

" The Catholic Churcli of New York will continue to labor 
under a burden the magnitude of which those outside of her 
limits have uo conception of ; yet she is willing to incur 
the cost, to sustain the burden, and to meet the exigencies of 
the situation at the expense of her own flock. The tax is 
a heavy one ; it would be intolerable for any body of men 
whose hearts were not in the work. But it is an idle effort 
to resist public opinion, and public opinion, our common mas- 
ter, will not favor any such distribution as has been asked for 
by Catholics. 

" Whether the second thought of the people will, in the 
lapse of years, reach the conclusion that the Catholics were 
right in principle, and that the injection of religion into 
education was a sound piece of statesmanship, as well as of 
religious faith, is a question that none of us may decide. 

" All that I have to say on the subj^ect is that neither ni}^ 
associate [Colonel George Bliss] nor m5^self is instructed 
to oppose this amendment, so far as it relates to the common 
schools, and that the arguments of our learned friends on the 
other side will not be answered by us, I do not wish to 
be understood as intimating in the slightest degree that what 
the Catholics of New York considered just and fair thirty 



338 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

years ago has ceased to be fair and just to-day, but justice 
must sometimes wait." 

The Committee on Education of the Constitutional Con- 
vention of New York State decided to report the following 
form of amendment bearing on the school question, which 
was adopted by the Convention and ratified by the people at 
the polls, November, 1894 : 

"Neither the State nor any subdivision thereof shall use its 
property, or credit, or any public money, or authorize or 
permit either to be used, directly or indirectly, in aid or 
maintenance, other than for examination or inspection, of any 
school or institution of learning, wholly or in part under the 
control or direction of any religious denomination, or in which 
any denominational tenet or doctrine is taught." 

Hon. AVilliani T. Harris, United States Commissioner of 
Education, in " Morality in the Schools," says : 

" Another important discrimination relates to the definition 
of the province of the school as compared with other educa- 
tional instrumentalities; namely, the family, the church, the 
State, and civil society. It is tacitly assumed by some of the 
advocates of religious instruction in the public schools that 
the school is the only educative institution. 

" It cannot, however, take the place of the family, or the 
state, or the Church, and do their work for them, no matter 
how important that work is, nor how sadly it is neglected by 
them. The responsibility must be placed where it belongs. 
If there is irreligion, practical atheism in the community, the 
Church is not as efficient as it ought to be, and the family 
is also derelict. If the school secures good behavior and 
a knowledge of letters and science, it has contributed its 
share. 

" The separation of church and state involves the separa- 
tion of the church and the public school. 

"The classification of pupils in accordance with their 
religious belief has a positively immoral effect. Great stress 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 339 

is laid on the religious differences in the religious instruction 
given in separate schools in order to' justify such separation, 
and to guard the youth against the contamination of other 
bodies of believers. 

" As a plan of settling this question, one may remark that 
the complete secularization of the school is the truly feasible 
one. 

" The spirit of our civilization is to separate the Church 
from secular institutions wider and wider. But such separa- 
tion does not make them godless nor the Church less power- 
ful, but quite the contrary." 

In December, 1897, a Child-Study Congress was held under 
the auspices of the Paulist Fathers in New York City. 
The entire trend of discussion was to establish the neces- 
sity for Homau Catholic religious instruction in our primary 
schools where tlie character of childhood is being shaped. 
The work of tlie Congress was substantially the opening 
of a new crusade, based upon scientific principles, against the 
public schools. A few earnest protests against the assaults 
upon the public schools and the defense of church schools 
were made by loyal American Roman Catholic teachers in 
the discussion, but the opposition was soon suppressed, and 
the Congress moved on with steady tread toward the con- 
summation it had in view. 

With appropriate logical and chronological relations to the 
Child-Study Congress there came, in January, 1898, tlie 
Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII. on the Manitoba school law. 
The Pope says : " By this latter law a grave injury was 
inflicted, for it is not lawful for our citizens to seek the 
benefits of education in schools in which the Catholic religion 
is ignored or actively combated ; all schools of this kind have 
been condemned by the Church because there can be nothing 
more pernicious or more fitted to injure the integrity of faith 
and turn away the tender minds of youth from the truth." 

In the Encyclical the Pope enlarges upon the necessity of 



340 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

relii^ious teaching and the inherent right of parents to decide 
who shall teach their children morality and when they shall 
he tauo-ht. He urges unity of political action to bring about 
the (n^erthrow of the school law, and until that can be effected 
ilea dvises Roman Catliolics not to refuse, but to accept any 
partial concession to their claim within their i-each, and also 
exhorts them to increased liberality for the support of their 
schools. 

Precisely the same principle is involved in the Manitoba 
scliool question as in the public-school question of the United 
States, and yet we are told that the Koman Church, of which 
Leo XIII. is the Sovereign Pontiff, is not opposed to the 
public-school system of the United States. 

In his address before the National Educational Association 
at Minneapolis, Minn., in 1890, Archbishop Ireland said : 

" I am the friend and advocate of the state school," and 
again : '' I protest with all the energy of my soul against the 
charge that the schools of the nation have their enemies among 
the Catholics." 

The value of this Rev. Archbishop's combined advocacy and 
protestation may be estimated from the subjoined statement 
of facts : 

Just two years prior to his Grace's declaration of fealty to 
the American public school, quoted above, a new and revised 
edition of a book, originally published some years earlier, en- 
titled, '' Public School Education," by Rev. Michael Muller, 
C. SS. R., was issued and copyrighted, bearing within its covers 
the following indorsement, addressed to the author, over the 
signature of " John Ireland, Pastor of Cathedral," St. Paul, 
Minn. : 

" Your book is so well-timed, its doctrines so correct and 
precise, the arguments you employ so cogent, that I am confi- 
dent it will, under God's Providence, do a great deal of good. 
May your book be found especially in the hands of every priest 
in the land." 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 341 

So foul, violent, aud scurrilous, in its abuse and denuncia- 
tion of the American public schools, is the book thus indorsed, 
that portions of it are unfit for these pages. The following 
quotations will sufficiently indicate its character : 

(1) " Were you given to see a devil and the soul of an infi- 
del at the same time, j^ou w'ould find the sight of the devil 
more bearable than that of the infidel. For St. James the 
Apostle tells us that '■ the devil believes and trembles ' (chap, 
ii. 19.) Now, the Public School System was invented and in- 
troduced into this country to turn the rising generation into 
men of the above description. 

(2) "We may, then, confidently assert that the defenders 
and upholders of Public Schools without religion seek in 
America, as w^ell as in Europe, to turn the people into refined 
Pagans. 

(3) "The object, then, of these godless irreligious Public 
Schools is to spread among the people the worst of religions, 
the no religion^ the religion which pleases most hardened 
adulterers and criminals — the religion of irrational animals. 

(4) " The moral character of the Public Schools in many of 
our cities has sunk so low, that even courtesans have dis- 
guised themselves as school girls in order the more surely to 
ply their foul vocation." 

Is the man who, at any time or under any circumstances, 
could give indorsement to such flagrant and filthy libeling, as 
being " well-timed," " correct," " precise," and " cogent," fit to 
pose as the champion of the American free public school ? 

That we may do no injustice to the sincerity of his guileless 
Grace of St. Paul, let us look a little further into his attitude 
as a defender of the public schools. 

Three years after proclaiming himself, at Minneapolis, the 
friend and advocate of the Public Schools, he wrote a letter to 
the Pope (New York Herald^ February 26, 1893), explaining 
and defending his futile effort at Faribault and Stillwater, to 
Romanize the public schools. Referring in this letter to his 



342 Facing the Twentietli Century. 

Minneapolis address of 1890, lie lets us into the secret cause of 
his |)rot'essions of loyalty to the public schools in the follow- 
ing significant sentence : 

" My adversaries [in his own Cliurcli] have tried to put in 
a bad lii^ht this discourse, as though I had wished to j^ut en- 
tirely on one side the parochial schools. Anj^body who will 
read it will see at once that such an idea is not tenable." 

Then he turns the light on : 

" I spoke to an audience comj^osed almost entirely of Prot- 
estauts, about six thousand in number, ardent advocates of 
the state schools which are actually organized." 

Wliy, of course, his Holiness could not expect his wise and 
wily Archbishop to antagonize to their faces " six thousand 
. . . ardent advocates of the state schools." 

A little farther on in the same letter to the Pope, he, with 
great candor, states his purpose in this Faribault plan, viz.: 
"to save our parochial schools by means of a satisfactory 
arrangement with the State," and "given the existing laws 
against denominational instruction, to procure a part of the 
public money for the Catholic parochial school." 

His Grace then with 2;reat blauduess reveals to his Holiness 
his peculiar methods in overcoming such trifling difficulties as 
legal and constitutional provisions in the way of his scheme. 
The quotation is so rich that we give it in full : 

"They say the concessions made to the Church are illegal, 
contrary to the provisions of law, and they were granted for 
j)ei"sonal reasons. AVhat I have said shows clearly that the 
concessions granted by the school committee to the Church 
are very important, but why blame me for this ? I admit that 
the concessions may have been granted for personal reasons, 
and that the contract may be revoked at the end of the year, 
but I do not see any harm in this, on the contrary there is an 
advantage — it leaves me always free to control the situation. 

"Mr. Kiehle, su[)erintendent of the public schools of Min- 
nesota, has said that the State cannot be bound by law to take 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 343 

account of religious ideas in selecting the teacliers or in the 
distribution of the classes. Certainly it cannot do so officially. 
But Mr. Kiehle is a friend of mine and many things are done 
and in practice are allowed in my favor, through one kind of 
influence and another, which, though they cannot be said to be 
lawful in the exact meaning of the word, are at the same time 
and according to all appearances within the letter of the law. 
If the school commission could lawfully take into considera- 
tion religious opinions, it would be obliged to recognize the 
religion of the majority, that is. Protestantism. All the gen- 
tlemen with whom I have dealt are my personal friends. 

" When Archbishop Katzer, at the meeting of Archbishops 
in St. Louis, raised the objection provoked by Mr. Kiehle's 
words, Archbishop AVilliams answered : 

" ' Monsignor, can you not read between the lines ? It is not 
a right, it is politics.' " 

Bishop Purcell of Cincinnati, some years ago, took the same 
deceptive attitude on the school question which Archbishop 
Ireland has more recently taken. To the people of Cincin- 
nati he claimed to be a zealous friend of the public schools, 
while at the same time he denounced them to Bome as dan- 
gerous and pernicious. 

Archbishop Corrigau, when celebrating in 1898 the twenty- 
fifth anniversary of his consecration as bishop, emphasizes his 
preference for parochial schools and his hostility to the public 
schools with a great demonstration in the Cathedi'al in the in- 
terests of the children. Only children of the parochial schools 
were invited or permitted to be present on that occasion, al- 
though they represented only a comparatively small fraction 
of the children of Boman Catholic parents in the city. The 
public-school children were not only not invited, but in the 
services and addresses the only reference made to the public 
schools, even by inference, was contained in the following sen- 
tence from the Archbishop's address : " We wish not only to 
imbue your minds with a certain amount of knowledge, which 



344 FaciiKj the Twentieth Century. 

qua might obtain elsewhere, but what we liave in mind is the 
saving of your immortal souls." 

Of parochial schools the eminent Roman Catholic scholar, 
Dr. Browiison, says : 

''These schools must be taught chiefly by foreigners, or, if 
not by foreigners, at least by those whose sympathies and 
connections, tastes and habits are un-American ; because what 
is wanted by tlieir founders and supporters is not simply the 
preservation of orthodoxy, hut the j^erpet nation of the foreign- 
ism hitherto associated ivith it. Schools which should asso- 
ciate real Americans with orthodoxy would be hardly less 
offensive or more acceptable than the public schools them- 
selves. . . It is only by breaking the old associations and form- 
ing the new in good faith, as we are, in fact, required to do by 
orthodoxy itself, that Catholics can cease to be in this country 
an isolated foreign colony, or a band of emigrants encamped 
for the night and ready to strike their tents and take up their 
line of march on the morrow for some other place. 

"These are some of the reasons which have led many of our 
most intelligent, most earnest and devout. Catholics to form 
their unfavorable judgment of Catholic schools and Catholic 
education, as they now are and for some time are likely to be 
in the United States." 

The solid arguments so forcibly presented by Brownson 
against the narrow, un-American, and anti-American policy ; 
against the stunted education of an age that happily has 
passed away, unfitting the pupils for American life ; against 
its corruption of American politics, and its malign influence 
in lowering the standard of our civilization, have been re-en- 
forced by earnest warnings from those Avhose knowledge of 
the results of the policy in this and other lands adds force to 
their wise and fearless counsel. 

Thomas F. Byron, a liomau Catholic layman of Lowell, 
Mass., writes thus : 

" 1 have read with interest the editorial summary of the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Uomanism. 345 

opinions of the Catholic press and hierarchy of the country 
upon the school question, recently elicited by the New York 
Independent. As one Catholic who is fairly acquainted with 
the Catholic sentiment on this subject, not only in this local- 
ity, but in several States in the West, as a result of personal 
inquiry extending over seventy years, I concur in the opinion 
([uoted from the Catholic Citizen, of Milwaukee to the effect 
that, were a vote taken, the millions of Catholics in the States 
would be found to be practically unanimous in favor of the 
public schools. 

" For the parochial school was never desired by the Ameri- 
can Catholic people, neither wei'e they even so much as asked 
to say whether they wanted it or not, nor do they for the most 
part regard it with any feeling but that of irksomeness now. 
The thinking class of Catholics would be but too glad to get 
rid of it, if this could only be done quietly and without public 
scandal. 

" To the minds of nine Catholics out of every ten, the paro- 
chial school was no more needed in this country than a fifth 
wheel for a coach. 

" The parochial school is an antiquated institution ; similar 
in purpose and spirit to the claim of the divine right to rule 
politically, and now thi'ust without ceremony upon the en- 
lightened Catholic laity of this country as an engine of eccle- 
siasticism, floated across on a raft of foreign cai-dinals' hats 
from Italy." 

On February 24, 1889, Dr. McGlynn said : " I assert that it 
is a calumny and an outrage to denounce the public schools of 
America as immoral and godless. It is a notorious fact, which 
will be cheerfully acknowledged by hundreds of priests who 
are compelled in spite of themselves to get up parochial 
schools, that the teaching in the parochial schools is alto- 
gether inferior to that of the public schools. 

" If I could reach the mind and the heart of the whole of 
the American people I would say: Cherish your public 



346 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

schools ; listen not to their enemies, no matter whence they 
come. Make them as complete and perfect as you can. Show^ 
DO favor to any rival system. If you will not exercise the 
rio-ht to forbid rival systems altogether, at least do not be 
o-uilty of the incredible folly of nursing and fostering, and 
actually, by appropriations and tax exemptions, encouraging 
rival systems. The rival systems, as a rule, are promoted ])y 
those who are not friendly to your institutions ; by those who, 
educated in foi'eign lands, are but half republican or but half 
democratic. Never be guilty of the folly of dividing your 
school fund among the various churches and sects. You, in 
such a case, would be guilty of destroying one of the greatest 
and most potent instruments for building up and maintaining 
one great, free, common nationality. 

** American people, protect the poorest, the weakest of 
the children of the nation, the children of the poor, the chil- 
dren of the emigrant, from the cruel injustice their parents, 
under the coercion of the Roman Catholic Church, would in- 
flict upon them by dejiriving them of the magnificent advan- 
tages of a common-school education. They are compelled to 
accept the utterly inferior so-called education that is given in 
these sham parochial schools. A large part of the zeal for 
maintaining these church schools comes from the clannishness 
of foreign nationalities that wish to perpetuate themselves 
here as if in hostility to our American nationality. 

" Don't be so foolish, O American people, as to tolerate such 
an attempt against the unity of our nation. You have the 
right — I say you have the duty — to insist that the people of 
this country, the children born in this country, and those who 
would exercise the right of suffrage in this country, shall 
speak the language of this country." 

During the year 1895 the local school board in Watervliet 
or West Troy, N. Y., rented from the Roman Catholic authori- 
ties, at a nominal rental of one dollar per month, St. Bridget's 
Parochial School building, occupied it as a public school, and 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 347 

employed six teachers therein who were known as " Sisters " 
and wore the distinctive garb of the religious order to which 
they belonged. This was objected to by the citizens at large, 
and an active committee of representative citizens was chosen, 
who prepared an appeal to Hon. Charles R Skinner, the State 
Superintendent of Public Instruction, and applied to Tlie Na- 
tional League for the Protection of American Institutions for 
counsel and guidance. 

Full details of the case were placed in the hands of emi- 
nent legal counsel, who had repeated interviews with Super- 
intendent Skinner. 

They held that the hiring of the parochial school building 
was in direct contravention of the provision in the revised 
State Constitution already quoted in this discussion. 

On November 25, 1896, the State Superintendent rendered 
his decision against the board as follows : 

"I decide that the action of the respondents herein, in hir- 
ing the rooms in St. Bridget's parochial school building in 
which to conduct a public school with the right of the control 
of the rooms during the school hours only of each day, in 
which a school under the direction of the respondents is main- 
tained, and consenting and giving to the lessors, complete con- 
trol of the rooms at all times other than during school hours, 
and the continuation of such lease beyond the period of emer- 
gency contemplated by the statute, was without legal authority 
on the part of the respondents. 

" I also decide that it is the duty of the respondents to re- 
quire the teachers employed by them to discontinue the use in 
the public schoolroom of the distinguishing dress or garb of 
the religious order to which they belong." 

Various protests were made to the superintendent by mem- 
bers of the local boai'd and others against this ruling, but he 
steadfastly adhered to it, and issued an order forbidding a re- 
newal of the lease of the building and directing the discharge 
of all teachers who refused to discontinue wearing the objec- 



348 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

tioiiable "-arb. Finally, after much delay, and on the superin- 
tendent's threatening to withhold the city's apportionment of 
the State school funds, his order was complied with, the teach- 
ers were discharged, and the lease was uot renewed. 

At the be*i"iuuing of the school 3^ear for 1897, when con- 
tracts with teachers, janitors, etc., should have been renewed 
for the year as required by la\v, the local board, composed of 
two members of each of the two leading political parties (the 
Mayor being a fifth, but having no vote), was deadlocked, and 
in consequence no public school in that important city could 
be opened at the close of the summer vacation. After several 
fruitless efforts to compel the local board to perform its duties, 
the State Superintendent appointed a corps of qualified teach- 
ers, janitors, and employees, under the temporaiy superintend- 
ence of an officer of the State School Department, and shortly 
after October 1, the schools Avere opened and put in full 
operation. 

Two members of the local board applied for an injunction, 
claiming that the superintendent had no right to open the 
schools, which was denied by Justice Chester, and Superin- 
tendent Skinner and the Constitution of the State were both 
upheld. 

Since this decision was rendered, State Superintendent 
Skinner has, with equal courage and fairness, compelled the 
local authorities to perform their duties in accordance with 
the law, and, although repeated efforts have been made to 
evade these provisions and endjarrass him in his work, the 
Watervliet schools are conducted in a legal and orderly 
manner. 

Despite the explicit commands of the new State Constitu- 
tion, the Itoman Catholics made their assaults on the schools 
and school funds at Poiighkeepsie, Kondout, Lima, Suspen- 
sion Bridge, Corning, and other places where, previous to the 
adoption of the new Constitution, they had shared in the 
school moneys ; but they were met with the uncompromising 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 349 

resistance of the patriotic superintendent, who believed it to 
be his duty to keep and not break his oath of office. 

As in other States, so in New York, Roman Catholic legis- 
lators and other officials opposed the Biennial School Census 
Bill, because the census proposed would expose the needs and 
places where new public school aj^pliances were demanded, 
and that would de^^trive them of the excuse for extend- 
ing the parochial school system to meet the needs which 
New York City and other large cities did not supply, 
and of course, if they did the work of educating for the 
municipalities and the State, the public must in justice pay 
the bills. 

It is capable of official demonstration that the educational 
work done by Romanism, chiefly at the expense of the general 
government, among the Indians has been of the most inefficient 
character, contributing little toward civilizing and Christian- 
izing, by cultivating a superstitious fear of ecclesiastical 
jspower instead of an intelligent loyalty to the United States 
Government. 

Roman Catholic Indian chiefs have often made complaints 
to the Indian Department in Washington, concerning the 
character of the instruction in Roman Catholic schools, that 
" so much time was devoted to catechism and prayers, that 
their children ^vere not learning much to fit them for the 
business of life."' 

In September, 1897, one Crowley, a priest working among 
the Indians at the Government expense, caused to be printed 
in Ojibway, at Harbor Springs, Mich,, an appeal to Indian 
parents which was an assault upon schools other than Roman 
Catholic, and especially upon our noble Indian school at 
Carlisle. Here are a few extracts from the Avritings of this 
self-sacrificing civilizer : 

" There are many Catholic schools all over where the chil- 
dren have learned how to read, write, and use figures. They 
know more in these Catholic schools ; they also know how to 



350 Facing the Tiventleth Century. 

love the Lord, and they go to heaven when they die. Foolish 
parents, only, let their children go to other schools. 

" I myself have said this many, many a time. Other priests 
have said so, and the high priests are teaching this. 

" Some Indians seem to have this opinion of themselves, ' I 
am wiser than the priest ; positively I am wiser than God,' 
but let them and the devil think so. Let them be wise al- 
though they are burning in hell. 

" Those parents who let their children go to other schools 
shall associate with the devil who is very stylish in the ever- 
lasting fire, but the priest shall enjoy the everlasting life in 
heaven. 

" This doctrine Carlisle School is teaching is the very worst 
kind in the land of Big Knife [United StatesJ. This is the 
place where they are taught eveiything contrary to the 
Catholic religion, they are led to despise the church, priests 
and nuns. This thing is all falsehood. 

" One Menominee boy went to Carlisle Institute. Before he 
went he used to make his usual confessions. He came home 
after three years and hated confession. He said confession is 
nothing l)ut a fraud. This is what he learnt at Carlisle. 

" Carlisle is a very bad place. This young man had a fight 
with other Indian boys and one was killed. He was also 
attending the school. 

"He did not like confession like other rascals, also the devil 
hated confession, and this is the reason the devil does not like 
the Catholic religion. 

"The man that gives his children away to other schools 
does not love them as much as he does his chickens, cows and 
horses. 

" Indians, I tell you not to. If the boys and girls who are 
growing up do not know God and his commandments the 
same as you do they will go to the devil, and you shall also 
go with them to be l)urnt in hell fire for your sins. 

" God said to the priests to preach, unto you to listen to 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 351 

them only, and why do you listen to others who come to your 
homes and steal your children. 

" Some parents are very foolish in selling their children to 
other schools for only a small sum of two dollars; they are 
doing just as Judas did who sold Jesus." 

The American Congress is asked to continue to appropriate 
the people's money for the propagation of such paganism as 
this among the Indians, and the nation is expected to go on 
attempting to solve the Indian problem, while malicious 
fanatics, of whom this priest is a specimen, are permitted to 
forage on both the Treasury of the United States and on the 
Indian reservations. 

After extended quotations from an address delivered by the 
writer in 1886 on " Religion and the State" before the Con- 
gregational Club of New York and vicinity, in which we took 
the attitude that the state assuming to give an education 
designed to fit the youth for citizenship in a Christian nation 
ought to inculcate the principles of Christian morality, which 
we then believed and now believe, Father Young, in his 
volume " Catholic and Protestant countries compared," gives 
that address the following indorsement : 

" He has furnished us with a clear, definite, and powerful 
exposition of the principles of education, every sentence of 
which is fully indorsed by Catholics, and they ought to 
be as fully indorsed by all Protestants calling themselves 
Christians" (p. 299). 

We will now state that the reason of our change of attitude 
upon this question is both humiliating to us and disgraceful to 
Roman Catholicism. The portion of our argument extensively 
quoted by Father Young concludes as follows : 

" And not only must we insist upon the common schools 
teaching Christian morality, but when the state (as with us) 
enters upon the questionable work of higher education, and 
seeks to prepare teachers for their work in the common or 
higher schools, then we must put the salt of Christian morality 



352 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

in at these fouiitain-lieads, or make up our minds to forfeit the 
respect botli of God and of good men, and invite a reign of 
irresponsibility and immorality. 

'' We are told that history and precedent have nothing to 
do with this question in its present demands for solution. 
As well might the individual say that birth and educational 
opportunity have nothing to do ^vith determining present duty. 
We are told that we must keep retreating until we reach ten- 
able ground. This is the cry of the enemies of righteous 
government and of humanity, and it ought not to be echoed 
by the lovers of goodness and of God. 

" Is it not time for the populations that give character to our 
civilization and stability to our government to assert them- 
selves ? Is it not time to return to the foundation principles 
upon which our liberties and integrity as a nation rest ? Is it 
not time to banish this sickly sentimentality that under the 
hypocritical concession to religious freedom retreats in the 
presence of secularism, of Jesuitism, and of atheism ? " 

The author of these sentiments, who again declares that he 
believed them when uttered and believes them still, ^vith the 
other friends of our public schools in this country has been 
obliged to consent to secularize the public schools in order to 
save them from destruction; the chief assailants being the 
three mentioned in the closing sentence quoted from the 
address in question delivered in 1886 : namely, secularism, 
Jesuitism, and atheism. Roman Catholicism controlled by 
Jesuitism joined these other forces in demanding that the 
Bil)le and instruction in the fundamentals of Christian morality 
should be expelled from the schools, and then when they had 
largely succeeded called them " godless," and declared that 
therefore they ought not to be patronized by a Christian church. 
Father Young can accept either horn of this dilemma and ex- 
tract all the comfort from his opposition that his burning sec- 
tarian zeal will permit. Of course the blindest citizen can see 
what the puri)ose of the attitude of Romanism on the school 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 353 

question was. First, they called the reading of the Bible and 
the teaching of the elements of Christian morality sectarianism ; 
of course the principle of religious liberty in a free country 
would not unjustly force sectarianism upon the followers of 
Rome. Secondly, when the triumvirate had succeeded in 
making the schools largely secular, then of course a Christian 
church could not patronize " godless " schools. This all 
meant that Romanism must have its own private paiochial 
schools for the education of its children sujDported by moneys 
from the taxes of the people. 

When this controversy first started some candid citizens 
gave credit to Romanism for honesty of purpose, but it would 
now be difficult to find any citizen, not under papal domina- 
tion, so benighted as to believe that there has ever been any- 
thing in the movement in ojiposition to the public-school 
system of the United States except Jesuitical trickery. 

That we are not resting upon doubtful authority in our 
representation of the attitude of the Roman Catholic authori- 
ties concerning the Bible in the public schools, will be seen 
from the following quotation from the letter of Archbishop 
Ireland to the Pope in 1893 : 

" On account of the great diversity and the number of the 
religious beliefs in America, there is a common law for all the 
States which prohibits the teaching of any particular form of 
religion in the public schools. This is a necessary measure to 
promote peace, and was brought about principally by the 
remonstrances of the Catholics, to satisfy loliose demands the 
Bihle itself has-been excluded from tlie Public Scliools.'''' 

The conclusions on the relations of politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism to the school question may be summed up as 
follows : 

First. — The general assumption that Roman Catholic re- 
ligious education is indispensable, not only to the training of 
individual character, but to the perpetuation of constitutional 
government, is antagonistic to the American theory ; it is 



354 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

the function and duty of the state to furnish elementary 
secular instruction, and that religious instruction is the func- 
tion and duty of the family and the church. 

Second.— Historic statement proves beyond rational ques- 
tion that the consensus of opinion among the controlling 
authorities of the Roman Catholic hierarchy and priesthood 
in the United States— undoubtedly sanctioned by the Pope, 
and in harmony with his explicit commands in Canada and in 
other countries where the same public-school issue has been 
presented — has been, and is, violently against the American 
free common schools, claiming that they are " godless." They 
never were subject to the charge of being " godless " until 
Romanism and atheism demanded the expulsion of the Bible 
and all religious teaching from them. 

Third.— Cardinal, Archbishops, and Bishops, when ques- 
tioned, have spoken no word of commendation for public 
schools, but have dilated upon the necessity of religious 
education for youth, and have protested against what they 
fallaciously call unjust double taxation because their people 
are obliged to support their parochial schools, and also pay 
the public-school tax. This claim does not come with very 
good grace from a class of our citizens who contril^ute so 
small an amount of the total of the taxes, but who, through 
their multitudinous office-holders, dispense sucli enormous 
amounts of other people's money. 

Fourth. — Almost all of the demands made upon State 
legislatures for enactments for a division of the public-school 
funds on sectarian lines have been made by Roman Catholics. 
Almost every assault upon the character of these schools has 
emanated from the same source. 

Fifth. — Every compromise proposed by the Roman Catho- 
lics between their parochial schools and the public schools 
has involved a surrender of some vital principal of public- 
school instruction and discipline, but has always preserved 
the sectarian essentials of the parochial schools. 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 355 

Sixth. — Appeals to the Pope to " tolerate " some com- 
promise have been based upon the poverty of the Roman 
Catholic churches in the given localities where they were un- 
able to support parochial schools without State aid, and no 
word of commendation has been spoken of the public schools. ■ 
The argument has been : " Tolerate " a compromise system, 
in which the compromise is on the part of the public schools, 
and permit us by this ruse to get State money for the support 
of our poverty-stricken parochial schools. 

Seventh. — All attempts at compromise have been deceptive 
and essentially dishonest, and have proceeded from the same 
ecclesiastical source, and have only been effective because of 
the political power back of them. 

Eighth. — Such a storm of resentment against the bold and 
audacious Roman Catholic assaults upon the public schools 
arose in 1893 that candid assailants were called oif for the 
time being by the diplomats of that church, and an official 
statement, coupled with an evil prophecy and an assertion of 
the justice of their claim, was made in 1894 at Albany, before 
committees of the Constitutional Covention, saying in sub- 
stance that they were convinced that public sentiment would 
not now permit any tampering with the public schools. The 
suiTender and the prophecy w^ere both confessions of un- 
doubted but discreet antagonism. 

Ninth. — From intercourse with many prominent priests and 
laymen of the Roman Catholic Church, w^e are convinced that 
the ultimate purpose of the hierarchy still is to secure a divi- 
sion of the public-school funds on sectarian lines. 

Tenth. — Occasionally a Roman Catholic priest is rash 
enough to express his honest convictions in favor of the 
public schools. But he is soon silenced. 

Eleventh. — Many priests have said to us that they were in 
favor of the public schools, but they dared not assert their 
belief. 

Twelfth. — The rank and file of the lay members of the 



356 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Roman Catholic Church not only prefer the public schools for 
their cliildreu but patronize them; believing that their 
children must be educated side by side with other American 
youth, if they are to compete with them for the successes and 
prizes of tliis life. Many of these laymen have said to us : 
" Give us a chance to vote for a constitutional amendment 
and we will show you where we stand." And they have 
shown us where they stand, by aiding in the passage of con- 
stitutional amendments protecting the public schools, which 
have been submitted to the vote of the people. 

Thirteenth. — In the face of these facts the American people 
are not called upon to express tlieir gratitude to the Roman 
Catholic Church, because through its Pope or any of its repre- 
sentatives it consents to " tolerate " the American free public- 
school system, but they are called upon to assert their self- 
respect and strike any power, i-eligious or political, that 
assaults this distinctively American institution. 

Tlie practice of nations in the support of schools where the 
union of church and state prevails furnishes no precedent 
for the United States. We are not looking to monarchies for 
instruction concerning the best training of youth to fit them 
for citizenship in the republic. 

Popular suffrage here rests for its safe exercise upon the 
character and intelligence of all classes of the people. The 
States for their own preservation have established, and must 
insist upon maintaining, the American free common-school 
system of education. 

It must be maintained without compromise. It is the only 
institution capable of converting the dangerously heteroge- 
neous elements of our population into a safely homogeneous 
citizenship. 

The tax for the maintenance of public schools levied upon 
all citizens, whether they have children to educate or not, is 
for the publw good and not for private benefit. 

The state opens its schools with equal advantages to the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Momanism. 35t 

cbildi-en of all its citizens. Its laws make no distinction as to 
the creed of the individual in the choice of its teachers. 

The state does not deny the right to parents, organizations, 
or churches, to establish and maintain private or parochial 
schools at their own expense. 

The movement, with audacious demands and specious claims, 
for the division of the public-school funds on sectarian lines, is 
a common programme for all the States. 

That this has mainly in view selfish and not public ends is 
shown by the fact that the movement is being pushed almost 
exclusively by Romanism, which for many years, as we have 
seen, by its chief authorities, has been assaulting the public- 
school system. A few of its more liberal representatives have 
tolerated the system, and have sought in many ways to con- 
trol it. Every compromise, however, between sectarian and 
public schools which has previously been tried, has invariably 
resulted in the humiliating surrender of some vital principle of 
public-school education. 

It is auspicious for the republic that the demands made are 
now plainly and officiall}^ set forth, and clearly defined. 

There is now no opportunity for the compromising citizen 
or politician to evade responsibility. 

The question is not, Are these common schools capable of 
improvement? They should and will be improved. 

The questions presented and which demand an answer are : 

1. Shall the whole principle upon which the common schools 
rest, i. e., the right and duty of the state to educate imparti- 
ally its own children for intelligent citizenship, be surrendered 
to its enemies? 

2. Shall the common schools be disintegrated and destroyed 
by the dispersion and use of their funds for sectarian ends ? 

3. Are our citizens in favor of the union of church and state 
in the most dangerous possible feature of such union, viz.: in 
the fundamental and elementary education of future citizens ? 

These questions demand an answer and must be perma- 



358 Facing ilie Twentietli Century, 

neiitlv settleil foi' weal or woe. AVe believe they will be 
settled i!i the interests of the whole people, and not in the in- 
tert'sts c»f any one class of our citizens, however specious their 
claims or urgent their demands. 

Not only the consensus of opinion of the highest ecclesiasti- 
cal authorities of Konianisni from the Pope down, but the con- 
sistent and persistent assaults of these ecclesiastics proves 
that the opposition to the Americau free common-school 
system of education is unchanged and unchangeable. They 
are aware of the fact that they are engaged in a losing con- 
test, and that they cannot control their own people in this 
matter, and that to attempt to compel them to decline to 
patronize the public schools and send their children to the 
parochial schools will result in driving them out of the 
coiiummion of a Church which dares to exercise such tyranny 
atcainst individual rio;hts. 

TO THE PRESS AND LITERATURE. 

Rome in history has always opposed the freedom of the 
press. Her arguments have been the policeman, the inquisi- 
tor, the prison, the rack, the flames, the ax, the halter, and 
confiscation. Tiie legates of the Holy See introduced in the 
Council of Trent the leo-islation ao-ainst the freedom of the 
j)ress. The subject was styled : "The Business of the Books, 
Censures, and Index." The Council enacted ten rules on pro- 
hibited books which remain as the unrepealed laws of the 
Koiiian C-atholic Church. Strictly carried out, these rules 
make sure of a condition of ignoi'ance on the part of its sub- 
jects that unfits them to understand what civil and religious 
liberty means, and that would, if universally obej^ed, turn civil- 
ization back to the darkness, ignorance, and tyranny of the 
Middh; Ages. 

'i"hc following is a digest of the rules in question, which 
fii'iii time to time have been particularized in legislation but 
never repealed in their scope : 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 359 

The first rule condemns all books censured by Popes or 
councils before a. d. 1515. 

The second condemns the works of all arch-heretics and 
minor errorists since a. d. 1515; it, however, permits books of 
the latter class of authors on secular subjects, and books of 
Catholic writers who have fallen into heresy, after examina- 
tion by a Romish university or general inquisition, to be 
read. 

The third permits the Old Testament, at the discretion of 
the hishop, to learned and pious men. But versions of the New 
Testament made by authors of the first class of this Index 
shall be permitted to no one. 

The fourth prohibits the reading of the Bible in the vulgar 
tongue (no matter in what version), unless when a bishop or 
inquisitor, on the recommendation of a confessor, grants the 
privilege ; and it ordains heavy penalties against those who 
sell or read it. Even monks must not search the Scriptures 
without the permission of their superiors. 

The fifth permits lexicons, and similar works, from heretical 
authors, after being duly expurgated, to be read. 

The sixth permits books on pi'actical religion to be read by 
the faithful in their own tongue ; but forbids the perusal of 
controversial books, except when permitted by a bishop or 
inquisitor on the advice of a confessor. 

The seventh forbids the use of all indecent books, except 
the ancient classics, and it permits these with restrictions. 

The eighth permits the use of books whose general senti- 
ment is good, after purification by the Catholic authorities. 

The ninth forbids the use of all books on magic, necromancy, 
and kindred subjects. 

The tenth aims at the destruction of the liberty of the press 
throughout Christendom. 

The Index down to 1754 embraced 20,000 titles. It was 
true, up to a comparatively recent period, that the condemna- 
tion of standard literary works was so sweeping that no per- 



360 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

sou who obeyed and abstained from reading the condemned 
works could be styled a liberally educated person. The vast 
multiplication of printed books now renders impossible a uni- 
vei-sal censorship. The condemnation in the recent sup- 
plements to the Index is largely, necessarily confined to 
conspicuous and dangerous attacks upon the doctrines, disci- 
pline, claims, or privileges of the Iloman Catholic Church. 
The Index is especially watchful against any liberal tenden- 
cies on the part of Roman Catholic writers. George P. Marsh 
savs : " In the earlier centuries the prohibitions of the Index 
controlled the intellectual culture of the Catholic world, and 
they incidentally caused the destruction of great numbers of 
works of more or less importance in ecclesiastical literature. 
Confessors deny absolution to penitents who refuse to deliver 
u]) books expressly or impliedly forbidden, and these, when 
surrendered, are generally burnt and so mutilated as to be 
illegible. This explains the rarity of many old books for- 
merly widely read." 

The Roman Catholic New York Sunday Democrat of July 
24, 1898, says concerning the Index: 

" As the guardian of faith and morals the Church forbids 
the reading of such books as endanger the faith or morals. 
In January, 1897, the Holy See was pleased to simplify and 
in many respects to modify the provisions of the Index, and 
issued a constitution to that effect. Like all legislation of a 
general kind, it was issued to the Church as a whole. 

" Probably out of every hundred Americans who rail against 
the restrictions of the Index, not a tithe has any direct ac- 
(piaintance with, or takes any due account of, the flood of 
bitterly anti-Chi-istian literature, often infidel, immoral, and 
]>lasphemous, and almost always insidiously polemical, which 
is ] toured over Italy and the continent of Europe generally by 
tiie Masonic and anti-clerical press. It is in great measure 
this degrading abuse of one of the noblest of the faculties of 
civilized society, and the need of duly protecting the minds of 



Politico- Ecclesiastica I Momanism. 361 

the masses from its ravages, that the provisions of the Index 
are specially desigued to meet. 

"However much we may feel that in times like our own, 
when our best triumphs promise to be gained by guiding, 
rather than by limiting, human liberty, and when necessarily 
much must be left to the discretion of the conscientious indi- 
vidual, the practical application of the principle is a matter 
which calls for the exercise of that generous and tactful deli- 
cacy which the Catholic Church knows so well how to use in 
dealing with her children." 

In a Sunday issue of the New York Herald in 1894 ap- 
peared the following: 

" In order that they may testify, individually and collectively, 
in their own behalf and in behalf of the several publications 
they represent, their unqualified and complete fidelity to the 
Holy See, the editors of the Roman Catholic periodicals and 
newspapers in the United States have prepared a memorial to 
be presented to Pope Leo XIII. 

" Following is a copy of its translation : 
" ' 76* His Holiness, Pope Leo XIII. : 

" ' Most Holy Father : Prostrate at the feet of your Holi- 
ness, we, the editors of the Catholic press of the United States 
of America, taking the occasion of the presence of your apos- 
tolic delegate, whose residence we regard as a special mark of 
your favor, beg to present through him the expression of our 
filial devotion and steadfast loyalty to the person and policy 
of the sovereign pontiff, the vicar of Christ upon earth, and at 
the same time profess ourselves filled with a determination 
not only to vindicate the inalienable rights of the See of Peter, 
but to advance, as far as in us lies, the welfare of the Holy 
Church in the United States. 

" 'Your Holiness is well aware of, and has given expression 
in many briefs and apostolic letters to, the vast importance of 
a sound and loyal Catholic press, and of the paramount neces- 
sity of having enlisted in the cause of truth so mighty an 



3(V_) Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

at'eucv for its dissemination. As workers in a ministry of 
special importance, we endeavor to prosecute our labors in the 
spirit of a sacred apostolate, and to bring to our work a spirit 
of obedience and reverence for the mandates of the holy 
mother church, as expressed by the chosen shepherds of the 
Hock. We pledge ourselves to renewed zeal in vindicating 
the cause of God's holy truth as expressed by Christ's vicar on 
earth. 

" ' Quickened, therefore, by your salutary words, and stimu- 
lated by a profound belief in the noble mission of the Catho- 
lic press and its untold possibilities for good, we, who by the 
providence of God have been permitted to serve under this 
banner, consecrate to the work not only the loyal service of 
tlie tried soldier, but the filial love of the dutiful child. 

" ' Begging upon us and our labors in this sacred work, 
which makes us one in mind and heart, your apostolic bless- 
ing, we are, most holy father, the editors of the Catholic press 
in the United States of America.' " 

Then follow the names of the editors of fifty-two Catholic 
magazines and newspapers, with the names of the publications. 

Some time previous to the issuing of the above memorial 
to the Pope the American Roman hierarchy sent a warning 
to the Roman Catholic papers against criticising the bishops, 
wliich said : 

" And lest the present evil, a daily gi^owiug source of scan- 
dal to Catholics and others, should continue to flourish, we 
judge well to meet it, not by cautions and advices merely, 
but also by ecclesiastical penalties. Wherefore, for the fu- 
ture, laymen or clerics who through themselves or through 
others associated or encouraged by them, in public print assail 
by wanton words, ill-natured utterances, raileries, those in 
authority — much more if they presume to carp at or condemn 
a bishop's methods of administration — all those, principals, 
jtaitners, and abettors, disturbers, contemners, and enemies 
of ecclesiastical discipline, as they are, we declare guilty of 



Politico- Ecclesiastical JRo7nanism. 363 

gravest scandal, and thereby, their fault being proved, deserv- 
ing of censure." 

The attention of the hierarchy is called to the following 
news item appearing in the New York Evening Sun of Fri- 
day, September 9, 1898, as witnessing to the delicate recogni- 
tion of church and ecclesiastical claims upon Roman Catholic 
political editors : 

"The editors of Democratic newspapers published in the 
smaller cities and towns of the State are to be entertained at 
dinner to-night in the Hoffman House by Senator Patrick H. 
McCarren and the members of his campaign committee. The 
members of the committee were worried or amused, according 
to their point of view, to-day when they discovered that seven 
out of ten of the editors do not eat meat on Friday. The 
order of the dinner was changed in a hurry this morning. 

" The meat courses were reduced in number and quantity, 
while the fish and oyster courses were extended as far as the 
season would permit. There is to be no limit to the extent 
and variety of the wines served, and the members of the com- 
mittee are hopeful that the editors will be convinced before 
the finish that Friday is just as great a day as any for a har- 
mony feast." 

While the political power of Romanism muzzles the secular 
and political press, its own people do not largely patronize its 
religious papers. 

The Catholic Heview, in 1885, published a statement by 
Bishop Cosgrove of Davenport, la., in \vhich, complaining of 
the small support given by Catholics to the Roman Catholic 
papers, he says : 

" We find that about one Catholic in forty is a subscriber to 
one of them ; we find the combined circulation of all the Cath- 
olic papers of the country to be less than that of some single 
issue of The Police Gazette', ^ve find it less by thousands than 
that of the journal (TliP Christian Advocate) published by 
another single establishment, the Methodist Book Concern, 



364 Facing tlie Twentietli Centmnj, 

Protestant exclianges charge that our people are ignorant; 
tliat they lack iutelligeuce, ... and usually they have de- 
cidedly the best of the argument, for the facts are very stern 
and hard to face." 

The editor of the Review, in introducing the bishop's re- 

iii;irks, said : 

" It is with reluctance that we publish the well-founded 
complaints that are frequently made of those Catholics who, 
though blessed with the Catholic faith, have little relish for 
reading*- of Catholic affairs and no love for the Catholic 
press." 

The attempts of the political power of Rome to control the 
press of Paris have produced a revulsion of sentiment amount- 
ing to a revolution. 

Le Balletin de la Presse, Paris, March 10, 1897, in an arti- 
cle on " The French Catholic Press," says : " After most 
recent researches we find there exist in Paris 2291 journals, 
but out of this number only 103 are political, the rest are on 
special matters. 

" The classification established of the preceding 163 journals 
is 10 neutral, 31 favorable to the Catholic religion, and 122 
unfavorable." 

In 1870 there was not a journal in Paris which was openly 
unfavorable to Romanism. 

In any land wherever papal authority is dominant freedom 
of the press is not only not permitted, but the reverse is also 
true, that wherever the press is free the papal power is re- 
sti-icted in its tyrannical practices if not in its pretenses. Pre- 
vious to 1870, when the Pope possessed temporal power, he 
absolutely controlled the press within his domains. Criticism 
u})oM the Church or upon any papal subject was not only not 
allowed, l)ut favoraljle comments upon persons or associations 
not in sympathy with the Vatican authorities, or any pub- 
lished evidence of lack of reverence for church institutions, 
WHS ade( plate reason for the suppression of a paper. The 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 365 

action was even more rigid in reference to books. The same 
censorship is now exercised over books under Vatican control, 
and absence of opportunity furnishes the reason for its not 
being extended over papers as formerly. In fact, the Italian 
press exercises its liberty in discussing and criticising papal 
pretensions more freely and fearlessly than the American 
press. Censorship seems to have landed on our shores with 
papal immigration. 

We are authentically informed that many, if not most, of the 
political daily papers in this country are under Roman censor- 
ship, either by the power of political fear, or by the presence 
on the editorial staff of some astute and watchful Roman 
sentinel. The news companies are largely under the same 
control and block the avenues of communication with the 
people. 

How is it that the hour anything occurs in current events 
that in any way touches the Romanism of the past or present, 
no matter how mild the indictment or how iniquitous the 
facts, the account falls into the hands of some Roman editorial 
sentinel on the press and is either suppressed or editorially 
assaulted ? The guards and pickets seem to have been care- 
fully stationed at these avenues of communication with the 
people. And yet we have freedom of the press in this 
republic ! What indignant protests would make editorial 
columns lurid if other religious or ecclesiastical organizations 
should insist upon having a censor stationed at managing 
editors' elbows. But these organizations do not control a 
massable vote. 

The political press as a rule, and largely the religious press, 
cannot be depended upon to discuss Roman Catholic affairs 
even as matters of news in case anything discreditable to either 
religious or political Romanism occurs ; while at the same 
time, scandals and heresies in all bi'anches of Protestantism 
are voluminously discussed. Why is this? 

If individuals or organizations expressed themselves upon 



366 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

tlie impertiiieut interference of the Pope oi- bis representatives 
ill tlu' atlairs of this country in her relations to Spain, all tlie 
compromising editors and correspondents of both secular and 
relio-ious papers commenced deprecating debate and excusing 
Komanism, and usually they turned their batteries on the im- 
pudent individuals and organizations who ventured to tell the 
ti-uth. The very thought of defending the political aggres- 
sions of Rome seems to breed cowardice and blunt moral 
sense. 

Within the memory of the present generation, several 
papers in New York and in other cities have evinced candor 
and courage in their news and editorial departments in dis- 
cussing the assaults of Romanism upon our institutions. 
Loss of circulation causing a depleted treasury has forced the 
editors and proprietors of some of these papers to seek finan- 
cial aid, and Roman Catholic capitalists or rich Roman Catholic 
party bosses coming to the rescue, the pajiers have been tided 
over the bar, but when they floated their columns were locked 
against news or discussion which would contest the propriety 
of the flag flying at the masthead bearing the symbol of the 
keys of the modern Peter. 

The Standard, New York, Saturday, April 23, 1887, con- 
tained the following item, which is germane to our discussion 
of the relation of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism to the 
press : 

ARCHBISHOP CORRIGAN SENDS A THREATENING 
LET'I'ER TO THE " CATHOLIC HERALD." 

The following interesting and characteristic document by a strange 
series of accidents, unnecessary to describe, came into our hands. Its 
publication will surprise no one more than the gentlemen to whom it is 
addressed. "We do not feel bound by the obligations of secrecy which 
the writer seeks to impose on those gentlemen. We sincerel}'^ hope that 
he will not excommunicate the editor and the proprietor of the Catholic 
Jferdld for our publication of the letter, and we hardly think he will 
deem it worth his while to excommunicate us. 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanisiyi. 367 

" 452 Madison Avenue, 
" New York, April 13, 1887. 
" To the Editor and Proprietor of the Catholic Herald : 

" Gentlemen : B}^ this note, which is entirely private and not to he 
published, I wish to call your attention to the fact that the third plenary 
council of Baltimore, following the leadership of Pope Leo XIII., has 
pointed out the duties of the Catholic press, and denounced the abuses 
of which journals styling themselves Catholic are sometimes guilty. 
' That paper alone,' says the council (decree No. 228), ' is to be regarded 
as Catholic that is prepared to submit in all things to ecclesiastical au- 
thority.' Later on it warns all Catholic writers against presuming to 
attack publicly the manner in which a bishop rules his diocese, affirming 
that those who so presume, as well as their approvers and abettors, are 
not only guilty of very grievous scandals, but deserve moreover, to be 
dealt with by canonical censures. 

" For some time past the utterances of the Catholic Herald have been 

shockingly scandalous. As this newspaper is published in this diocese, I 

hereby warn you that if you continue in this course of conduct it will be 

at your peril. I am, gentlemen, yours truly, 

" M. A. Corrigan, 

" Archbishop of New York." 

The Western Watchman is a representative Roman Catho- 
lic weekly journal, published in St. Louis, Mo., and was estab- 
lished in 1865. Rev. D. S. Phelan, Pastor of the Church of 
Our Lady of Mount Carmel, in the Archdiocese and city of 
St. Louis, is the editor of this paper and claims to be its 
owner. 

With a temerity refreshing because of its rarity in the 
ranks of the faithful, this paper has from time to time com- 
mented with great freedom upon the attitude and methods of 
the high authorities of the church it represents, in reference 
to the public-school question and to the use of public funds 
for sectarian purposes. Two quotations will sufficiently indi- 
cate the efforts of this " hereditary bondsman " to be free. 

In December, 1893, when the entire country was agitated 
on the school question, Father Phelan says : 

" There is to be a new aligment on the school question. 
The Faribault plan is no longer under discussion. The rally- 



368 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

in^ cry is now ' Denominational Education.' Arclibisbop 
Rvan, Archbishop Coi'rigan, Cardinal Gibbons, and Bishop 
Keane are the leaders in this new movement. Petitions have 
})een prepared for submission to several State legislatures, 
askini,^ ior a pro rata disti'ibution of the school fund among 
all den(^niinations, and a system of school supervision and sup- 
port similar to the one now in vogue in England and Canada. 
This may be briefly described as 'Faribault with fringes.' 
\\v are glad to see these doughty champions of the faith, who 
have been figliting against each other so long, once more united 
under one banner and standing shoulder to shoulder against 
the common foe. These are the strongest men in the Ameri- 
can hierarchy, and it is a pity they ever divided their tre- 
mendous strength. AVe do not know just where Archbishop 
Ireland will be found in the coming struggle, but if there is 
any merit in his plan, there must be still more in the New 
Vork-B;iltimore proposition, and he would naturally take sides 
with his four distinguished brethren. 

"In this, conflict which is now upon us the Watchman 
must stand alone. We are unalterably of the conviction that 
the denominational system is the very worst that could be de- 
vised foi- our country. We have no hesitancy in stating that 
the present pui-el}^ secular system is the very best that could 
be adopted for our heterogeneous mass of believers and un- 
believers. 

" We are so convinced of the truth and wisdom of our posi- 
tion that we would not hesitate to come out against all our 
foi-nier friends to defend it. We are well aware that the Holy 
Father and his august representative in this country are par- 
tial to the denominational system; but it shall not be our 
fault if they are not made aware of the ruinous disadvantages 
of the arrangement. We have spoken to those in authority 
on the subject before, and the readers of this paper know our 
views on the subject, for they are not new. We hope and 
jiray that G(k1 will enlighten the minds of the chiefs of the 



f 



Politico- EGclesiastical Romanism. 369 

Christian fold to enable them to see the calamities that hirk 
under the fair exterior of a system that is born of Catholic 
slavery, and is by nature formed to generate Catholic slaves." 

In a subsequent issue of this paper, in discussing the ques- 
tion of State aid to Catholic institutions, this editor says : 

" For years we have opposed doing good at the cost of the 
public treasury. As we grow older and see more of the 
results of this insidious attempt to unite church and state, 
we are more convinced of the unwisdom of such a policy. 

" The best policy is for us to conduct our own charities ; 
pay as we go, and grow as we can without artificial forcing. 
God will bless what we do ourselves for love of Him. 

"We would like that the announcement were made in 
clarion notes from the Lakes to the Gulf, that the Catholics 
of the United States wanted no more State money. It would 
settle this miserable controversy once and forever." 

From the American point of view it might reasonably be 
expected that the man who possessed sufficient courage to 
voice honest conviction in language so unmistakable in its 
purport, and so creditable to his judgment as a citizen of this 
free republic, would be somewhat beyond the reach of ecclesi- 
astical intimidation. But what are the facts? About the 
time during which he was uttering these sentiments above 
quoted, this editor took occasion to print in his paper some 
rather severe strictures on the actions of the bishops of the 
Church. He was ordered into the presence of his ecclesiasti- 
cal superior. Archbishop Kaiu of St. Louis, and an humble 
apology was presented to him, with the demand that he print 
it in the columns of his newspaper, which he agreed to do. 

On leaving the a\vful presence of " His Grace," however, 
his courage returned, and he determined not to do it, and 
announced such determination in his paper on March 15, 
1894, in the following vigorous language: 

" As to my resistance of Archbishop Kain's assumption of 
authority, I will state that I do not publish the Watchman, 



370 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

V)ut I .•\vii it, and have paid for every type that piints it. I 
own the paper. Now, let me say to Archbishop Kain, no man 
owns me. He comes from an ex-slave State, and he knows 
what that means. No man owns me. I will go farther and 
sav no man owns my pen. I shall allow no man born to dic- 
tate how I shall write or what I shall write. I would not be 
a legitimate child of the Catholic Church, the mother of indi- 
N idnal rights and liberty, if I feared to assert my God-given 
prerogatives, as a man and priest, in the face of any man under 
the stars." 

The resources of the Church against this contumacious 
editoi- were, however, by no means exhausted. Under cover 
of authority vested in his office by the decrees of the Third 
Plenary Council of Baltimore, Archbishop Kain prepared 
a circular letter, which Father Phelan, in common with all 
the clergy of the archdiocese, was compelled to read before 
his congregation. This letter denounced the Western Watch- 
nimi as ^' a most unfit paper to be introduced into our Catho- 
lic families," and warns Catholics against its " baneful influ- 
ence," and entreats them "not to give it their support or 
encouragement." 

This happy application of the ecclesiastical boycott, Avhicb 
is always effectual in the ranks of the faithful and frequently 
outside of them, accomplished its purpose in this case, for on 
March 30, 1894, there appeared in the Westerii Watchman 
this contrite recantation : 

" Rev. D. S. Phelan, editor of the Western Watchman, also 
of the Sandaij WatcJmian, hereby publicly disavows every 
utterance wdiich I have published or permitted to be pub- 
lished in said papers, derogatory to the person or sacred office 
of any l)ishop of the Church, and I hereby recall any reflection 
upon the Most Rev. Administrator of this diocese, which has 
appeared in the columns of these papers, and I promise to 
prevent any such pul)lications in the future in the papers 
under my control. I also retract the false position assumed in 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Momanism. 371 

the article (March 15), entitled Address of the Editor, and 
fully acknowledge the right given to the bishops over 
the papers that claim to be the exponents of Catholic 
thought." 

Is there need for further comment ? 

We frequently see this editor quoted as a type of "liberal" 
American Roman Catholicism. Let us quote from his paper 
of February 17, 1898, on the destruction of the Maine: 

" Fitting out expeditions to prey upon a neighboring nation 
with which we are at peace is a crime. We shall soon dispute 
with England the title of the most unprincipled nation on the 
face of the earth. Our brutal bluif lies at the bottom of the 
Spanish Main." 

God guard our land against all such types ! 

TO CHAEITABLE, REFOKMATORY, AND PENAL INSTITUTIONS. 

Political Romanism's assault upon all charitable, reforma- 
tory, and penal institutions which it does not absolutely 
control has for many years, in many States, been most persist- 
ent, unAmerican, and cruel. 

The contest over so-called Freedom of Worship bills in 
different States startlingly reveals what Romanism means by 
religious liberty. The contest in New York State presents 
the best illustration of the general line of attack consistently 
waged in that and in other States, on every incorporated or 
unincorporated society for the reformation of its inmates, as 
well as houses of refuge, penitentiaries, protectories, reforma- 
tories or other penal institutions, continuing to receive for 
their use, either public moneys, or a per capita sum from 
any municipality for the support of inmates. 

The following text of a so-called Freedom of Worship 
bill plainly represents the numerous succession of such pro- 
posed measures, and because of its origin may be considered 
authoritative : 



HTiJ 



Facing the Twentieth Centwry. 



XS ACT WITH REFERENCE TO THE PAYMENT OF MONEYS OF THE 

STATE TO INCORPORATED INSTITUTIONS, SOCIETIES AND 

ASSOCIATIONS. 

Tiu- pooplr n{ tlie State of New York, represented in Senate and 
Assi'inldy, do enact as follows: 

Section 1. It shall not be lawful for any officer of the State to pay 
to, or for any incorporated iiistitntion, society or association, nor to the 
in;uiaL,'ors, agents, or officers tliereof, any moneys of the State whatever, 
unless the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and wor- 
ship, without discrimination or preference, as guaranteed by the third 
section of the first article of the Constitution of the State, is in good 
faith allowed to all inmates of such institution or beneficiaries of such 
society or association. The governor or comptroller may, from time to 
time take measures and prescribe rules to ascertain whether the provi- 
sions of this act are complied with in and by the managers and officers 
of such institutions and societies to which appropriations of moneys of 
the State may be made. This act shall apply to all appropriations made 
to take effect after the first day of July, eighteen hundred and ninety- 
one, unless in the act making the same it is otherwise specially provided. 
Any tax-payer may apply to the attorney-general to take measures to 
prevent the payment of any funds of the State in violation of this act, 
and if the attorney-general shall refuse or neglect so to do, such tax- 
payer, on notice to the attorney-general, may apply to the Supreme 
Court to authorize him to bring an action to prevent such payments. If 
the court shall grant such authority, which it is hereby authorized to do, 
such tax-payer may bring such action with the same force and effect that 
tax-payers are now authorized to bring actions to prevent the waste of 
city, county or village funds. 

Tlie late Colonel George Bliss prepared this bill under the 
direction and with the approval of Archbishop Corrigan, and 
it thus became, both in origin and in purpose, a measure of the 
Koiiiaii Catholic hierarchy, and in the interests of a religious 
denomination then and now drawing more money from the 
State, iniinici[)a], and excise funds than all other denomina- 
tioii'^ put together. 

This was primarily a sectarian movement for the purpose 
of gaining political power through the intimidation of law- 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 373 

makers by tlie use of " political damnation " ; and the second- 
ary purpose was '' for revenue only," 

The object of the bill pure and simple was to open the 
doors of all institutions which received State aid, and Avere of 
a benevolent and unsectarian character, to the entrance of 
Roman Catholic teaching and forms of worship, on the 
assumption that everything which is not Koman Catholic is 
sectarian, and to commit the State to this un-American 
theory. 

This was a demand of the Roman hierarchy, which in its 
highest authorities denies that the right of freedom of wor- 
ship can exist, but which, to deceive the people of a re- 
publican State by appealing to their sense of fairness, came to 
the front as the pretended champion of freedom of worship. 

Substantially the same bill had been introduced into most 
of the sessions of the legislature of the State of New York 
since 1880; had been discussed, protested against, and 
defeated in either house or by executive veto. Its objects, 
promoters, and purposes were well known, not only to the 
politicians, but also to the people of the State. Under 
the guise of contending for individual religious freedom, 
which no one challenged, it aimed to introduce the ecclesias- 
tical machine of one denomination into every institution which 
received any financial support fi'om the State, Tliis would 
secure and publish a practical league between the ecclesiastics 
of that church who appeared as the sole promoters of the bill, 
and the civil government in the State, which is directly at 
variance with the letter and spirit of both the National and 
State Constitutions, both of which virtually declare the 
principle that each church should work out its own destiny 
without governmental interference or aid. 

Finally after twelve years of controversy, this politico- 
ecclesiastical power styled Romanism, secured in 1892 a sub- 
servient legislature which passed the measure in an emasculated 
form and Governor Flower signed it, giving as the reason for 



^-^ Facing the Twentietk Century. 

his aetiou tc> the opponents of the bill the sage and statesman- 
like utterance : " You have robbed the bill of all its worst 
features, and now I will sign it to please the boys." So it 
will be seen that the serious and broad-minded statesmen are 
not all dead. 

Freedom of worship, accoi'ding to the American idea, is that 
the state protects its citizens in the right of public assemblage 
for reli'dous worship, and protects them from any loss of civil 
rights and privileges on account of their religious faith. 

The individual rights of citizens, however, in many respects, 
are restricted and qualified wlien, by virtue of their own 
crime, they are committed to any of the penal institutions of 
the State — they lose the right to vote, the right of liberty of 
person, and the right of free and unrestricted correspondence. 
When children of the poor and thriftless, no longer receiving 
the protection and support of their natural guardians, are 
taken charge of by benevolent and charitable institutions, the 
managers of these institutions assume for the time being the 
position and responsibilities of parents and guardians, and 
should be left free to exercise it without interference by the 
State, the attitude of which should be strictly impartial, and 
with regard to the contending forms of religious belief should 
exercise its functions " without discrimination or preference." 

Unless we have a state religion, the fact that the state 
contributes in some measure toward the support of such in- 
stitutions, partly relieving them from the total charge of sup- 
porting these waifs, gives the state no right whatsoever to 
inteifere with the religious teaching which may be provided 
or authorized by the managers of such institutions. 

The other idea of freedom of worship which is adopted by 
tiie advocates of such measures is found in the Syllabus of 
Pope Pius IX. as follows : No. 77. It is an error to believe 
tliat "in the present day it is no longer expedient that the 
I lioinaii 1 Catholic I'eligion shall be held as the only religion 
of the state, to the exclusion of all other modes of worship." 



Politico- EcdedaBtical Romanism. 375 

No. 24. It is an error to believe that " the Church has not 
the power of availing herself of force, or any direct or indirect 
temporal power." 

Pope Leo XIIL, in a recent encylical letter, says as follows : 

" To treat in the same way different forms of religion is un- 
lawful for individuals, unlawful for states." 

The intent and aim of these so-called Freedom of Wor- 
ship bills has been, through political organization and 
threats, to compel the state to turn aside from the impartiality 
with whicli in the past it has treated the various religious 
bodies, and cause it to show a decided preference for the 
Church to which the advocates of such measures belong. They 
put the machinery of the Supreme Court (which heretofore 
has ignored questions of dogma, except so far as they were in- 
cidentally considei'ed in deciding questions of rights of prop- 
erty) in operation in deciding what forms of religious service 
must be provided in institutions within the State which 
receive any allowance from public money toward their sup- 
port, and in enforcing their decisions. 

The so-called Freedom of Worship Bill contest, involv- 
ing in many States so many features of the principle of reli- 
gious toleration and liberty as understood and advocated by 
Romanists, demands careful study and ample discussion. At 
the various hearings before legislative committees in New York 
and other States, the Romanists revealed their estimate of the 
importance of the issue by employing their ablest lawyers to 
make arguments, and by crowding the rooms where the hear- 
ings were held with their priests and prominent laymen. The 
intolerant conduct and unmanly behavior of these Roman 
legions on more than one occasion elicited stern rebuke from 
the officer presiding at the hearings. One eminent counsel 
eloquently declared that Romanism was always tolerant. His 
assertion was received by most of his auditors as a piece 
of humor, although he protested his seriousness. 

There is no intelligent man so ignorant of history that he 



.:j-^ Facing the Ttoentietli Century. 

does uot know that religious toleration is unknown wliere 
It.. man Catholicism has absolute power. 

Pone Leo XIII., addressing his cardinals, sent the following 
toleration Christmas present in 1884 to the Christian world : 
" It is with deep regret and profound anguish that we behold 
the imi)iety with which Protestants propagate freely, and 
with impunity, their heretical doctrines, attacking the most 
august and the most sacred dogmas of our very holy religion, 
even here at Rome, the center of the faith and the seat of the 
universal and infallible teacher of the church; here, where 
the inteo-rityof the faith should be protected, and the honor of 
the only true religion should be secured by the most efficient 

means. 

" It is with sorrow of heart that I see the temples of hetero- 
doxy multiplying under protection of the laws, and liberty 
given in Home to destroy the most beautiful and most pre- 
cious unity of the Italians, their religious unity, by the mad 
efforts of those who arrogate to themselves the im/pioiis mis- 
sion of establishing a new church in Italy, not based on the 
stone placed by Jesus Christ as the indestructible' foundation 
of his heavenly edifice." 

Tliese so-called freedom of worship bills always provide 
fur a sectarian classification of the inmates of the institutions 
in (juestion, who are mostly juvenile delinquents of tender 
years and imiuature judgment, according to the denqminations 
wliich tliey prefer, or to which they have belonged, and for 
tlic admission of clergymen of various denominations or 
cluirches, who are to bring their "spiritual advice and minis- 
trations" to the said classified inmates. The legislatures 
beyond question have no constitutional right to divide the 
inmates of the said institutions into religious or sectarian 
classes, or to delegate such power of classification, or to 
establish rules for the religious teaching of the sectarian 
classes thus provided for ; and the rule laid down by these 
a(t> for the denominational classification of the.iumatesby the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 377 

managers is in disregard of the plain meaning and intent of 
constitutional provisions securing freedom of profession and 
woi'sliip ; they subject the inmates, during their temporary 
confinement by the authority of the state, to the visitation 
and " private ministrations " of religious sectarians, prose- 
lytists, and propagandists, thus exposing them to insidious 
attacks and open assaults upon their religious liberty ; per- 
mitting, encouraging, and intensifying the dangers from which 
they should be most carefully guarded by the state during 
the period of their duress. 

The proposed assumption by the state of the power to 
arrange the juvenile paupers or offenders who may be con- 
fined by its authority into classes of religionists, to be in- 
structed and disciplined by sectarian teachers, who are to be 
admitted by the State into its institutions, would not only 
be a departure from the ancient principles so sacredly cher- 
ished by our fathers, of an entire separation of church and 
state, but a fundamental and revolutionary change in our 
institutions. 

The pretexts offered to justify the state in distributing 
the children in sectarian classes and subjecting them to 
denominational teachings, ceremonies, and ministrations, add 
strength and clearness to the view that the scheme is foreign 
and Jesuitical, subversive of religious liberty, absolutely un- 
American, and utterly unconstitutional. 

They treat all inmates of these institutions as if they were 
adults who were fitted to decide for themselves Avhich Church 
or denomination they would prefer, or who already belonged 
to some Church or denomination; and who, as selecting a 
denomination, or as having belonged to a denomination, 
should be allowed "spiritual advice and ministration from 
some recognized clergyman of such denomination or Church," 
whereas it is, as a matter of fact, true that a large proportion 
of these inmates are children, who are not yet come to years 
of discretion, and who, from their immature judgment as well 



378 Facing the Twentieth Centttry. 

jis from lack of mental and moral training, and of intelligent 
studv and reflection upon so grave a question, are incapable 
of exercisino- tbe freedom of profession and worship secured 
to tlu'iii l.v the Constitution; and who have not, prior to 
th.'ir connnitment to such institutions, belonged to any 
C'hiuvh, in a sense that entitles the state to allot them to 
a reli^nous class or to subject them to sectarian advice or 
ministration. 

The claim that the wishes of the guardians or parents 
should be considered is disposed of by the rule of law and of 
justice and of common sense, that the state is bound to give 
the children, during their temporary detention, such Christian 
teaching as it may deem proper, under the established princi- 
ple, declared by Kent and Webster and our highest judicial 
tribunals, that Christianity is a part of the law of the land. 
How the Christian morals revealed in the Bible and rec- 
ognized by all Christians shall be taught in the state institu- 
tions rests in the supreme discretion of the state, under the 
constitutional restriction that the right of all to freedom of 
worship, which all will be entitled to enjoy without restric- 
tion oil being released by the state, shall not be impaired by 
suljjecting them to sectarian teaching while in confinement. 
But on no point of religious teaching is the state bound to 
consult the wishes of the parents or guardians, for the rea- 
son tliat " by the conviction and imprisonment of the children 
the parents and guardians have lost the I'ight of control." 

Most of these bills provide for the division of the 
inmates of these institutions into religious classes, subject- 
ing each inmate to the public and private spiritual ministra- 
tion of some I'ecognized clergyman of "the denomination or 
Chinch which said inmates may respectively prefer, or to 
which they may have belonged prior to their being confined 
in such institutions." 

Tlie tender age of the inmates unfits them for a decision on 
the point as to which Church they would adopt, and to meet 



Politico- ^Jcclesiastical Romanism. 379 

this fact the Roman Catholic promoters of these bills have 
made these two points : 

1. " That the infant having been baptized is Catholic. 

2. " That his rights should be determined by the Church of 
which he is a member." 

The bearing of the first point upon the destiny of the infant 
inmates of an institution who have been baptized, and its bear- 
ing also on the question how far the distribution of the chil- 
dren, in accordance with this proposition, among the various 
Churches or denominations, will contribute to their harmony 
and good will are worth considering, when the well-known 
rule of the Roman Catholic Church in regard to baptism is 
recalled. The rule of the Fourth Canon of the Council of 
Trent, in the sixteenth centuiy, and alluded to by the late 
Pope Pius IX., when he wrote from the Vatican, August 7, 
1873, to the Emperor of Germany, that everyone who had 
been baptized belonged to the Pope, pi'ovides that baptism 
administered by heretics or Protestants is true baptism. 

The Eighth Canon affirms that baptized persons are bound 
by all precepts of the Church of Pome, and that they are 
obliged to observe them whether willing or unwilling, and 
the Fourteenth Canon affirms that, when they grow to matu- 
rity, they are not to be left to their own choice, but are to be 
compelled to lead a Christian life by punishment. The Con- 
stitution of Benedict XIV. declares, " that he who receives 
baptism from a heretic becomes a member of the Catholic 
Church," and adds that " if they come to that age in which 
they can of themselves distinguish good from evil, but adliere 
to the errors of their baptizer, they are to be repelled from the 
unity of the Church, hut tliey are not to he freed from its 
authority or its laws.'''' 

While no other denomination can claim, perhaps, as the 
promoters of these bills have done, for their denomination, 
that more than half the inmates of the institutions affected by 
these bills belong to them, — a claim which, if correct, confirms 



380 Fcvcinxj the Tiventieth Century. 

the rule establislied by the statistics of our own country and 
of Kurope, that the Jesuit teaching produces a very large and 
undue proportion of ignorance and pauperism, vagrancy, and 
crime, — a new significance is added to the point of baptism 
Ijy the further assumption that, the baptized infant being 
Catholic, his rights may be determined by the Church of 
which he is a member. 

This proposition invites the attention of legislators to the 
question, how far the rights of American citizens, and espe- 
cially their rights to religious liberty, freedom of conscience, 
and freedom of worship, which are guaranteed by the Consti- 
tutions of most of the States and of the nation, are recognized 
and protected by the Church and Court of Rome. 

The highest authorities of the Roman Catholic Church deny 
that the right of freedom of worship) can exist ' nevertheless, 
to deceive the people of a republican state by appealing to 
their sense of fairness, the Jesuits now come to the front as 
the pretended champions of freedom of worship. This atti- 
tude, though specious, will not deceive any but thoughtless 
citizens and innocent politicians. They are so zealous for 
freedom of worship that they have threatened from time to 
time "the political damnation of any man or party" that 
should refuse to vote for measures they approve, and boast 
that "we have already marred the political future of more 
than one bigot, and we advise all others to note the fact." 

No State in this republican nation ought to intrust the 
ti-aiuing of its infant wards to any sect or church, with their 
" services, rules, and discipline," and in this era of civilization 
take the initiative in pronouncing the banns of the " union 
«»f cliurch and state." It would be a dano^erous marriao^e 
tliat not even law could make sacred. We are learnina: 
in this country the lesson, long since learned in the Old 
W<jrid, to distinguish between Jesuitism or political Roman- 
isni and religious Roman Catholicism. We wage no war on 
the equal rights of Roman Catholics with all other denomiua- 



Politico- EGGlesiastical Romanism. 381 

tions to freedom of worship and religious liberty, nor deny 
their rights, but rather would vigorously defend these rights, 
while we protect our own, to the " free exercise and enjoy- 
ment of religious profession and worship." But we will war 
against any attempt to invade with sectarian teachings 
our absolutely unsectarian beneficiary institutions, whether 
they be the public schools or the penal and reformatory 
institutions. 

All bills in every State and in the nation of the specious 
character of so-called Freedom of Worship Bills, ought to be 
defeated : 

Because they are deceptive in their purpose, and would be 
destructive of the interests they pretend to desire to promote 
in their enactment and enforcement. 

Because they attempt to accomplish by a single enactment 
a change in State or national policy of so fundamental a char- 
acter that it amounts to a constitutional amendment. 

Because it is impossible to classify into sects juvenile crim- 
inals and delinquents, the children of criminal or neglectful 
parents. 

Because no other denomination except the Eoman Catholic 
asks for the legal privilege of proselyting. 

Because^ if their provisions should be literally carried out, 
it would open, for the admission of Jesuits, Protestant asylums 
chiefly supported by private beneficence, and threaten every 
private charitable institution with a similar outrage. 

Because they are not designed to secure freedom of worship, 
but to suppress it. 

Such bills are favored by the Jesuits or political Romanists 
and their adherents alone, and assented to by other Roman 
Catholics, who in many instances do not appreciate their 
origin or understand their import. 

They are opposed by the boards of management of the insti- 
tutions liable to be affected by their provisions, by the entire 
Protestant community, and by a large number of thoughtful 



382 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Roman Catholics, who do not forget that they are American 
oitizens. 

The New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to 
Children under its present management has, by legislation, so 
thorouo-hly intrenched itself that it possesses autocratic and 
all l)ut omnipotent power. Its history for years has shown it 
to be certainly in collusion and apparently in copartnership 
with the Roman Catholic Church. It seems to be the con- 
stant feeder of the reformatories under the control of 
Romanism. It never uses its power to place children in the 
care of the Children's Aid Society, which, in its noble work, 
has placed thousands of neglected children in homes of com- 
fort. The New York State Commissioners of Charities and 
the corresponding Commissioners in other States furnish many 
evidences of being under the domination of Romanism, even 
going to the extent of seeking legislation to prohibit the plac- 
ing out in homes in the country neglected children, by the 
Children's Aid and other kindred societies, unless these chil- 
dren can be placed in families of the faith of their parents; as 
though parents who have neglected and cast off their children, 
and thus proved their unfitness to rear them, had any right 
to dictate concerning the future and education of the children 
thus ne2i;lected. Romanism alone demands such legislation. 

The Superintendent of the Poor of Westchester County, 
N. Y., in 1898, placed fifty Protestant children in the AVest- 
chester County Roman Catholic Protectory, expecting that they 
would remain there temporarily, and that he would be able to 
pi'ovide for them elsewhere. He finally tried to place these 
cliildren in the hands of the Children's Aid Society that they 
might be located in comfortable homes, but the authorities of 
the Protectory refused to give up the children, knowing that 
they wei'e Protestant. Suppose this condition of things had 
been reversed, what howls of rage would have emanated from 
the New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to 
Children and all the other allies of Romanism in Manhattan ! 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Momanism. 383 

The relations of Roman Catholic charitable institutions 
to the governments from which they receive appropriations 
from the taxes of the people for their support, find an in- 
teresting and instructive illustration for the American people 
to study in the report of 1898 of Herbert AV. Lewis, Super- 
intendent of Charities, District of Columbia, to the Commis- 
sioners of the District of Columbia. Let it be remembered 
that the government of the District of Columbia is under the 
direct control of Congress, that the residents of the disti-ict 
are substantially disfranchised, and are without responsibility 
for the affairs of the district, and that therefore all the people 
of the United States are partners in the government of the 
District of Columbia, and are responsible for it. Superin- 
tendent Lewis' report reveals a condition of affairs in Wash- 
ington Mdiich we do not believe the American people can look 
upon without being aroused to disgust and loyal indignation. 
In reference to the Roman Catholic institutions which receive 
public funds, he gives an account of inefficiency, of sectarian 
bigotry in teaching, of dishonest financial dealing with the 
Government, and of defiance of Government authorities, al- 
most incredible. The entire report of Mr. Lewis is worthy 
of study, but we can here only give two sentences of his 
conclusions : 

"The support of private and religious institutions from 
public funds while the public has neither voice in their con- 
trol nor power to select their beneficiaries, the policy of giv- 
ing such institutions legal agency for the performance of a 
public duty without requiring in them any legal respon- 
sibility, is one which has received the strongest disapproval, 
and has never been seriously defended except upon grounds 
of temporary expediency. 

" The appropriations for their support are held to be com- 
pensation for service, but when one asks what service, and 
how much and at what rate, one is met by a bewildering 
maze of sentimentality, conflicting notions, statements of facts 



3g4 Facing the Twentietli Century. 

of no consefiiience, diversity of method, and, in some instances, 
a disposition to consider any inquiry an impertinence." 

It is a fact of great historic import that the last session of 
tlie Fifty-fifth Congress made no appropriations for the sec- 
tarian institutions in the District of Columbia, and announced 
tlie future policy of the National Government to be: No more 
appropriations for either charities or education under sec- 
tarian control. 

The Catholic Club of the City of New York conducted the 
contest for the Roman Catholic Church in the Constitutional 
Convention of 1894 against the majority of the people of the 
State of New York, who sought amendments to the Constitu- 
tion to protect the public schools and prohibit appropriations 
for sectarian charities. The Romanists were defeated in their 
assaults upon the schools, but they were largely successful in 
retaining and tightening their grasp on the funds of the State 
and of the municipalities for the support of their " charitable " 
institutions. 

The history of this victory over the numerical majority of 
the citizens and over the overwhelming majority of those who 
pay the bills of the State, by a numerical minority of those 
who pay the taxes, but who furnish a majority of the paupers 
and criminals, is one of the most instructive and humiliating 
chapters of the defeat of the best majority sentiment among 
the people in the annals of a republican form of government. 
By autograph and organic expression of opinion an actual 
majority of the voters of the State made their appeal to the 
convention for the passage of these amendments. A very 
large proportion of the most influential members of the Con- 
vention had committed themselves to the amendments pre- 
vious to the assembling. Hearings wxre had before the Joint 
CoMunittee composed of the several committees having the 
various phases of the amendments in charge. The hired rep- 
resentatives of the Roman Catholic Club, one Jew, who mis- 
represented the general Jewish sentiment, and the President 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 385 

and counsel of the Society which constitutes the connecting 
link between the committing courts and the Roman Catholic 
institutions in New York City ap[)eared in argument before 
the Joint Committee on the one hand, and the representa- 
tives of the people through the National League for the Pro- 
tection of American Institutions on the other. Members of 
the committee made a junketing tour among the institutions 
in question and superficially inspected them while on dress 
parade, and accepted of their hospitality and entertainment, 
and were thus of course in condition to j^ass critical judgment 
upon the State's duty to its wards and toward these institu- 
tions and the tax-payers. This performance would have been 
counted ludicrous, if the people had ventured to call any 
action ludicrous in which statesmen elected to make a consti- 
tution took part. In the presentation of statistics and figures 
and so-called facts, veracity was more economically displayed 
than the funds of tlie State in the support of these Roman 
Catholic " charities." 

The minds of so-called statesmen in the Convention were 
supposed to be confused over the question of what consti- 
tuted "sectarian" control; at least their conduct indicated 
confusion and their conclusions produced confusion, which 
pained the friends of righteousness and gladdened the heart 
of ecclesiastical greed. 

The proposed amendment, prohilnting sectarian appropria- 
tions in its application to certain charities, was defeated in 
the Convention by the following powers : 

(1) The solid front audaciously presented by politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism with its threat of political death to 
any member of the Convention who dared favor the amend- 
ment. 

(2) The plausibly specious arguments presented by one 
astute Roman Catholic Democratic lawyer. 

(3) The political plea made by the lawyer of the Arch- 
bishop of New York, a new convert to Romanism, who stayed 



336 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

ill the Republican party that bis clmrcli might keep its grip 
on the party to which it gives few votes. 

(4) Tlie eloquent and pathetic plea of the factotum of the 
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children. 

(5) The combination for revenue of the Roman Catholics 
with a section of the Jews. 

(6) The political ambitious of some of the conspicuous 
members of the Convention, who thought to conciliate the 
Roman Catholic vote in its solidarity. 

(7) The spiritless and unintelligent character of the patri- 
otic convictions of the rank and file of the members of the 
Convention. 

The following are some of the results of the defeat of the 
amendment : 

(1) Colonel George Bliss spends the ensuing weeks in an 
expensive villa in Rome, where he is lionized by Pope and 
Propaganda. 

(2) The Pope confers upon him the distinction of Com- 
mander of the Order of St. Gregory as a reward for his 
services in defeating the will of the people in New York, one 
of the sovereign States of his "beloved America," and in 
fastenincr the hold of Roman Catholic charitable institutions 
on the treasury of the State. 

(3) Colonel Bliss and Mr. Coudert are presented with a 
" loving cup " by the Catholic Club, in addition to their 
stipulated fee for legal services, in recognition of their great 
services to the financial interests of politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism in New York and in the country at large. 

(4) The doors of State and municipal treasuries in New 
York are thrown open, ^vith no feasible chance to close them 
by constitutional bolts and bars for tw^enty years to come. 

An issue of the New York Sim, in March, 1896, contained 
an interesting account of a meeting of the New York Roman 
Catholic Club. It said : 

" The Catholic Club gave a reception last night to Colonel 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism 387 

George Bliss and Frederic R. Coudert, and incidentally the 
Committee on Catholic Interests presented to each of them a 
silver loving cup, in recognition, as the inscription stated, ' of 
valued and efficient services in the cause of the Catholic 
charities of the archdiocese of New York as counsel before 
the Constitutional Convention of the State of New York held 
in Albany in 1894.' 

" Judge Joseph F. Daly presided, and in his address he 
sounded the praises of Colonel Bliss and Mr. Coudert for the 
service they rendered on behalf of the religious charities of 
the State. ' The result of these services,' said the speaker, 
' was the passage of enactments which, it is hoped, will for- 
ever remove the ignorance and prevent the misrepresentation 
concerning these charities which were so conspicuous when 
these gentlemen began their labors. 

" ' Their task was to enlighten an ignorance as profound as 
it was widespread, and to refute calumnies as adroit as they 
were labored.' 

" In presenting the cups on behalf of the Committee on 
Catholic Interests, Judge Morgan J. O'Brien said : 

" ' You will recall that for months preceding the Constitu- 
tional Convention the air was rife with rumors of the forma- 
tion of what were regarded as the two most formidable 
organizations hostile to Catholicity which have appeared since 
the era of Know-Nothingism. Of these the most blatant, the 
most bigoted, and the most extreme, was the organization 
known as the " A. P. A." which was avowedly anti-Catholic 
and was engaged in the attempt not only to destroy Catholic 
churches and religion, but to deprive Catholic citizens of their 
rights to vote or to participate in any way in political life. 

" ' The other organization, known as The National League 
for the Protection of American Institutions, wliose promoters 
were more circumspect and Judicious, and who proceeded to 
accomplish their objects without any flourish of trumpets, 
succeeded in enlisting not only those who from pure prejudice 



3gg Facing the Timntietli Centnry. 

were opposed to Catholicity, but obtained the support of 
uiaiiv intelligent and well-meaning men, who, without going 
heiieatli the surface, were engaged to follow and to lend their 
names and influence to an organization whose ostensible 
(.l.jeet was tlie protection of American interests.' 

" At tlie end of Judge O'Biien's speech Colonel Bliss 
advanced to the stage and received the loving cups. About 
his neck he wore the red ribbon and medallion of the Order 
of St. Gregory which was recently conferred upon him by the 

Pope. 

" ' I thiidc you are doing me too much honor, and I will 
jtrove it to you before I get through,' he said. Colonel Bliss 
then went on to state that all the figures and data with which 
he demolished the Rev. James M. King and William Allen 
Riitler in tlie arccument before the Committee on the Con- 
stitutional Convention, were prepared for him by the mem- 
bers of the Catholic Club, and instead of being work his part 
of the affair was fun." 

Juggling with figures by the paid agents of politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism to deceive or coerce politicians and 
unlock the treasuries containing the moneys of the tax-payers 
it appears is considered " fun " by a new convert to Romanism, 
and it is also considered as a meritorious act by Leo XIII. 
AN'orthy of reward ; for Colonel Bliss on the occasion above 
referred to " about his neck wore the red ribbon and medal- 
lion of the Order of St. Gregory which was recently conferred 
upon liim by the Pope." 

Concerning the relation of the Roman Catholic Church to 
the Cliarities Amendment defeated in the New York State 
Constitutional Convention, and over which the Romanists 
were so jubilant, the New York Times of June 3, 1894 said : 

'' The plea in regard to these charitable institutions is not 
locrically different from that in regard to the instruction of 
eliildi-en in schools. Traditions of the Roman Catholic 
Cliuich have come down from the time when it claimed the 



Politico- Eccle&iastwal Romanism. 389 

right to control secular government in all its branches and to 
be supported by public revenues. The claim was based upon 
the plea that this was for the temporal and spiritual well-being 
of the people. It is still the plea that charitable institutions 
and schools should be under ecclesiastical control in order 
that the inmates and pupils should be subject to sound 
religious nurture for the good of their souls. Any church or 
relio-ious sect is entitled to maintain charitable institutions 

o 

and schools for that reason, but in this country the state can- 
not do it or pay for doing it. The Roman Catholic doctrine 
of the past is at war with the American doctrine on this 
entire subject, and there is no question as to which must 
prevail. 

" It would be much better for the Roman Catholic Church 
and its adherents in this country to cast aside their traditions 
and accept the American doctrine, which is fundamental in our 
institutions and ineradically planted in the convictions of our 
people. It is a doctrine which permeates our whole system 
of government and contributes to its strength. Church and 
state must be kept apart, religion and politics must be kept 
separate, if our institutions are to live, and to this end there 
must be no mingling of public and ecclesiastical functions, 
interests, or expenses. The resistance of Roman Catholic 
authorities to the American doctrine is the source of the 
prejudice and passion which bigots seek to inflame. Let 
them once accept that doctrine and give over all effort to 
obtain public funds for religious purposes, and they will soon 
be reo-arded with the same tolerance and liberality that are 
shown toward Protestant sects." 

That the tendency of unnecessary appropriations in the 
name of charity is to encourage pauperism, and to increase the 
burden of tax-payers, has been sho^vn here as in England by 
the effect of injudicious legislation, in increasing the evils 
which it was intended to correct. 

Official statistics confirm the conviction, repeatedly ex- 



390 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

nressed by experts, that onr system of j^iiblic charities has 
offered teiuptatioiis aud facilities for abuse ou au enormous 

scale. 

The most of this l)aleful legislation aud the most of the 
abuses practiced, have been the price paid by politicians for 
the solid Roman Catholic vote which has placed them in 
power. 

The Roman Catliolic Foundling Asylum in New York and 
the Catholic Protectory received from the city funds in the 
years 188-1 to 1893 inclusive $5,103,498. Many of the so- 
called " orphans " have both parents living, and the church is 
maintaining them at the expense of the tax-payers and mak- 
ing an enormous profit, the appropriations being many times 
iu excess of the requirements of their support. 

The House of Refuge on Randall's Island, New York City, 
as the result of the passage of the so-called Freedom of 
Worship) Bill under Roman Catholic political dictation has 
become substantially a sectarian institution, and is now far 
removed from the original unsectarian methods of its 
founders. 

Romanists require constant watching ou account of their 
persistent raids in legislatures and Congress on the treasuries 
which hold the people's taxes. Every political device by 
legislation and otherwise to escape taxation is resorted to, and 
exemption from taxation means more taxes on others, and all 
iu the name of charity. 

Politico-ecclesiastical Romanism, by its assaults upon mu- 
nicipal. State, and national treasuries, has corrupted Protes- 
tantism by putting it on the defensive in behalf of its own 
ediicatiniial and charitable institutions, and, be it said to its 
discredit in many instances, it has through its varied branches 
engaged in mouey-gi-abbing from the people's treasuries, giv- 
ing as its excuse that if Roman Catholic institutions are to 
be supported from public moneys, it proposes to get its 
share, thus absolutely ignoring the principle involved. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 391 

Whenever the great body of Protestantism, including 
Judaism, has been brought to see the situation and the 
danger, it has promptly withdrawn from the copartnership 
with the state at the treasury point. 

A single instance of Protestant interference or iniquity in 
political or personal ways in any charitable institution, public 
or private, of the kind which is both normal and continuous 
with Romanism, notably in New York, would arouse the 
press of city and country to a condition of excited indigna- 
tion that would amount to editorial hysterics, and would fit 
many an editor for entertainment at the Roman Tammany 
hotel on Randall's Island, styled the Hospital for Incurables. 

A competent observer has said : " Go where you will, to 
prison, penitentiary, insane asylum, orphanage, hospital, you 
find a very large disproportion of the money Avhich the 
country is spending for the indigent and criminal classes is 
spent for people first who have been made poor by the 
Roman Catholic Church in other countries or in this country, 
and second, for people wlio are now kept poor in its com- 
munion." 

Politico-ecclesiastical Romanism vaunts itself upon the care 
of the poor. Admit the claim, and then consider the fact 
that the poor it cares for are chiefly the children of its own 
faith, and that in our land they mostly come in their wretch- 
edness and poverty from lands where Romanism has been 
in control and has shaped the conditions under which the 
people live. 

Why has Romanism across the seas made so many danger- 
ous elements of our population as are represented in our 
paupei-, dependent, and criminal classes in this country ? And 
why does Romanism claim it to be a virtue to take care of 
them here in their " charitable " institutions largely supported 
by funds taken from the taxes of the people ? Romanism 
failed in making these people, before they came here, fit in 
character for citizenship in the republic. Why should it be 



392 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

nermitted to coutiuue its work on tliis side ? Why should 
not the Goveriiinent undertake this work of neutralizing peril 
and of shaping character for safety ? The experience of States 
wliicli have undertaken their own charitable and reformatory 
work ade(piately vindicates the wisdom of such a course, and 
has promoted the interests of both religious liberty and civic 
safety. 

Romanism is willing to admit the fact that the pauper and 
criminal classes are chiefly members of its faith if it can 
thereby secure money from the taxes of the people for their 
care. Out of these grants for charity it often has a sui'plus 
to be devoted to such sectarian propaganda as it may elect. 

TO LABOR AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS. 

AVhile no fair-minded citizen will deny the right of any per- 
son to secure honest employment by honest means, regardless 
of sectarian relations, all fair-minded citizens will deny the 
right and equity of movements and combinations designed to 
secure employment for the members of a given sect to the 
detriment and exclusion of those of other religious affiliations. 

It is notoriously true that political Romanism has systema- 
tized the labor question to an extent that works great wrong 
to laborers who are not Romanists. Some of its brotherhoods 
and sisterhoods are recognized by corporations and politicians 
as tlie authoi'itative agents of Romanism for the placing of 
employees. For years a letter bearing the seal and cross of 
one of the relifrious orders has been the condition of securing; 
employment in a gi'eat municipal department. We have re- 
peatedly had brought to our attention the persistent and often 
audacious demands upon politicians, regardless of [)arty 
adiliations, by high Roman Catholic functionaries for even the 
humblest places of toil for their following, and the reason as- 
signed was that tliey were Romanists. 

This control of labor hj Romanism, and then forming it into 
organizations oflicered and managed by Romanists, adjusts 



PoUticoScdesiastical Mcymanism. 393 

affairs iu sucli couvenient style for presenting an imposing 
organized array of voters to politicians, that the demand for 
places, power, and appropriations on the delivery of votes 
presents a persuasive and tempting argument which the virtue 
of the political leader finds itself unable to resist. 

With rare exceptions, the multiform labor organizations 
which constitute the chief avenues to toil in the varied de- 
partments of human industry in this land to-day are in the 
control of Romanists, who either openly boycott or secretly 
plot against the equal rights to remunerative occupation of 
their fellow-citizens of the Protestant faith. 

Almost any pay roll of the administrative departments of 
the National Government, and of the varied departments of 
many of the State governments, and of most large municipali- 
ties and great corporations, will verify the statement that 
vastly iu excess of their rightful ratio based upon their entire 
numbers i-elative to the entire population, Romanists hold 
positions, while it is inci-easingly difficult for Protestants or 
those of other faiths to secure positions. 

It has come to be true that most labor legislation is enacted 
because the labor leaders, being Romanists, make demands as 
Romanists upon the party leaders, and thus intrench them- 
selves in power, evidently caring little for the rank and file of 
the laboring men whom they claim to represent. These agi- 
tators, who are petty tyrants and who hold the offices and live 
on the toil of others, are chiefly responsible for the antago- 
nisms between capital and labor. Their stock in trade is 
fomenting discord and breeding discontent. 

These Romanist labor leaders and walking delegates have 
been the chief instigators of riots and causeless strikes. Just 
laws, designed to protect the rights of all classes without 
erecting barriers between men, would dethrone these tyrants 
and make each honest man in every rank a self-respecting and 
thrifty citizen. 

The relations of capital and labor are difficult to adjust. 



394 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

because frequently when the laborer passes from the Roman- 
ized labor organizations into the capitalist class he is more 
tyrannical than the capitalist who inherits his capital. Neither 
t'lass legislation nor political Romanism can cure these con- 
riii-ts. Genuine, religious Christianity crystallized in law and 
incarnated in life can. 

Leo XIII., in his Encyclical of January 6, 1895, delivers 
himself on labor organizations thus : 

"Now, with regard to entering societies, extreme care 
should be taken not to be ensnared by error, and we wish to 
be understood as referring in a special manner to the working 
chisses, who assuredly have the right to unite in associations 
for the promotion of their interests ; a right acknowledged by 
the Church and unopposed by nature. But it is very impor- 
tant to take heed with whom they are to associate ; else, while 
seeking aids for the improvement of their condition, they may 
be imperiling far weightier interests. 

" Let this conclusion, therefore, remain firm — to shun not 
only these associations which have been openly condemned by 
the judgment of the Church, but those also which, in the 
opinion of intelligent men, and especially of the bishops, are 
regarded as suspicious and dangerous. 

" Nay, rather, unless forced by necessity to do otherwise. 
Catholics ought to prefer to associate with Catholics ; a course 
which will be very conducive to the safeguarding of their 
faith. As presidents of societies thus formed among them- 
selves, it would be well to appoint either priests or upright 
laymen of weight and chai-acter, guided by whose counsel 
they should endeavor peacefully to adopt and carry into effect 
sucli measures as may seem most advantageous to their inter- 
ests, keeping in view the rules laid down by us in our ency- 
clical Rerum Novarumy 

Romanism puts a ban upon secret societies, but organizes 
its owu, and seeks by tliem to control, by political solidarity, 
industrial, civic, and educational affairs. 



Politico- JEcclesiastical Romanism. 395 

It stations the representatives of the secret societies of its 
church on pay day at government and corporation depart- 
ments, and by the garb of these secret orders advertises the 
creed and the ecclesiastical connection, and collects the first 
installment of money from the toilers' wearily-earned wages 
in advance of the first claims of the wives and families. 

The claim often made by Romanism's political power is 
that it arrays itself on the side of social order and frequently 
suppresses among its people socialistic, anarchistic, and riot- 
ous tendencies. The claim is a confession that its fundamen- 
tal teachings have not prohibited these tendencies, otherwise 
it would not be obliged to resist them when developed. 

The New York Tribune, February 27, 1898, said : " It is true 
that there are turbulent and lawless elements in the popula- 
tion of the United States, largely derived from the older civ- 
ilization of Europe, which occasionally antagonize the rights 
of property and array themselves against the law." 

The Columbian Order was the name given to the Tammany 
Society when it was originally instituted as a patriotic organ- 
ization. The Columbian Order has been converted to politi- 
cal Romanism, and now the principles of converted Tammany 
are being extended throughout the country by the Roman 
Catholic secret society styled the "Knights of Columbus," 
which has made tremendous strides in organization and devel- 
opment during the past few years. Its members, in speaking 
of its purpose to outsiders, call it a benevolent society, but 
we have ascertained from the most authentic sources that 
benevolence is only an incidental feature, and that its purpose 
is primarily and essentially political. In the city of New 
York and vicinity it is definitely an adjunct of Tammany 
Hall in its political workings and purposes, and it reports 
nearly one hundred lodges in flourishing condition. 

In some portions of the northern part of the State of New 
York and elsewhere its membership claims to be made up 
largely of Republicans, but it matters not whether the mem- 



'^<^ji, Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

l»fi<liip are professedly Democrats or Republicans, the one 
pivdeteriiiined object of the multiplication of tliese secret or- 
"•aiiizatioiis is to mass in secret oath-bound organized form tlie 
male Roman Catholics of the city and State and country, with 
a view, at no distant day, of making the organization the 
basis and structure of a distinct Roman Catholic political 
party, to be o[)enly announced, as in Germany, when the 
orio-iiiators and promoters of the movement shall judge that 
it has gained sutticient strength, and that the times are ripe 
for its announcement. This organization has its chapters and 
ramifications not only throughout the churches, but within 
the police and fire and other administrative departments of 
niunieipal governments. Blanks, to be filled out with apjili- 
catious for membership, are placed in the hands of govern- 
ment officials and others to secure names, and the number of 
names filling those blanks, when reported, has determined in 
many instances the claims of the men who have circulated the 
blanks to political preferment and promotion. In more than 
one instance coming within our knowledge, men who liave 
songht clerical positions in some department of government 
have been told that to secure their j^osition, or to retain it 
when secured, they must join either Tammany Hall or the 
Knights of Columbus. In the various labor organizations, 
where the Roman Catholics by their superior numbers are 
not in al)solute control, chapters of the Knights of Coliunbus 
are formed, that they may be able to use their united vote to 
best advantage until they get control of the organization. 

The following extracts from an application blank for asso- 
ciate mend)ership in "The Order of Knights of Columbus," 
eiivulatcid among the employees in the different departments 
of the [tolitico-ecclesiastical Tammany Roman Catholic gov- 
ernment of the City of New York, furnish another link in the 
chain which binds the ecclesiastical and 2)olitical p)ower of 
'Jariiniany l)y an indissoluble bond. 

Heiiiir <l(,.sii(»ns of hpcoiniiig an associate irieniborof tlie Order of the 
Knights of Cohiiiibus, a hod)' corporate, organized and existing by 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 397 

special Act of the Legislature of the State, through Council, 

No. a Subordinate Council of said Order, do declare and say: 

That I am a practical Roman Catholic. 

That I will remain and continue to be a practical Roinan Catholic, or 
upon failure so to remain and continue, forfeit my membership in said 
Order, and all advantages accruing from membership of said Order. 

That I agree to ipso facto forfeiture of membership, if hereafter I 
engage in the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage, 
except as may be provided by law. 

That I will conform to and abide by the Constitution, By-Laws, Rules 
and Regulations, of said Order, and of any Council thereof, of which I 
may at any time be a member, which may now be in force, or whicli 
may at any time hereafter be adopted by the ]iroper authorities, or sub- 
mit to the penalty now or hereafter provided for the breach or violation 
of such Constitution, By-Laws, Rules or Regulations. 

That I will abide by the decision of the Board of Directors of said 
Order, or their successors, in all matters of difference or dispute between 
said Order, or any Council thereof and myself, relative to membership or 
the obligations thereof. And I hereby waive and surrender any right 
which I may or might otherioise have, to bring, institute and prosecute 
any suit against said Order or any Council thereof, in any Court, of 
Laio, or Equity, in this or any other IState in the United States. 

The papal power is violently opposed to such secret socie- 
ties as it cannot control, but has always employed secret 
organizations and conclaves as its mightiest cohesive power 
and as its instrument for offense and defense. 

The following is in part the text of the Encyclical against 
the Freemasons, sent out by the Pope in December, 1892. It 
was printed iu all the Roman Catliolic papers in this country. 
We have been accustomed to look upon Masons in America 
as a highly respectable and patriotic class of citizens. But 
what a wicked and pestilential institution Masonry must be ! 
And yet, such is the perversity of human nature that the 
organization persists in living despite the papal anathema. 

" Permit us then, in addressing you, to point to Masonry as 
an enemy at once of God, the Church, and our country. Once 
for all, recognize it practically as such and guard yourselves 
against such a formidable enemy with all the arms that reason, 



398 Facing th£ Twentieth Oentnry. 

conscience, and faitli piace in your liands. Let no one be de- 
ceived by its fair appearance, enticed by its promises, seduced 
)tv its Hatteries, or alarmed by its menaces. Remember that 
Freenia-sonry and Christianity are essentially irreconcilable, so 
that to join one is to be entirely separated from the other. 
The incompatibility between the creed of a Catholic and that 
of a Mason, you cannot, dear children, be ignorant of. Our 
predecessors openly warned you of it, and in tbe same way. 
We enipliatically repeat the warning to you. 

" Tiet those, then, who to their great misfortune have given 
tlit'ir names to any of these societies of perdition, know that 
they are strictly bound to separate themselves from it if they 
do not wish to remain cut off from the Christian communion 
and to lose their souls in time and eternity. Let parents also, 
and teachers, and employers, and all those who have charge of 
the interests of others, understand that a rigorous obligation 
binds them to do all that is possible to prevent those who 
depend on them from joining this wicked sect, and from re- 
maining in it if they have actually joined it. 

" Let not women readily join philanthropic societies of which 
they do not quite know the nature and the object without first 
consulting prudent and experienced persons, because this 
mountebank philanthropy, so pompously contrasted with Chris- 
tian charity, often serves as a passport to Masonic intercourse. 
Let everyone avoid having ties of friendship and familiarity 
with people suspected of belonging to Freemasonry or with the 
societies affiliated to it; recognize them by their fruits and 
eschew them. 

"Since we are dealing with a sect which has spread itself 
everywhere, it is not enough to be on the defensive towards 
it, but we must go courageously into the arena and meet it, as 
you will do, dear children, by opposing press to press, school 
to -school, association to association, congress to congress, ac- 
tion to action." 

When the trial of Sheriff Martin and bis deputies for sup- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 399 

pressing violent rioters, some of whom were killed at Latti- 
mer in Pennsylvania, was in progress, the combination between 
priests and labor demagogues appeared as usual. Ex- Attorney 
General Henry W. Palmer, in his eloquent defense of the 
heroic men who risked their lives to preserve the lives and 
protect the property of others, said : 

" In all my practice I have never before heard of a prose- 
cuting committee. Its presence in court is a great injustice 
to eighty-four men under indictment for murder. It has no 
standing in court. It is composed of two priests, a whisky- 
seller, and a worn-out politician. It is the business of a priest 
to send souls to heaven ; of a whisky-seller to send souls to 
hell, and of such a politician to lie and deceive." 

He then alluded to Gompers and Fahey, who organized the 
Miners' unions, as vultures who were feeding upon the quar- 
ters which had been paid in dues by the dead men, while the 
bullets were flying at Lattimer. " God help the American 
Federation of Labor," he exclaimed, " if it depends upon the 
counsels of such birds of prey." 

On December 12, 1897, in St. Patrick's Cathedral in New 
York, Kev. Daniel C. Cunnion, president, preached a sermon 
before the New York Union of Catholic Young Men's Socie- 
ties. Among other things he said : 

" He can only win in the struggle of life who learns his re- 
sponsibility as well as his capability. We must recognize the 
triple relation of family, state, and church. Only by building 
themselves on the Church's foundation can nations save them- 
selves from final ruin. If we see men sitting on high in Cath- 
olic countries who are not of our Church, to what must Ave 
ascribe it if not to the lack of organization among the young 
men of those countries ? 

" It is strange that millions of Catholics can be governed by 
men who hate the name of Catholic. It almost seems as if the 
struggles of past centuries had been in vain. In this country, 
where democracy is on trial, we must not lose sight of the fact 



400 Facing the Tioeiitieth Century, 

that history may repeat itself. Organization is the order of 
the (lav. We aim in our national union to keep young men 
ill a novitiate, whence they can be graduated into those move- 
ments wliich are fast becoming the strong right arm of Motlier 
Church. Tliere should be a society in every parish. It is 
thus tliat Mother Church hoj)es to make these United States 
entirely Catholic." 

If political Romanism will cease using the laborer for polit- 
ical enils; and if party politicians will stop contracting with 
political Romanism for the degradation of men by the delivery 
of votes ; and if Romanism and Protestantism as religious 
powers will unite in raising the individual laborer and the 
individual capitalist into a higher, responsible, and sovereign 
maidiood ; tlie relations of employer and employee will soon 
adjust themselves normally, as this part of the world, the New 
AVorld, is moving irresistibly toward the general recognition 
of the common fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of 
man. This in fact is the very genius of republican insti- 
tutions, and self-government finds its ins^^iration in the state- 
iiitMit of high authority that " God is no respecter of persons." 
Righteous men respect this principle because it is righteous, 
and unrighteous men accept it, in part at least, because they 
are obliged to. 

Let us remember that capital has no rights, but the capital- 
ist has; labor has no rights, but the laborer has. What is an 
equitable adjustment of advantages between the employer and 
the employee, between the capitalist and the laborer? The 
exalted idea of man that went out from the land of Judea 
changed the institutions of men, reconstructed society, and 
inaugurated a new epoch in the history of humanity. Love of 
wealth was the teaching of Paganism, but the love of man is 
the teaching of Christianity. Cicero said : " All who live by 
mercenary labor do a degrading business ; no noble sentiment 
can come from a workshop." The sentiment that came forth 
from the Avorkshop of the Carpenter of Nazareth gave a new 



f 






CAPTAIN BOYCOTT. 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 401 

conception of man. It taught humanity that it was possible 
to endure poverty without despair, and that riches might be 
accumulated and used without sensuality and pride. It ban- 
ished the selfishness which would isolate itself and divide the 
race artificially and imperiously into classes, and dictated the 
model prayer which binds the race together in a common 
brothei-hood, based upon the facts of a common origin and 
common dependence. It promises no blessings to individual 
man, only as they are asked of " Our Father," recognizing 
" our debts " while seeking " our daily bread." 

Christianity gives the spirit but not the science of a solution 
of the problem of the equitable distribution of wealth. Its 
relation is the same ^ to other problems. It i-espects and de- 
fends every man's rights because he is a man. It unmistak- 
ably teaches that the right of property is simply the right of 
a steward to discharge his trust without interference. Moral- 
ity and legislation give different definitions to crime. Moral- 
ity never changes its definition, but in legislation the crime of 
yesterday may be the virtue of to-morrow. Human enact- 
ments vary with the sentiment of the time ; the law of God is 
never repealed or amended. 

Talk about adjustment by arbitration of differences between 
classes as we may ; after all, the relationship which men sus- 
tain to each other, in the last analysis, is a moral and individ- 
ual relationship of man to man, and out of that relationship 
arises duty which no man with a title to manhood can either 
evade or will seek to evade. The acceptance of this immu- 
table truth gives dignity to personality and erects a fortress 
of safety for individual right, and permits no man to lose his 
identity or responsibility in a crowd or in a corporation. 

TO THE BOYCOTT AND THE BOSS. 

Captain Boycott, a factor and farmer of Mayo, Ireland, has 
gone into history, his name embalmed in a new word now 
used in the languages of many lands, both in the Old World 



402 Facing the Tvmitieth Century. 

and in the New. Boycotting is defined to be: "the system 
of comV)ining to hold no relations, social or commercial, with 
a neiglil)«r, in order to punish him for differences in political 
oj>inion ; a kind of social excommunication." Mr. Parnell, 
til.' Irish parliamentary leader, has the credit of inventing 
and formulating the methods of torture of this modern Inquisi- 
tion. The date and place of this invention were September 
19, 1880, at Ennis, Ireland. The first celebrated victim was 
Captain Boycott. The persecution was conducted by Eoman 
Catholics in the supposed interests of Roman Catholics. 
Victim after victim was made to suffer inhuman treatment 
until the British Parliament laid its heavy hand on the social, 
business, and political iniquity by enacting the Crimes Act 

of 1887. 

The boycott was begotten by the same spirit Avhich in- 
vented the Inquisition. In fact, it is the Inquisition operat- 
ing under the enforced restraints of our modern civilization, 
and it only lacks opportunity for an exhibition of cruelty in 
enforcing its edicts by the penalty of death to the person of 
its victim as well as to his property or business pursuit. 

The same spirit and the same purpose v^^hich devised and 
put in practice the boycott in Ireland, brought it across the 
ocean, and promptly began putting it in operation in this 
republic. The boycott everywhere is essentially a Roman 
Catholic institution. 

It is extensively employed by politico-ecclesiastical Roman- 
ism in this country against merchants and others who dare 
advertise in papers which fearlessly discuss facts concerning 
its aggressions. Several newspaper enterprises have thus 
been killed off in late years. Merchants will contribute to 
causes for Avhich they have contempt because of their fear of 
losing customers, or because of their desire to secure a given 
class of customers. Politicians, of course, notoriously do the 
same thing, thus corrupting the whole public moral sense of 
the people with cringing cowardice. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 403 

Protestants refuse to contribute, or if they do contribute to 
the support of patriotic publications or movements, desire to 
have it kept quiet for fear of the boycott in business. The 
average citizen as a rule stands in fear of the boycott. 

The political boss was begotten from the necessity forced 
upon political leaders by Roman Catholic politicians holding 
the Roman Catholic vote as a solidarity capable of delivery 
and thus beyond the power of argument. This accounts for 
the political pre-election bargains made by the bosses of both 
parties to a^^point factory inspectors and members of labor 
bureaus who are Roman Catholic because of their claim to 
control the labor vote in the varied labor organiatizons which 
are chiefly manipulated by Roman Catholics. 

A boss is important only as he represents a constituency 
which he can control and upon which he can barter to secure 
money from corporations and appropriations from legislatures 
and fees for the security of crime against prosecution. There 
is no city or State in the United States where Romanism 
holds the control or the balance of power in the electorate 
where these three sources of revenues are not drawn upon. 

Political Romanism has thus created the boss and the boss 
has in turn intrenched its creator in power. 

An editorial in 1894 appeared in the Glasgow (Scotland) 
Evening Neim^ which in the light of the facts then existing 
and in the light of the experience of a restored Roman 
Catholic Tammany rule in the commercial metropolis may be 
interesting to American readers : 

" Although the Avord ' boss ' is so familiar as to have se- 
cured the respectful recognition of the latest lexicographers, 
it does not figure even in the slang dictionaries of ten years 
ago. It has come to us from the Americans, who got it from 
the Dutch — (baas^ a master). 

" The ' Boss ' (for he is considered worthy of a capital B now 
in the States) has become one of the most extraordinary 
features, if not the most extraordinary feature, of American 



4(^14 Facing the Tioeiitieth Century. 

iniinii'i|>al life, and ' Bossing ' is a disease which is eating into 
the vitals of American citizenship. The Boss of the United 
States, from New York to San Francisco, is Irish. 

" Bred ill the odor of the saloons and the gambling halls, 
he graduated in time to the domination of other ' jiatriotic 
exiles,' and practically owns the polling booths of the munici- 
pal wards. An Irishman has no sooner landed off the ship 
and set foot on Castle Garden, than the Boss has him under 
liis thumb by bribery, by threat, or by the old inalienable 
claim (»f clanship, so strong a factor in bringing the Celtic 
races to the front. There landed in America from Ireland 
dmiiii;- tlie last half century, no less than 3,250,000 Irish 
people, and the sons of this great multitude, native born, have 
shown a marvelous hereditary aptitude for securing offices, 
such as those of aldermen, councilmen, policemen, bureau 
chiefs, and mayors. 

"As long ago as 1886 more than a seventh of the entire 
population of the City of New York was of Irish birth. New 
York is under the heel of the Irish Boss. It is a fact apparent 
in the press of the State. 

" If New York was well governed, there would not be the 
same ground for alarm at this universal rule of the Irish 
minority ; but it is not well governed. 

" What has been said of New York City is true of all the 
principal cities of America, and a writer in the April number 
of the Forum describes the Irish bossing as * a national ulcer,' 
to be thrown off sooner or later if American independence is 
ever to lie anything more than a mere name. It is diflficult 
for the Britisher, with his well-balanced municipal repi'esenta- 
ti<»ii, to realize the full misfortune of all this. The Trade 
Union Boss we know in George Square, in a mild, and, as yet, 
harmless form, but we are lucky as citizens, inasmuch as the 
connnon sense of the electorate and good counsel have pre- 
vented any particular race, class, or interest from getting the 
upper hand of our civic affairs — although the attempt to 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 405 

establish the Boss is growing every year more determined. 
Let us be warned by the experience of America." 

Theodore Roosevelt, in " American Ideals," says : 

" The oi-ganization of a party in our city is really much like 
that of an army. There is one great central boss, assisted by 
trusted and able lieutenants ; these communicate with the 
different district bosses, whom they alternately bully and 
assist. The district boss in turn has a number of half-sub- 
ordinates, half-allies, under him ; these latter choose the 
captains of the election districts, etc., and come into con- 
tact with the common heelers. The more stupid and ignorant 
the conuuon heelers are, and the more implicitly they obey 
orders, the greater becomes the effectiveness of the machine. 
An ideal machine has for its officers men of marked foi'ce, 
cunning and unscrupulous, and for its common soldiers men 
who may be either corrupt or moderately honest, but who 
must be of low intelligence. This is the reason why such a 
large proportion of the members of every political machine 
are recruited from the lower grades of the foreign population." 

The eloquent Bourke Cockrau, himself a Roman Catholic, in 
a remarkable speech made in New York City on October 21, 
1898, in tlie interests of the candidacy of Judge Daly, a 
Roman Catholic, whom Richard Croker, a Roman Catholic, 
had refused to renominate because he had as judge declined 
to obey the boss in the matter of political patronage in his 
court, said : 

" When I use the words boss and boss-ship I am not moved 
by a desire to indulge in personalities or in abusive epithets. 
The boss-ship is too real, too strong a force in our municipal 
existence to be disposed of by sneer or reproach. I use the 
term because no other will convey an adequate idea of the 
power with which the citizen nuist grapple if he is to vindi- 
cate his liberties in this crisis. All the power, legislative and 
executive, of this municipality is to-day in the hands of the 
individual who rules the destinies of the Democratic party, or, 



406 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

iu other words, in the hauds of the boss, aud there it will re- 
maiu, whatever may be the outcome of this canvass." 

:^Ir. Cockran knew that the all but omnipotent power of 
this boss consisted absolutely aud solely iu the fact that he 
was the commander under ecclesiastical sanction and support 
of substantially the solid Roman Catholic vote. Judge Daly 
^^•as a Roman Catholic, but the election returns demonstrated 
that the solidarity that made Boss Croker possible was un- 
broken. Politico-ecclesiasticism could not afford to permit 
discretionary choice on the part of its following. The prece- 
dent might be dangerous. A taste of liberty might cause 
men to think they were free. 

Our great cities are now mostly under the control of un- 
scrupulous bosses who rule through political rings, whose 
power is lodged in a solid Roman Catholic vote led by a 
political priesthood. The perfection of this false system 
tinds its illustration in New York City. 

Bossism never entered American politics until politico-eccle- 
siastical Romanism showed it how to move and set its pace. 
The inventors of the Inquisition were the inventors of bossism 
as well as of the boycott, and the same principle is involved 
in both institutions. 

Finding: that a lar2:e vote of Roman Catholics could be and 
wa8 massed, political leaders or bosses have claimed that they 
were compelled to offset this solidarity by similar massing, 
until the massing has extended to the casting of the votes of 
delegates in the nominating conventions of both of the domi- 
nant political parties. Nominations are predetermined by the 
bosses and then conventions are permitted to seem to act de- 
liberately. All this had its origin in the practice of politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism in its control over the sovereignty of 
the citizen. 

A popular fad among all political and social reformers in 
these late years is to condemn and rail against party meas- 
ures aud Ijosses and bossism. But is it ignorance, cowardice, 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 407 

or hypocrisy that influences them to scrupulously avoid any 
assault upon the one dangerous political machine in America 
which makes other machines and bosses possible ? Whatever 
the cause of this avoidance may be, the fact makes honest 
citizens almost have respect for avowed courageous and sys- 
tematic political wickedness. 

In legislation the boss can be dealt with by corporations 
with greater safety and greater economy than by the ancient 
methods resorted to by corporations to effect legislation by 
buying up large numbers of law-makers. Now, the boss owns 
the legislators, who were nominated by his power and elected 
by his forces, and it is " nominated in the bond " that they are 
to enact his will. 

We have heard prominent and reputable representatives of 
great corporations justify their financial dealings with political 
bosses, on the grounds that all legislative privileges and legis- 
lative protection cost money, and that the new method was 
safer, less corrupting, and more economical for the corporate 
interests they represented than the old. 

The boss system in politics has entered into partnership 
with the moneyed power, making a " combine " irresistible 
and omnipotent. And the worst feature of the entire business 
is, that where great principles and interests are at stake in an 
election, municipal, State, or national, honest men are com- 
pelled to recognize the boss by placing in his hand fabulous 
sums of money for conducting a campaign. 

And all this corruption and iniquity had its origin in the 
solid vote subject to the command of a politico-ecclesiastical 
power. 

For the protection of their citizens against this imported 
tyranny many of the States have felt themselves compelled to 
enact auti-boycotting and anti-blacklisting laws. These two 
iniquitous immigrants are congenial brothers. 

The States having laws prohibiting boycotting in terms are 
Colorado, Illinois, and Wisconsin. 



408 Facing the TwentiefJi Century. 

The States baviug laws prohibiting blacklisting in terms are 
Alabama, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, 
Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, North 
Dakota, Utah, Virginia, and Wisconsin. 

The following States have laws which may be fairly con- 
strued as prohibiting boycotting: Alabama, Connecticut, 
Florida, Georgia, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, 
Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, New York, North 
Dakota, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Vermont, and 
Wisconsin. 

The following States have laws which may be fairly con- 
strued as prohibiting blacklisting : Michigan, New Hampshire, 
New York, Oregon, llhode Island, and South Dakota. 

In the following States it is unlawful for any employer to 
exact an agreement, either written or verbal, from an em- 
ployee not to join or become a member of any labor organi- 
zation as a condition of employment : California, Colorado, 
Idaho, Indiana, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, New Jer- 
sey, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. 

The ramifications of the system of bossism in politics reveal 
a supervision equal to the most rigid military discipline, 
extending down from the chief to the most thorough possible 
surveillance and responsibility for the bringing into line the 
individual voter. The district boss, or leader, is held repou- 
sible for what may be represented by a regiment of soldiers, 
the regiment being subdivided so thoroughly that the little 
busses are only responsible for a limited number of voters, 
and are therefore excuseless, if they do not give a rigid 
account of their subjects. All these under-bosses report to 
tlieir superiors, and their superiors in the general council or 
committee report to the chief boss, from whom they receive 
their instructions and orders. When an election is carried 
and the time for the distribution of spoils has arrived the 
division is supposed to be based upon mathematical calcula- 
ti(jns, tlie chief factor in the problem being the number of 






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Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 409 

voters. This system lias reached its perfection in practice in 
Tammany Hall, in the City of New York, which couti'ols in 
its ecclesiastical co-partnership substantially a solid Roman 
Catholic vote. It is easy to see under this system how it is 
not only possible for one boss to become all but omnipotent, 
but how bosses representing ostensibly opposing political 
parties can dicker and trade the offices supposed to be elective 
to suit their own selfish and unscru]3ulous purposes. The 
only possible method of breaking this corrupting power in 
American politics will be by the inculcation of an intelligent 
patriotism as a basis of self-respecting assertion of personal in- 
dependence. When every vote expresses the conscientious 
conviction of the voter who casts it, and when the voter gives 
allegiance to only one govei'umeutal power, and that the 
government under which he lives and which grants and pro- 
tects his lights civil and religious, then will bossism receive 
its death blow and depart from our history. 

TO "rum, ROMANISM, AND REBELLION." 

Perhaps no single incident in the history of American 
political Presidential campaigns has been more dilated upon 
and moralized about, or is more pregnant with instruction, 
than the " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion" incident of 1884. 
The facts connected with the incident have never in any sin- 
gle narration been placed in their proper relation. 

On the morning of October 29, 1884, about a thousand 
clergymen of New York and vicinity assembled at the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel in the City of New Yoi'k to meet James G. 
Blaine, the Republican candidate for the Presidency. When 
the list of names of those present is perused it must be 
admitted that they were not only representative, but that 
an overwhelming majority of the Protestant ministers of the 
great center of population were present. They had been 
invited by a printed, unsigned card sent out by a clergyman, 
Rev. Dr. McMurdy, who was serving the Republican National 



410 Faciny the Twentieth Century. 

C'ommittee iu some capacity. Two or three days previous to 
the meetiuf' Dr. Spear and Dr. Armitage requested the writer 
to prepare some resohitions to be presented to the meeting for 
its action. lie did as they requested. When the clergymen 
were assembled in the parlors of the hotel, Rev. Dr. S. D. 
Hiuvhard, being the pastor of the longest consecutive service 
in the city, was chosen Chairman, and Rev. Dr. Mac Arthur 
was chosen Secretary. The resolutions which had been pre- 
pared were presented and their author moved their adoption. 
Tliev were seconded in a speech made by Dr. Spear and then 
adopted. The writer, known to be well acquainted with Mr. 
Blaine, was appointed to wait upon him in his rooms and 
request his presence, which he did, presenting him to the 
cliairman and to the assembled ministers. Then Dr. Bur- 
rliard made the address to Mr. Blaine in which he used the 
phrase, " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion." Short addresses 
were made by Dr. Spear of The Independent, Dr. Mac- 
Arthur of Calvary Baptist Church, Rabbi Browne of 
the Temple Gates of Hope, Dr. Roberts of the Congrega- 
tional Church, Rev. S. B. Halliday of Plymouth Church, 
Rev. Mr. Price of the African Church, and Mr. Lawrence of 
the Friends. Then Mr. Blaine made his address, which in 
intellectual grasp was perhaps the most remarkable of all his 
scores of speeches delivered during the campaign. After Dr. 
Burchard had made his speech, and two or three other brief 
addresses had been made, Mr. Blaine turned to the writer 
and said : " That ' Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion ' remark of 
Dr. Burchard is exceedingly unfortunate. I wish you would 

see Mr. [who was editor of a prominent New York 

daily] and with him get the press reporters to suppress the 
remark." It was thus kept out of many of the papers. But 
some of the papers printed the alliteration and emphasized 
it editorially. The following Sunday circulars giving the 
famous phrase, and appealing to sectarian prejudice and hate, 
were extensively distributed at the doors of Roman Catholic 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 411 

churches, and, as a result, it is claimed that the solid Roman 
Catholic vote was massed against Blaine. If this is true, 
then a vote that could be thus, and for that reason, suddenly 
and without opportunity for argument, alienated from one 
candidate and massed for another is a peril to the republic. 

Dr. Burchard, grand and true man that he was, was crushed 
under the consciousness of having been, as the papers declared 
and as he believed, the instrument of injuring the man whom 
he admired. The writer called upon Dr. Burchard, and tried 
to get him to write and sign for the papers a letter in sub- 
stance as follows : 

" Mr. Editor : In addressing Mr. Blaine on October 29, 1 
used the phrase ' Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion ' in charac- 
terizing some of our political opponents. I now desire sim- 
ply to say, that perhaps the remark was inopportune and 
under the circumstances, it would have been more politic not 
to have made it. But I also desire to say that while the 
utterance might have been in timeliness inexpedient, it em- 
bodied historical and painful truth, and as an individual 
citizen I assume the I'esponsibility for its accuracy." 

Dr. Burchard was so depressed in feeling at the defeat of 
Mr. Blaine that he declined thus to place himself on record 
as believing the truth of what he uttered, but he un- 
doubtedly did believe it. 

Mr. Blaine, because of his family connections, was supposed 
to have a large Roman Catholic following. His magnetic per- 
sonality and leadership and his broad and genial catholicity 
had also won to his support some fervid Irish Roman Catho- 
lics. The contest in New York State \vas extremely close, the 
plurality in the State revealing the fact that a change of six 
hundred votes would have changed the results of the entire 
national election, and the vote of that State in the electoral 
college being necessary to determine the election of President, 
the issues possessed great import. There were several inci- 
dents during the campaign which changed more than 



4^0 Facing the TiDentietli Century. 

eiioiio-h votes to ueutralize many times Mr. Cleveland's small 
pliiralitv margin. The dinner on the evening of October 29, 
1884 which one of the daily papers illustrated as Belshazzar's 
feast with most telling effect, at which Mr. Blaine sat down to 
the feast with many rich men and millionaires, who were 
t'xpected to contribute the sinews of w^ar for the political 
contest in the electoral campaign just closing, produced repel- 
iiui' and disgusting results upon laboring men ; the change of 
votes ill a single manufacturing establishment in New York 
City, the pro[)rietor ascertained, was sufficient to have caused 
defeat. Many Third Party Prohibitionists, who up to this 
time were favorably disposed toward Mr. Blaine, were 
alienated by the ostentatious publication of the wine and 
liquor features of the dinner in question, despite the fact that 
the fuest turned down his o^lass and did not taste wine. Mr. 
J^laine expressed to the writer great apprehension in the 
aftei'noon before the dinner, and great solicitude afterward, 
as to its effect upon the minds of the laboring men. He 
said he had been invited by telegraph to meet some gentle- 
men at dinner on the date in question, but he had no thought 
<»f a largely attended banquet whicli would make the event 
conspicuous by the wealth of the guests. Then there ^vas the 
defection of thousands of voters, as the election returns 
jjroved, in the western part of New^ York State, who acknowl- 
edged the leadership of Roscoe Conkling to the extent of 
being willing to aid him by tlieir suffrage in punishing the 
man against whom he cherished uncompromising hostility 
and resentment. Then no one doubts that Beecher's capti- 
vating oratory, political change of base, and personal feeling 
against Mr. Blaine decided more than the six hundred votes 
necessary to change the issue of the contest. All these his- 
toric facts have been incidentally and occasionally refei'red to, 
l)ut the famous alliteration keeps haunting editors and poli- 
ticians and will not downi. 'I'here must be some reason for 
th.- p.-i-sistent reappearance of this politico-ecclesiastical ghost. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 413 

It seems that it can neither be appeased nor banished, but 
stalks forth from the viewless into the visible on the slightest 
provocation. 

While we would give all praise and credit to a Father 
Matthew for his attempts to lead his people in paths of 
sobriety, and to the occasional priests who honestly attempt 
to stem the awful tide of intemperance about them, they 
notoriously constitute such rare exceptions among their 
people as to make them cousf)icuous. 

Rum and Romauism sustain very vital relations, and neither 
party to the alliance ought to attempt publicly to repudiate 
the legitimacy of those relations. Where both parties to a 
close alliance receive mutual benefits neither party ought to 
make a show of indignation ^vhen someone in public speech 
couples their names. It is neither candid nor chivalrous. 

Take out of the treasuries of the Roman Catholic Church 
the amounts contributed by rumsellers and a^^propriated from 
excise funds, and from other taxes of the people, and you can 
easily see the bottom of the barrel. 

Nuns and sisters have systematically collected revenues 
from the rumsellers, itinerating from saloon to saloon for the 
purpose. 

It is notoriously in evidence that the great majority of the 
liquor saloons are run by Romanists, and no one would ques- 
tion the fact that they extensively patronize these pauperizing 
aud criminal-breeding institutions, and that wliile their church 
conventions and congresses pass " temperance resolutions," the 
men who compose them are not notorious total abstainers. 

Dr. Orestes A. Browuson, eighteen years after his conver- 
sion to Romanism, wrote a paper entitled "Protestantism and 
Infidelity," in which he said : 

" The worst-governed cities in the Union are precisely those 
in which Catholics are the most influential in elections and 
have the most to do with municipal affairs. We furnish more 
than our share of the rowdies, the drunkards, and the vicious 



414 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

population of our large cities. The majority of grog-sellers in 
the city of New York are Catholics, and the portions of the 
city where grog-selling, drunkenness, and filth most abound 
are those chiefly inhabited by Catholics; and we scarcely see 
tlie slightest effort made for a reformation." The nominations 
for..tH^'»- an<l the elections in most of our large cities are con- 
trolled t.)-(lay by Roman Catholic saloon keepers. 

Father Elliott, in the CatlioUc World (September, 1890), 
made this honest confession : " The horrible truth is, that in 
many cities, big and little, we have something like a mo- 
nopoly of selling liquor, and in not a few something equiva- 
lent to a monopoly of getting drunk. I hate to acknowledge 
it' yet from Catholic domiciles— miscalled homes— in those 
cities and towns three-fourths of the public paupers creep 
annually to the almshouse, and more than half the criminals 
snatched away by police to prison are, by baptism and train- 
ing, members of our church. Can anyone deny this, or can 
anyone deny that the identity of nominal Catliolics and pau- 
perism existing in our chief centers of population is owing 
to the drunkenness of Roman Catholics ? For twenty years 
the clergy of this parish have had a hard and uneven fight to 
keep saloons from the very church doors, because the neigh- 
borhood of the Roman Catholic Church is a good stand for 
the saloon business ; and this equally so in nearly every city 
in America. Who has not burned with shame to run the 
gauntlet of the saloons lining the way to the Roman Catholic 
cemetery?" Yet this same Father Elliott, speaking of his 
recent tour among the non-Catholics of the West, declared : 
" America will be converted and made a Catholic country." 

Father M. F. Foley, of DeLand, Cal., writes in Cardinal 
(Jiblx.ns' own organ (^Catholic Mirror') lately, this plaintive 
Avail : 

"(Jo into our prisons, our reformatories, our almshouses; 
go into our great usylums where numbers of children are 
being reared, in what must necessarily be hot-house atmos- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Roman ism. 415 

phere, to face the storms of life. Go into the crowded tene- 
ments of our cities, into their lowest dens and dives ; see the 
misery, squalor, reigning there ; see the men and women, low 
and besotted ; see the little ones dying as flies in the fetid 
air, or worse, living to poison the nation's atmosphere ; in a 
word, see degradation in its most repulsive form. In these 
abodes of crime, of poverty, of misery, you will find thou- 
sands of Catholics. Ask what has brought to prison and 
almshouse, to reformatory and orphanage, to dive and brothel, 
so many children of the church. Trumpet-toned comes back 
the answer : ' Drink, drink.' " 

The relations of Rum to Romanism, in the face of Roman 
Catholic testimony, none but the most brazen and unscrupu- 
lous will deny. 

But how about Rebellion ? The assumption is often heard 
that Romanists were a most important factor, if not the most 
important factor, in bringing to a successful issue the Civil 
War for the preservation of the Union. 

Dr. William Butler said in 1892: "The attitude of the 
papacy during our civil war was a source of anxiety to our 
government and to thoughtful men. Individual exceptions 
there were undoubtedly, but the general trend of the Roman 
Church was unfriendly. As if by a subtle instinct, the 
lowest member discerned that he could have no interest in 
preventing the power of this nation from being crippled, or 
its prestige as the great Protestant Republic destroyed. 
Their vote was generally thrown against the war, as the 
enemies of our country at home and abroad desired. For a 
contrast, look at the various Protestant sects of our land, and 
see how loyally they rallied to the help of our government to 
the last hour of the conflict. There is a reason for this 
marked distinction ; our downfall would have been the fail- 
ure of Protestantism at its culminating point." 

We have in our possession a facsimile of the letter of Pius 
IX. to Jefferson Davis, "given at Rome, at the seat of St. 



41(5 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Peter the 3d day of December, 1860, of Our Pontificate tlie 
eio-liteeiitli year." The letter begins : " Illustrious and Hon- 
orable Sir, Greeting : With all the good will which was fit- 
tin;:,'. we have recently welcomed the men sent by your Honor 
to bring to us letters dated the 23d of the month of Septem- 
])er last." The Pope then refers to letters he has sent to the 
Archbishops of New Orleans and of New York, and continues : 
" And it was very pleasing to us to know that thou, Illustri- 
ous and Honorable Sir, and those peoples are animated with 
the same sentiments of peace and tranquillity which we have 
inculcated in the above mentioned letters so earnestly ad- 
dressed to the aforesaid venerable Brothers. . . And from the 
same most clement Lord of compassions we entreat that He 
will illuminate your Honor with the light of His Divine 
grace, and join you to us in perfect charity." 

Romanism's relation to the Civil War was not that of either 
an open foe or a pronounced friend, and few of its following 
were among the Confederate forces and its numbers ^vere lim- 
ited in the Southern States at the time of the war. But it 
gave a divided loyalty and an emasculated service except in 
notable instances. 

A few passages from an approved Roman Catholic history 
will be pertinent at this point: "In 1861 the great mass of 
the population lay in the Northern and Western States, those 
south of Maryland on the east and of the Ohio River on the 
west, containing only four hundred and sixty-three out of the 
two thousand two hundred and thirty-five priests. 

" A terrible civil war ]>roke out at this time. A fanatical 
spirit at the North, which from time to time excited hostility 
to the Church on other occasions, sought the abolition, or at 
least the restriction of slavery in the South. Numbers of 
Protestant clergymen took an active part in stirring up a bit- 
ter sectional feeling; and when troubles began in regard to 
the extension of slavery in Kansas, the Protestant pulpits of 
the East rang with appeals to their flocks. In this matter the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 417 

Catholics stood caloof. When tlie war came no one could 
accuse theai of having done aught to precipitate it. Yet, as 
we have seen, they were chiefly in the Northern States which 
invited immigration, while the South discouraged it, and 
ignorant prejudices against the Church prevailed, as much 
at the South as at the North." — Biisinger and Shea's ^'Hist. 
of the Cath. Church^' pj). 40^-403. 

The assassination conspiracy which resulted in the death of 
Lincoln and purposed the death of Seward and Grant, in its 
inception, in its personnel, and in its issues was the work of 
Jesuitical Romanism. 

General Baker, ^vho had charge of the prisoners connected 
with the Lincoln assassination conspiracy, said in his report: 
" I mention as an exceptional and remarkable fact, that every 
conspirator in custody, is, by education, a Catholic." 

When John H. Surratt, pursued by justice, fled from the 
United States, being criminally concealed by priests and 
bishops in this country and in Canada, the law finally found 
him, congenially and naturally sheltered under the banner of 
the Pope as a soldier in the ninth company of Papal Zouaves. 

Father Walter, a Washington priest, who heard Mrs. Sur- 
ratt's last confession, sustained an active and criminally dis- 
reputable relation to the assassination conspirators, as was 
proven by the records of the trial and by his own contri- 
butions to the press. 

The attitude of Komau Catholic soldiers and others during 
the war of 1861-65 was not due to any conviction on their 
part that the Confederates were contending for a principle, 
but because the Sovereign Pius IX., to whom they owed their 
first and supreme allegiance, had committed himself and his 
subjects to Jefferson Davis. There was no principle concern- 
ing State Rights or Nationality involved, with them. 

The coupling of the Rebellion with Rum and Romanism in 
1884 may have had some gi-ound of justification, although the 
South generally has never had any sympathy wiA the specious 



4i.q Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

claiin:^ of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism or with the alliance 
of the Northern Democracy with the saloon or with Rome. 
The (iiiestion of negro domination in the South has forced the 
Southern States into alliances for expediency which have com- 
mitted them to political doctrines against which they would 
otherwise revolt. 

" Hum, Romanism, and Rebellion " is a meaningless phrase 
under the new conditions of nationality. 

Manila and Santiago have changed the conditions and liter- 
ally blotted out the alliterative triumvirate. 

Suppose Dr. Burchard had said Rum, Presbyterianism, and 
K.'bellion, or had made the middle word Methodist, Baptist, 
or Episcopal, would a commotion have been created? No. 
Why \ Because there would have been no truth in any such 
trinitarian adjustment of words. It was the truth contained 
in Burchard's statement that made it potent. Why, we again 
ask, is this one factor entering into the defeat of Blaine always 
editorially magnified ? It is an unconsciously humiliating plea 
of guilty to the indictment of Rome as a political powei*. 

Admit, as is claimed, that the " Rum, Romanism, and 
Rebellion" incident turned by Roman Catholic solidarity 
enough votes to determine the New York State, and, conse- 
quently, the national election in 1884; then our contention is 
established, that there is peril to the republic in such a vote 
which can be thus solidly and suddenly cast, without debate 
and without i-eason. Certainly the country entered upon a 
period in its history that was filled with suffering and national 
disaster. 

TO THE OOVERNMENT OF THE COMMERCIAL METROPOLIS OF THE 

NEW WORLD. — POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL TAMMANY 

ROMANISM. 

Anna ]':]la Carroll, in her book "The Great American Bat- 
tle," gives the story of the origin and objects of the Tammany 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 419 

Society, and by what means it was gradually perverted to the 
purposes of a foreign hierarchy : 

" The St. Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, was so 
called from Tammanard, a renowned Delaware chief. It 
originated immediately after the formation of our present 
Constitution in 1786, and hence was the first American order 
in these United States. The cardinal doctrine of its creed 
was the exclusion of foreigners from all political interference 
whatever with the affairs of our country, as in manifest con- 
flict with our republican liberty and the American policy. 
The Sons of the Revolution were the founders of this order, 
and it was under the teachings of Washington, the leader of 
those armies which, under God, conducted our nation to vic- 
tory and glorious freedom, added to their own experience and 
observation, that they saw the necessity at that early period 
for a purely national organization to uphold the true princi- 
ples of American faith and practice, and, in the language of 
our country's 'Father,' to prevent the evil of the foreign 
action of ' these men who had no attachment to the country 
further than interest binds them.' And here, Americans, be- 
fore the eyes of Washington and under the light of his coun- 
tenance, this national society had the zealous co-operation of 
the heroes of the Revolution, his companions in battle, and 
flourished under its stringent restrictions for ten years pre- 
vious to his death. 

" The sublime idea of deliverance from foreign influence was 
thus for years advantageously cherished by them. But money- 
loving, soul-devouring, office-seeking politicians began to join 
them, and the day of dispensation was at hand. They so 
multiplied that they actually held the balance of power and 
compelled the majority to yield to their commands, or would 
threaten to go over to the minority. They first required one 
member of the Legislature, which was granted ; then two ; 
they were yielded. And then, whatever they wished, and as 
they pleased. In a meeting of this society the Loco Foco 



.|o,^ Facing the Twentieth Century. 

n;ii tv lia<l it^ origin. The foreigners liad become so powerful 
ami (loiniiieeriiig that tlie Americans resisted and Idew out 
tlie lights! The foreigners relighted them by Loco Foco 
matches, and carried the measure by their votes. This was 
the fatal moment when Americans went over to Komanism. 
Snbsetiuent to the formation of tlie Tammany Society, but of 
the same epoch in our national history, was the Order of Cin- 
cimiati, another strong political society, which made ineligible 
to membership any American who was not a native-born son 
of the soil. Washington himself was president-general of 
that order to the close of his life, as Andrew Jackson had 
been the leader of the Tammany before the degenerate 

In 1834 Professor Samuel F. B. Morse, whose invention of 
the telegraph was perhaps the greatest single contribution to 
civilization in recent centuries, ran for Mayor of New York 
City, receiving nine thousand votes. The platform upon 
which Professor Morse stood in the canvass recognized the 
dangers of foreign, and especially papal influence upon our 
republican institutions, and set forth the necessity for the 
radical amendment of our naturalization laws. The appeal to 
the citizens of New York exhibited the increased burden of 
taxation for the maintenance of foreign paupers who make 
the city their refuge, and exposed " the ambitious arrogance 
of foreigners in their efforts to control the municipal affairs of 
the city." 

Were Professor Morse living to-day he would not be con- 
sidered an eligible candidate for Commissioner of Charities in 
the city of New York. 

William M. Tweed came into power January 1, 1869, and 
went out September 16, 1871. During these nearly three 
years the Roman Catholic Church received of public moneys 
1^1, ;')•.):., Don, for over one hundred institutions, the most of 
which had no existence in fact, and which, after Tweed, their 
partner in theft, was retired from business, disappeared from 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 421 

the list of " charities." Since that the number of such insti- 
tutions presenting claims has been smaller, but their demands 
have been greater. After the rascalities of Tweed had been 
exposed, sucli was the gratitude of his Roman Catholic con- 
stituents for their share in the spoils of his plunder that they 
elected him to the State Senate by a tremendous majority. 

From 1871 to 1875 the records of the raids of this Tam- 
many Romanism on the municipal treasury have been con- 
cealed. When in 1875 the records are aojain accessible, we 
find only sixteen Roman Catholic institutions mentioned in 
the list of claimants on the city treasury. Thus the confes- 
sion is made that dishonestly, fraudulently, and in partnership 
with the monumental thief of the century, tlie authoi'ities of 
the Roman Catholic Church, under the holy name of charity, 
lied in presenting the claims upon the people's money of one 
hundred institutions having no existence, and stole hundreds 
of thousands of dollars, to be used in promoting the interests 
of a politico-ecclesiastical machine capable of such rascality. 

And yet, when a few years have elapsed, we are asked to 
forget, and practically do forget, inside of a generation of 
time, the conduct of these precious rascals, and trust their 
successors in po\ver honestly to administer the affairs of the 
Greater New York with its greater opportunities for rascality. 

These sixteen institutions, from 1875 to 1886, took from 
the treasury of the city, in addition to eighty per cent, of the 
excise fund, the sum of |8, 052, 000. Since this last date it 
has been practically impossible to secure any extended and 
detailed data from the books of the treasury department. 

The cataloo-ue of the churches and institutions which were 

o 

partners with William M. Tweed, and which from necessity 
now in smaller numbers continue in partnership with Tam- 
many and Tweed's successor, is worth perusal and preserva- 
tion. We possess it as one of our historic treasures. 

While the Romanists thus succeeded in getting immense 
sums of money out of the city treasury under Tweed, and 



4l>'2 



Facing tlie Ttoentieth Century. 



ahlioiii'-h, after Lis (lowiifull, they did not venture to put in 
their ohiiiiis for the scores of bogus institutions which shared 
ill Tweeil's stealings, they had established a precedent for the 
lar^'-e sums ^aven to the institutions having an existence, Jind 
they have pressed on from tliis vantage ground, constantly 
making higher demands for " sweet charity." They have 
final Iv become so tlioroughly intrenched, and their forces are 
so strategically encam[)ed about the vaults holding, in State 
and niunicipalit}^ the moneys of the people, that politicians 
and legislators, members of constitutional conventions and 
boards of apportionment, boards of charities and office-holders, 
civil justices and political reformers stand and deliver when 
the Roman legions wheel into line and demand the keys and 
the combinations of the public safe. 

The eagerly antici[)ated but painfully disappointing encycli- 
cal of Leo XIII. in 1895 compelled an honest and cultured 
Roman Catholic layman to make an able and indignant pro- 
test against its illiberality, which he claimed had nullified the 
previously uttered loyal sentiments from prominent American 
Roman Catholics, and which had compelled them to stultify 
themselves. Among other expressions of conviction the writer 
says : 

" The falsity and erroneous fatuity of the position taken by 
Leo XIII., however, is prett}^ clearly demonstrated by recent 
political events in New York City, events in which the 
Catholic Church is supposed to have been largely interested. 
I refer to the exposures made of Tammany corruption b}- the 
Lexow Investigating Commission and the subsequent over- 
wlielming defeat at the polls, of the Democratic candidates. 
It is a well-known fact that the Catholic authorities of New 
\'^ -ik City have been charged with being in sympathy, if not in 
league, with the Tammany organization. In fact the situation 
was such that Tammany and Catholicism were su2)posed 
to be identical, and the odium and obloquy attaching to the 
l"<jrjuer were necessarily reflected upon the latter. The dis- 



Politico- Ecde8ia8tica I Romanism. 423 

credit and dishonor of the association, of the alleged affiliation 
were recognized and bitterly deplored by some who believed 
in a fearless, progressive, and honest policy, and these by word 
and act sought to demonstrate to the public that to be a 
Catholic it was not necessary to approve political dishonesty. 
It is to be hoped that in the future Catholicism will not be con- 
founded with Tammanyism or any other political ism ; but 
the action of tlie people of New York City and State in their 
vigorous condemnation of Tammany should suffice to make 
known to Leo XIII., not only that it would be impolitic to 
seek a union of church and state or church and political 
party, but that any attempt at such a union would be bit- 
terly resented and fiercely antagonized by the American 
people," 

Yet Tammany was restored to power in 1898 as the result 
of its union with the church and of the egotism and Phari- 
saism of party politicians and 2)rofessioual reformers. 

Tammany Hall's influence as a factor in New York and 
national politics was presented in the North American Review 
for February, 1892 ; Richard Croker, then and now its chief, 
being responsible for tlie article. 

" A well-organized political club," says Mr. Croker, " is 
made for the purpose of aggressive warfare. It must move, 
and it must always move forward against its enemies. If it 
makes mistakes, it leaves them behind and goes ahead. If it 
is encumbered by useless baggage or half-hearted or traitorous 
camp followers, it cuts them off and goes ahead. AVhile it does 
not claim to be exempt from error, it does claim to be always 
aiming at success by proper and lawful methods, and to have 
the good of the general community always in view as its end 
of effort. Such an organization has no time or place for apolo- 
gies or excuses, and to indulge in them would hazard its exist- 
ence and certainly destroy its usefulness." 

The methods of the Tammany organization he presented as 
follows : 



4l'4 



Facing the Tioentieth Century. 



«♦ As one of the members of this organizatiou, I siniply do 
what all its members are ready to do as occasion offers, and 
that is to stand by its principles and affirm its record. AVe 
assert, to begin with, that its system is admirable in theory 
and works excellently well in practice. There are now 
twenty-four Assembly districts in the county, which are repre- 
senttni in an Executive Committee by one member from each 
district, whose duty it is to oversee all political movements in 
his district from the sessions of the primaries down to the 
liual counting of the ballots after the election polls are closed. 
This member of the Executive Committee is a citizen of re- 
pute, always a man of ability and good executive training. 
If he were not, he could not be permitted to take or hold the 
place. If he goes to sleep or commits overt acts that shock 
puldic morality, he is compelled to resign. Such casualties 
rarely occur, because they are not the natural growth of the 
svstem of selection which the organization practices ; but when 
Tammany discovers a diseased growth in her organism, it is a 
matter of record that she does not hesitate at its extirpation. 

" Coincident with the plan that all the Assembly districts 
shall ])e thoroughly looked after by experienced leaders who 
are in close touch with the central committees is the develop- 
ment of the doctrine that the laborer is worthy of his hire ; 
in other words, that good work is worth paying for, and in 
order that it may be good must be paid for. The affairs of a 
vast community are to be administered. Skillful men must 
arlminister them. These men must be compensated. The prin- 
ci[)le is precisely the same as that which governs the workings 
of a railway or a bank, or a factory ; and it is an illustration of 
the operation of sophistries and unsound moralities, so much in 
vogue among our closet reformers, that any persons who have 
outgrown the kindergarten should shut their eyes to this obvi- 
ous truth. Now, since there must be officials, and since these 
officials must be paid, and well paid, in order to insure able 
autl constant service, why should they not be selected from 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 425 

tlie membership of the society that organizes the victories of 
the dominant party ? " 

Race and religion unfortunately draw party lines very 
closely in New York, the Tammany Democratic force being the 
Irish Roman Catholic vote cast, almost as a unit. This gives 
dangerous strength to the political and ecclesiastical or the 
politico-ecclesiastical boss. 

Puch said, after the reform victory in 1894, "That the 
church as a church, was active against the reform movement 
is beyond any question whatever " ; and charged that the 
head of the hierarchy had " made a disgraceful exhibition of 
pernicious activity in local politics. The most encouraging 
and hopeful view of the present situation is that the hand of 
the church has been pretty clearly shown in a way that ought 
to arouse the indignant Americanism of every citizen who 
would see our pul)lic-school system kept free from the taint 
of Romish conti-ol.'" And yet under the reform government 
Tammany Romanism was coddled and kept in place and power 
to an extent that, when the next municipal battle came, it had 
enough of its forces on the inside of the breastworks to make 
the work of the storming party easy and successful in the 
face of divided opposition. 

RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE TAMMANY MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 
CLAIMED FROM THE CATHEDRAL PULPIT. 

On Sunday, March 6, 1898, Father Sheedy of Altoona, 
Pa., delivered a lecture in the Cathedral in New York. The 
Irihune and other papers reported him as saying: "The 
Catholic Church in this country has put its seal of dis- 
approval on the liquor traffic." He especially condenmed the 
Sunday opening of saloons. He said : " Do not be scared by 
the chimera of a Puritan Sunday. There is no danger of you 
ever getting back to that. Cosmopolitan New York never had 
and never can have any odious blue laws. Give the working- 
man what he is entitled to — the Lord's Day, a day of rest ; 



4i>ti Facing the Ticentieth Century. 

make it a tlay of joy aud gladness. Throw open for him the 
art o-alleiies, the museums, tlie public libraries, if you will — 
aud you do well to do so — but keep the door of the saloon 
tightly shut." 

He then claimed that : 

"The administration of this proud city of T^ew York has 
btcn intrusted to a party Jargdy composed of Catholic citizens. 
What will tJte record he? Will it help to make this city truly 
irreater in moral and civic virtues ? Greater in art, in litera- 
ture, in patriotism, and in religious observance ? Let it prove 
to the people and to the country at lai'ge that the hopes of 
the coming century are safely centered in the conservative 
aud healing influences of the Catholic Church." 

Father Doyle of the Church of the Paulist Fathers, in speak- 
ing of Father Sheedy's lecture, said it was the official statement 
from the diocese made from the Cathedral pulpj it against Sun- 
day opening. 

W'^iiat relation does this '" official statement from the diocese 
made from the Cathedral pulpit against Sunday opening " bear 
to the other statement made from the same " Cathedral pulpit " 
by tlie same mouth, that " the administration of this proud city 
of New York has been intrusted to a party largely composed 
of Catholic citizens. What will the record he? '' It is perti- 
nent in the light of history, and not impertinent, to ask : What 
ha<i the record been i One of the papei-s closes its accouut of 
the meeting with this record : " At the close of the lecture the 
benediction of the Blessed Sacrament was given by Archbishop 
Corrigan." A priest's comment on the Archbishop's part in 
this temperance meeting was: ''His Grace must have been 
greatly embarrassed when he thouojht of the sources of his 
own revenues." 

Roman Catholicism thus justly claims to rule New York 
City. We shall see what kind and character of rule she 
gives when she has full sway. 

Father Malone, made a Regent of the Univei-sity of the 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Homanimi. 427 

State of Xew York by a Republican Legislature, and sup- 
posed to be anti-Tammauy iu political sympatliy, recognized 
in tlie triumph of Taiumany the benefit to Romanism, when, 
in addressing the younger members of his flock, on December 
26, 1897, he said: 

" Xo\Y that so many of the Tammany Hall leaders who will 
rule the city are members of the Catholic Church, they should 
be wise and seek to do good for the public, and not merely to 
attain their OAvn end. Good service rendered to the public is 
of more value to the Catholic Church, when accomplished by 
one of its adherents, than any other moral action which can be 
presented." 

Suppose it were true that the boss, the chief of police, the 
heads of departments, the keepers of saloons and brothels 
were, any considerable number of them. Episcopalians, Pres- 
byterians, Methodists, Baptists, etc., would not the denomina- 
tions be held responsible by the public ? Would they not 
deserve to be ? Roman Catholicism must be held responsible. 
We indict [)olitico-ecclesiastical Romanism for the crimes of 
Tammany, for Tammany's power under Croker, as under 
T^veed, is and icas only possible because of the solid Roman 
Catholic vote, and the Church benefits by the returns from 
this vice and crime in aj^propriations for her institutions and 
iu contributions for her churches. We indict her because she 
benefits by the price of vice and could largely stop it if she 
would. The authorities of the Church claim that the govern- 
ment is Roman Catholic. They claim the power and they 
must meet the responsibility. 

Archbishop Corrigan's jubilee in May, 1898, which rendered 
unnecessary a Tammany jubilee and Avhich occurred at the 
same time for which the Tammany municipal jubilee was 
projected, but for personal reasons postponed, was attended 
and addressed bv men who had been eu^'a^'ed in advocating' 
municipal reform movements which had been rendered im- 
possible by the solid Roman Catholic vote cast for Tammany 



428 Facing the lioentietli Centwy. 

and coutrolled by Croker and Corrigan. This was diverting 
to the public as a moniunental joke, and how the sides of the 
ecclesiastics and politicians must have ached with glee. Cro- 
ker's reception at the Democratic Club presented similar 
felicities of juxtaposition. 

The names of Tammany leaders, liquor-dealers, office-hold- 
ers, and contractors, and the names of the bulk of the contrib- 
utors to the Corrigan Jubilee Fund could be given in a sin- 
gh' list without the necessity of duplicates. Croker's fete at 
the Democratic Club and Corrigan's Jubilee might have joined 
forces and saved expense. 

An experienced politician on the Press recently wrote: 

"The Roman Catholic is generally a successful politician. 
If 1 had an ambition to go to Congress from any district in 
this city, the first move in that direction would be to join the 
Catholic Church, get en rapport with Romanism, and then 
h^ani Irish." 

When the Roman Catholic Church enters politics it must be 
lit.'ld responsible for the results of its voting solidarity, and 
cannot separate its political from its religious responsibility 
without abdicating its claims to being a religious oi'ganization. 

Richard Croker is the Roman Emperor of New York, be- 
cause in the battle at the polls solid Roman legions won a 
victory under his lead and made his coronation possible. 

lie literally controls Manhattan, because he owns the men 
who grant the franchises to corporations, and who levy and 
collect the taxes, and who make the appropriations and s])end 
tlie people's money. He makes the nominations for elective 
otHces, including judges, and dictates the appointments of an 
miiiK'iise army of office-holders, and all because he is backed 
l»>- ihr solid Roman Catholic vote. 

Croker said in response to the charges that New York was 
ill October, 1898, "wide open" : "If these men know of any 
violation of tin; law it is their duty to bring the matter to the 
aftriiiiuii (,r ihc District Attorney, and lam sure vigorous 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 429 

prosecution will follow." The District Attoi-oey to whom 
Ci'oker referred citizens for redress was Asa Bird Gardiner, 
who was elected to office on his own platform consisting of 
the single plank : " To hell with reform." 

That Mr. Croker is considered by his brethren and sisters 
in the faith as a religious political leader, and that Roman 
Catholicism and Tammany Hall are considered as religious 
partners will receive some authentication from the following 
correspondence which appeared in the Sunday Union, Decem- 
ber 26, 1897. Mr. Croker was then at Lake wood surrounded 
by his court, where he was engaged in making the appoint- 
ments for Mayor-elect Van Wyck, who was soon to take 
office. This touching correspondence appeared in the Sunday 
Union directly under the pictures of Richard Croker of Tam- 
many Hall and Rev. M. J. Lavelle of the Cathedral : 

SISTER MARY DAVID'S LETTER TO MR. CROKER. 

" St. Joseph's Hospital, Twelfth Street, 

" Long Island City, November 28. 
" Hon. Richard Croker : 

" Dear Sir : I hope you will pardon my intrusion in coming to you 
at your time of rest, yet I wish to let you know that we prayed most 
fervently to our Dear Lord and His Blessed Mother for your success; 
also for your restoration to healtli, when we heard you were ill. Now as 
a thanksgiving I wish to ask a little charity towards the erection of oui- 
new hospital which is in Greater New York. I enclose my poor wallet 
which will tell its own * tale of woe.' 

" We are sure you are chosen by our Dear Lord Himself. The day of 
election was dark and gloomy, but as soon as the victory was won, did 
notour Dear Lord send His sun to shine? Just at the time Mr. Van 
Wyck was proclaimed chief of Greater New York, the sun came out in 
all its splendor to prove that the Lord was with you in this contest and 
that you had His benediction. 

"Tlianking you in advance and with the assurance of our prayers and 
the prayers of our patients, I am, 

" Yours most gratefull}^, 

" Sister Mary David, 

"Superintendent." 



430 Fadng the Twentieth Century. 

MR. CROKER'S RESPONSE. -CHRISTIAN CHARITY. 

"Lakewood, N. J., December 19, 1897. 
" I)e.\r Sii^TER Mary David : 

" I found the enclosed wallet here in Lakewood. Evidently it belongs 
to vou and so I return it. Wlien it came into my i)ossession it was 
empty, but with it there was a kind letter full of the most beautiful senti- 
ments and fLMvent wishes. It, therefore, would not be just to restore the 
wallet in the impoverished condition in which it reached me, and so I 
have endeavored to show in some degree my appreciation of its com- 
panion letter by accompanying it on its return journey witli a green 
check instead of the green-back requested. 

" If you and the good Sisters with you, and your patients, will remem- 
ber me in your prayers I will be forever grateful that the ' thin slim wal- 
let ' fell into my hands and was restored to j'ou. 
" With great respect, 

" Yours very truly, 

"Richard Croker." 

The editor of the Union closes his account of Mr. Croker's 
" fervent Catliolic faith" and "charity" as follows: 

" About the first act of Mi-. Croker, after his return from 
the South after restoration to health, was to go to Tammany 
Hall, and move that $20,000 be given for the relief of the 
suffering poor. And much good is being done by this pious 
and generous act of charity." 

It would be an interesting study, both in ethics and mathe- 
matics, to trace this $20,000, which was so ostentatiously 
voted by Tammany as a " pious and generous act of charity," 
to the sources from which it came. 

New York is said to be the richest Roman Catholic diocese 
in the world, and large sums of money are sent from it to the 
Pope and the Propaganda in Rome. Tammany and the polit- 
ical power of the diocese being partners, the people of the 
metropf)lis of all political and religious faiths thus have 
noiiiial and ready relations with the universal temporal and 
spiritual S(n'ereign Pontiff. 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 431 

Tetzel sold indulgences, Croker sells patronage. Oli, for 
some jDatriotic political Luther among the honest Roman 
Catholics with conviction and courage to nail the bulls of this 
political Pope on the doors of the Cathedral and on the doors 
of the hall of Tammany. 

As at the corner-stone laying of a Roman Catholic Church 
in this city in the spi-ing of 1898, the Pope's flag was placed 
above the Stars and Stripes, so this relation of the two ensigns 
would have been entirely appropriate at the inauguration of 
the Mayor of New York on January 1, 1898. 

If the Pope lived in New York to-day, he would not count 
himself a prisoner confined within the narrow limits of his 
papal palace, for he would possess, under the present munici- 
pal government, temporal power, all but absolute, with a 
restricted spiritual power. 

During many years one heroic priest. Rev. Thomas J. 
Ducey, Rector of St. Leo's Church, has contended against the 
iniquities of Tammany, and "protested without ceasing 
against the efforts of Tammany Hall and its leaders to prosti- 
tute the foreign-born citizen and the Catholic name." He has 
also been a most self-sacrificing friend of the j^oor regardless 
of their sectarian relations, until his once ample private pos- 
sessions have been thoroughly depleted. These facts were 
both distasteful and reproving to the Archbishop, Tammany's 
best friend in New York. His Grace's tender susceptibilities 
were so wounded when he saw his friends on the rack of the 
Lexow investigation, that he could not endure the spectacle of 
that one priest being present at the investigation, whose polit- 
ical independence was a menace to evil doers and a reproof 
to him and his politico-ecclesiastical following. The Arch- 
bishop wrote a letter to Father Ducey, and received a re- 
sponse which it is to be presumed he keeps among his 
archives, if he does not count it among his treasures. 

Archbishop Corrigau's letter was dated from the "Arch- 
bishop's House, No. 452 Madison Avenue, New York, 



432 Facing the Twentietli Century, 

November 14, 1894." It addressed the rector in the usual 
way as '' Rev. Dear Sir," and opened with a passage substan- 
tiailv. if not literally, worded as follows: 

• 1 have noticed with pain your repeated attendance at the 
sessions of the Lexow investigating committee. 

" An honest Catholic layman would blush to go to such an 
assemblage as the Lexow investigating committee of his own 
fiTf will. 

" That you, a priest, should have attended such sit- 
tings daily, and seemed to glory in so doing, was most dis- 
cdifying." 

Succeeding the last passage came a paragraph to this 
effect : 

" It has been rumored that you attended the sessions of the 
Lexow committee as a representative of the Holy See. The 
Cardinal Secretary of State has written to me that there 
is no truth in this, and has also forwarded to my address a 
copy of the Osservatore Romano^ in which he caused it to be 
officially denied that the Rev. Thomas Ducey or anybody else 
lias received such a commission." 

The Archbishop then adds: 

'* I would not have allowed any other priest of the diocese 
to exlii])it such conduct. 

" Now thjit the elections are over I think it my duty to 
vindicate the sanctity of the priesthood. 

"I hei'eby give you canonical admonition to abstain in 
future from going to the sessions of the Lexow committee 
without permission in writing from me. 

" I trust you will be obedient." 

His Grace's message (which the writer has seen and read) 
was signed, 

" Very faithfully yours, 

" M. A. CORRIGAN, Abp." 

Ill aiiswcr to this interesting document Father Ducey sent 
the Archbishop the following letter : 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 433 

" St. Leo's Rectory, No. 1 8 East Twenty-ninth Street, 

"New York, November 17, 1894. 
''Most Reverend M. A, Corrigan, Arclihishop of New York 

" Your Excellency : I have received a very strange letter 
which you deemed it necessary to send registered, in order, I 
presume, that your Excellency might have my receipt for 
same. I am glad you have my receipt. 

"I regret to have received this evidence of your Excel- 
lency's want of appreciation of my persistent devotion and 
sacrifice in the interests of truth, morality, and religion. For 
years I have felt that you should be, next to the Holy Father 
now reigning, the greatest factor for good in the whole 
Catholic world. Unfortunately I am forced to say that here 
in New York, the greatest power in the world for good and 
humanity, and the Catholic Church, has been thrown to the 
winds, and we are now reaping the whirlwind. I am not the 
only man who believes and thinks that the greatest oppor- 
tunity Heaven has thus far given to the Catholic Church since 
the days of our Lord and his apostles for good, has been 
sacrificed in the city of New York. Had the Church, through 
churchmen, openly acted with courage in opposing the cor- 
ruption and corruptors of this great city, the Catholic Churcti 
would have glory throughout the world. Now, Dr. Parkhurst 
has Avon ! 

" Thank God, I am able to say that for more than twenty- 
five years I have, as a Catholic priest, protested without ceas- 
ing against the efforts of Tammany Hall and its leaders to 
prostitute the foreign-born citizen and the Catholic name. 
Dr. Parkhurst has had many elements to encourage and sup- 
port him. I, unfortunately, have had no personal help or 
organized society to encourage me, but I have had the con- 
sciousness that I was meriting the blessing of God and 
Catholic truth and morality. I have been the one voice cry- 
ing in the wilderness of corruption to make straight the ways 
of the Lord. I rejoice that Catholic truth has triumphed. If 



434 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

all the olmiTbes and churchmen of every denomination had 
known their duty, and cried out against the conditions over- 
turned on November 6, God's will would have long since 
been done on the earth of New York City. 

" Now, let me say to your Excellency. I deem it the duty 
of every good citizen to assist the Lexow committee and its 
counsel in the effort to purify the city by removing the cess- 
pool of crime and corruption created and fostered by the 
corrupt managers of Tammany Hall. The defeat of this 
corrupt power in the city of New York proves the truth of 
my view. I am pleased to know that I have been a humble 
factor in bringing about the result of November 6. 

"There is nothing in my course ' now that the elections are 
over,' as you say, that calls for a ' vindication of the sanctity of 
the priesthood ' by you, so far as my conduct is concerned. I 
certainly have, by ray course, up to the day of the election, 
exerted every power to have honor reflected upon the priest- 
hood. The City and the State of New York and the whole 
country recognize that I have not failed. 

" I do not know in what way I have exposed myself to re- 
ceive ' canonical admonition,' and I cannot see why I should 
* be commanded to abstain in future from going to the sessions 
of the Lexow Committee without permission in writing ' from 
Your p]xcellency. I have given my word that I would attend 
the sessions of this committee to its close, when not prevented 
by my duties. I know full well that I in no way transcend my 
riijhts as a priest by my interest in the Lexow investigation, and 
the best people of our city think and say that most certamly 
I am doing good work as a citizen by exerting every power to 
help the Lexow Committee to give us good government and 
secure and safeguard public as well as private morality. 

" Yon say that you would not allow ' any other priest of the 
diocese to exhibit such conduct.' If my conduct is a bad ex- 
hibit I regret that you made me an exception. 

"I think it is well known to the Apostolic Delegate and to 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 435 

the Holy Father that I \voul(l be the last person in Your Ex- 
cellency's diocese to j^lace the Holy See in a compromising 
position. I trust you will be pleased to learn that I have 
most carefully safeguarded the Holy See in the archdiocese 
of New York and throughout the country, and I know Your 
Excellency will be pained to learn thjit I have in my keeping 
manuscript evidence from the very highest authority recog- 
nizing that here in the city of Ne^v York we have had the 
very front and citadel of organized opposition to the action 
and wishes of the Holy See. 

" I shall be greatly pleased if Your Excellency will inform 
me under what canonical rules you forbid my presence at any 
further sessions of the Lexow Committee. 
" Very truly yours, 

"Father Ducey." 
If priests and laymen would follow the example of Father 
Ducey and assert their independence and sovereignty as citi- 
zens, Roman Catholicism would speedily be divorced from 
politico-ecclesiasticism, and its religious work would command 
the universal gratitude and commendation of mankind. 

When it was first announced that Croker would not allow 
Judge Joseph F. Daly to be renominated for the Supreme 
Court the New York Herald^ owned and edited by a Roman 
Catholic, said : 

" Judge Daly is one of the most prominent and powerful 
Roman Catholic laymen in the city. He is a warm personal 
friend of Archbishop Corrigan, and he took a prominent part 
in the Archbishop's jubilee, as he is accustomed to do in all 
church affairs. He is president of the Catholic Club and has 
the support and backing of a majority of the wealthy and in- 
fluential Catholics in New York City. 

" These elements are deepl}^ incensed at the suggestion of 
his retirement, and are said to be ready to fight for him. 

" In other words, there is a threat of a contest at the polls 
between the Church influence and the organization. In Tarn- 



436 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

maiiv Hall such a contest would almost certainly rend the 
niaciiine from top to bottom. 

"Judico Daly's partisans are saying that Mr. Croker cannot 
safelv i<,Miore the influence of the Church of which he is a 
niemher^ and that if he persists in retiring Judge Daly the 
consequences will be disastrous to him." 

Here it is again ! The strength of Judge Daly's candidacy 
di<l not consist in his abilities and impartiality as a judge, but 
in tlie facts that he was a "prominent and powerful Koman 
Catholic," and that he would have " the Church influence." 
Prominent Roman Catholic priests and laymen have stated to 
us that the hierarchy took a most decided attitude in the 
election against Judge Daly and in favor of Croker's Tam- 
many candidates. Not only was Daly's opponent a Romanist, 
but tlie ecclesiastical authorities could not afford to divide 
their vote and court defeat. The returns proved that the 
Roman Catholic vote was not divided. 

One hundred and thirty-five thousand Tammany votes in 
November, 1896, meant simply the necessity, under instruc- 
tion, of solidarity as a discipline for the coming successful 
contest for the control of the money and machinery of the 
Western Metropolis. 

Tammany Hall has no power, unless by either ecclesiastical 
command or consent it can mass on sectarian grounds substan- 
tially the entire Roman Catholic vote. 

Newspaper estimates of the political forces working with 
Tanmiany Hall take into account Bryanism and Crokerism, 
and bossism and combinations with the so-called machine poli- 
ticians of different parties and factions, but steer clear of 
naming the one force which can mass a sectarian vote, which 
readily can draw to its conquering legions a host of men who 
I't-ali/.t' that pi'ofit and preferment come with majorities, and 
that the party which enters the canvass with over one hun- 
dr(Ml thousand votes which cannot be diverted by any argu- 
ment, is more liable to win than the party in ^vhich the slow 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism,. 437 

process of convincing and counting every individual sovereign 
must obtain. On this ground alone many who mean to be 
candid, but who have a natural ambition for preferment in 
different departments of human endeavor, enter Tammany 
Hall as their only hope for public advancement. 

This enforced solidarity pays but a moiety of the taxes, but 
determines the policy which levies the taxes upon others. 

Croker, in his relations to disobedient or refractory Tam- 
many men, treats them as the hierarchy treats its recalci- 
trants — sends them into retreat for a period of humiliation 
and repentance. The experiences of Senator Grady and Sen- 
ator Cantor and ex-Lieutenant Governor William F. Sheehan 
and his brother John C. Sheehan, whom Croker left for a 
little time in charge of his minions while he went to Euglaud 
to look after his horses, furnish illustrations as subjects of 
politico-ecclesiastical penalties. 

The system of terrorism practiced by Tammany Romanism 
is something almost beyond belief. It makes cowards of 
otherwise respectable men. Many persons connected with 
different departments of the municipal government, who have 
thought it to be their duty to state to us facts concerning 
iniquities which have been forced upon their attention, have 
afterward been so intimidated that they have come to us with 
the most humiliating pleas that the incriminating facts which 
they have placed in our possession should not be published, 
because they and their families would be punished and be made 
to suffer. Honest citizens cannot render honest service for 
their fellow-citizens without suppressing their convictions, or 
without becoming ^Mr^/c6ps crwmvis by ignoring or concealing 
dishonesty and crimes. 

In the Tammany Roman Catholic rule, if an office-holder of 
their own faith ever asserts his own independence of charac- 
ter and declines to accept the dictation of the boss in making 
the appointments at his disposal, the screws of the political 
inquisition are put upon him, and, if he holds an elective 



438 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

ullice when the time coiues for a renominatiou for his office, 
he is mercilessly dropped, no matter what his merits. A 
notable illustration of this Spanish boss method in Tammany 
Komanism is found in the case of Justice Joseph F. Daly of 
the Supreme Court in New York. Judge Daly was one of 
the most satisfactory judges in the State, trusted and honored 
li\ all honest members of the bar. He was president of the 
Koinan Catholic Club of New York. But he had, Avhen last 
elected, declined to submit to Croker's dictation in making 
certain court appointments, and the boss issued the edict of 
political damnation. 

When the reform administration came into office the patron- 
ao-e of the Department of Charities and Corrections as it 
existed on January 1, 1898 — this department having super- 
vision of all criminals, prisoners, workhouses, insane asylums, 
hospitals, and almshouses — was under the control of the 
lioman Catholic Church authorities, and the great majority of 
the employees of these departments were Irish Catholics. In 
one division of the department where there were in the year 
1895 about 90 employees, 2 only were non-Catholic, while 
two years later in the same division, in 1898, there were 
about 126 employees, 6 or 7 of whom only ^vere non- 
Catholic. This condition was made possible by the constant 
su[)ervision of the departments ; so that the authorities of the 
Chuicli were promptly notified of possible vacancies, and they 
immediately presented a candidate for the vacant position. 
In the almsliouse during this period, accoi'ding to the records 
of the nativity and creed of inmates, there were about 72 
per cent, of foreign birth, about 66f per cent. Iloman 
Catholic, and about 56 per cent. Irish-born Roman Catholics. 

Hecause of the honest performance of his duties as he under- 
stood them, irrespective of politics or creed, one of the officials 
of tlie (jcpai-tment under Mayor Strong's administration was 
siibjt'flcd to much abuse by anonymous letters and threatening 
lauguugc. Certain statements, letters, and other documents 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 439 

were placed in the hands of one of the Commissioners charg- 
ing the official with harshness toward the Roman Catholic 
employees of his division, the charges being made by one 
Father Murray, who was in close official relations with Arch- 
bishop Corrigan, and prominently identified with the League 
of the Sacred Heart. The Commissioner and the official thus 
charged visited the priest at his apartments adjoining the 
Cathedral, where the matter was discussed. The documents 
and statements were repudiated by the official, who succeeded 
in convincing both the priest and the Commissioner that the 
statements and charges therein contained were untrue. Thus 
the reform administration had to account for its conduct to 
the ecclesiastical Tammany head. 

But Mayor Strong had repeatedly said he appointed Com- 
missioner O'Bierne to represent the Roman Catholics in the 
Board of Charities, and the Commissioner loyally reported to 
his master on Madison Avenue, and not at the City Hall. 

The Convent of Mercy at East Eighty-first Street supplies 
most of the attendants, nurses, and helpers to the institutions 
on Randall's Island. The recommendations of the Mother 
Superior of this institution are the basis upon which most of 
these appointments are made. These recommendations usually 
have a cross at the top marked with a pen thus, X, and this 
is meant to signify that the bearer is a Roman Catholic and 
that the appointment is greatly desired. Recommendations 
not having such mark are not thought to be worthy of serious 
consideration. 

Among the inmates of the Almshouse and Hospital for the 
Incurable supported by the city were found many well-to-do 
persons, who were members of Roman Catholic families, and 
some of them were parents or relatives of influential Tammany 
office-holders; others boasted of their membership in Tammany 
Hall committees, while one had formerly been the official 
architect for the department. Another boasted that he was a 
member of the Divver Club, and as he was most migratory in 



440 Facing the TtventietJi Century. 

his habits, having been admitted and readmitted a great num- 
ber of times during the past nineteen years in the Almshouse, it 
\vjis evident that he was there to arrange the matter of secur- 
\\\cr lodt^ino- phices for the inmates outside about election time, 
si> that they could be voted for Tammany. 

The newspaper and other reports show that great numbers 
of this class of inmates were discharged and readmissiou re- 
fused them during the reform administration, thus effecting 
considerable saving to the city. 

One inmate claimed to be the wife of a prominent city offi- 
cial high in the councils of Tammany. 

Under the previous Tammany administration the first ques- 
tion put to an applicant for position was : " Are you a Roman 
Catholic?" 

It was repeatedly stated by one of the officers connected with 
the workhouse that anyone who was not a Roman Catholic, 
oi- anyone who voted for Strong, was a traitor and should 
Ijave no place on the Islands. 

AVhen Tammany was restored to power in 1898 John AV. 
Keller was appointed Commissioner of Charities by Croker, 
despite the fact that Thomas J. Muhy, connected with 
tlie Roman Catholic Protectory, with many Catholic Chari- 
ties, and with the St. Vincent de Paul Society, was a promi- 
nent candidate for appointment to that position, indorsed by 
tile Church authorities. 

When Croker declined to appoint Mulry then the Church 
autliorities made a great effort to secure his appointment on 
tlie State Board of Charities. Not able to secure this ap- 
pointment of a Roman Catholic Democrat by a Republican 
Governor, a feast was held in the City of New York, at 
wliich a Roman Catholic Republican was discovered and his 
appointment was secured. 

Wii«'n Tammany came into power in 1898 it found a com- 
l>:iiiy of self-sacrificing Protestant women, giving time and 
money and kindly uusectarian Christian ministrations foi- the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 441 

benefit of the unfortunate prisoners in tlie Tombs City 
Prison. The new Tammany Roman Catholic warden imme- 
diately excluded these women from the women's ward of the 
prison, requiring them to hold all their communications and 
intercourse with these poor creatures through the bars of the 
prison doors. The warden, however, always admitted to the 
women's ward all women visitors dressed in the srarb of 
the Sisters of Charity. 

We are informed by an official that Mr. McCartney, the 
Commissioner of Street Cleaning, issued a verbal ordei- that 
on pay day in his department, Sisters of Charity only are to 
be permitted to be present to collect money from the men 
when they are paid off. 

Just before elections — municipal, State, and national — are 
to take place the tramps and worthless wretches are gathered 
in from the benches of City Hall Park and Madison and 
Washington Squares, and from the almshouses and other Tam- 
many hotels, and given lodgings at cheap places until after 
election, and then they return to their country-seats, with the 
noble consciousness of having done their duty as sovereigns 
in placing the property of the taxpayers in the hands of 
Tammany. 

Romanists use the courts to keep their institutions of 
charity and correction filled and then make their demands 
upon State and nmuicipal treasuries for the money to sup- 
port them, and they have uniformly secured it under the 
political control of both parties, because of the fear of their 
solid voting power. 

Preceding the State election in New York State in the 
autumn of 1898 men were appointed as workmen and 
placed on the pay-roll between August 1 and October 16, 
who were pensioners on the Department of Charities in the 
City of New York and who were inmates of the almshouses 
and other institutions in this department. The salary of 
these men was fixed at sixty dollars a year and upward, and 



44l> 



Facing the Twentieth Centwry. 



thev were re^^istered as voters, but continued to be inmates of 
the' institutions. The law prescribes that an inmate of these 
institutions supported either wholly or in part by the State 
neither I'uins nor loses a residence. These men bylaw were 
oblif^ed to work if they were able, while they were supported 
Ijv the State, but then, if the law was complied with, they 
could not vote. 

Forty-two men registered from tlie Municipal Lodging 
House, where men can only lodge at most for three nights, 
when they are sent to some charitable or penal institution. 
Ninety men illegally registered from Bellevue Hospital. 

Many of the city magistrates, appointed under a reform 
administration, were afraid in this election of 1898 to per- 
form their duties and hielp enforce the election laws when 
illegally registered men ^vere brought before tliem, because 
they feared Tammany might carry the State, and in that case 
they would be legislated out of office. 

\Miile Tammany papers and politicians assault monopolies 
and combinations of capital for the purpose of breeding dis- 
content among their following, expecting tliat this discontent 
will prove a cohesive power to hold them together, the 
leaders profit from street-railroad, gas, and contract monopo- 
lies. Many Tammany office-holders, taking advance informa- 
titju from their chiefs, invested their money, supposedly se- 
cured by the sweat of their brows in the service of the city, 
in Manhattan and Metropolitan Railway stocks in 1898, 
when the war scare of February 24 annihilated their invest- 
ments. Like other speculators and investors they would 
have commanded public sympathy, but for the fact that the 
city treasury was still accessible. 

The New York Journal, January 21, 1899, says: 

" 'I'he Tannnany Hall clique embraces Richard Croker, 
.I'.lji) F. ('anoll, 'Ed' Kearney, John D. Crimmins, John 
Scannell, 'Tim' Sullivan, 'Tom' Dunn, and 'Jimmy' 
Martin. These men are known to have made in the aggre- 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 443 

gate over five million dollars out of their operations in Man- 
hattan, Metropolitan, the lighting companies, the Brooklyn 
trolleys, and compressed air — all the stocks affected by munic- 
ipal action." 

The Evening Telegram in July, 1898, fairly stated the facts 
concerning the importance and control of the Police Depart- 
ment : 

"The Board is still firmly in the grasp of Tammany, while 
the appointment of Devery as Chief puts the force under 
Tammany control as completely as it was in the halcyon days 
of the Wigwam. 

" Could anything signalize more conspicuously the return of 
the braves to their old hunting grounds than the evolution 
of the new Chief from the captain pursued by Parkhurst, 
p]"osecuted by the Society for the Prevention of Vice, hunted 
by the Lexow detectives, denounced by the Eoosevelt 
reformers, widely charged with police dereliction, and after 
all rewarded for his loyalty to Tammany and devotion to 
Croker by elevation to the very head of the force ? 

" In no other branch of the municipal service does control 
mean so much. On it depends whether the police force shall 
be corrupt and iuefiicient or honest and eflicient, whether 
servility to politicians or loyalty to the public shall prevail, 
whether crime shall be protected or punished — in short, 
whether New York shall be an orderly, well-policed metrop- 
olis or a city in which full license is given to the worst 
elements." 

In the police department under Tammany decent and true 
men, and there are hundreds of them, are humiliatingly used 
to suit the political vagaries and necessities of their masters. 
They must be blind to law-breaking as a rule, and then, when 
protected vice gets so unblushing as to become a public 
scandal, or an election places a Governor and Legislature 
in power that may curb, expose, and punish iniquity, they 
are compelled to violently suppress practices which they 



44 i Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

have before protected, and drag to prison characters who 
sui)posed themselves privileged as the coustitueuts of a boss 
\vli«»m they had helped euthroue in power. Tain many makes 
the police force a political machine. While Colonel Waring 
put " a man instead of a voter behind every broom," Tam- 
many aims to put a voter instead of a man behind every 
policeman's club and street-cleaner's broom. The Tammany 
boss and district leaders control the police department both 
ill its disci[)line and appointments, and is therefore respon- 
sible for its derelictions and demoralization. 

Tammany, on return to po^vel', was not content until every 
Roman Catholic Tammany police officer smirched by the 
Lexow investigation had been returned to place and promo- 
tion. Proven rascality in office seemed to be a sure title 
io reward. She also punished the officers who under oath 
had told the truth about her iniquities. 

As late as January 16, 1899, Hon. Frank Moss, former 
President of the Police Board and a man whose ability and 
fairness decent citizens respect, in a letter to Governor Roose- 
velt, said : 

^^ Mespected Sir: It is generally known that the police de- 
partment of our city is in a deplorable situation, and that the 
city itself is in an outrageous condition of innnorality. Some 
of those who are powerful in the affairs of the department are 
openly and conspicuously interested in law-breaking enter- 
prises, the morale and discipline of the force are steadily retro- 
grading, and those members of it who have been conspicuous 
for decency are discriminated against most severely. 

" The notorious officers now controllins: it do not conceal 
tlie fact that they are making it serve the purposes of the 
Tammany oi-ganization. In my judgment the condition grows 
worse steadily." 

A party without a single moral or political principle is em- 
l)odied in Tammany. It is simply and unblushingly a conspir- 
acy for ]j1 under and office, and its solidarity is maintained by 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 445 

the cohesive power of ecclesiastical domination ovei' faith, 
morals, and political affiliations. 

It demoralizes men of otherwise high character in the legal 
and other professions who have honorable ambitions for pro- 
motion, by obliging them to be affiliated with the lowest and 
most disreputable political elements and submit to tlie arbi- 
trary despotism of an imj^erious boss as the price of their 
promotion. 

In October, 1898, after Tammany had been in power about 
ten months, and just preceding a State election, there appeared 
in Harpeis Weekly an article by Franklin Matthews, entitled 
" Wide-open New Yorh. What renev)ed Croher govermnent 
means, and tvhat is to he expected.'''' The facts stated by the 
writer were so patent, and the people throughout the State 
so thoroughly believed them, that they had a very important, 
if not a decisive effect in defeating the Croker State ticket, 
despite the fact that he held his forces together in the city 
with marvelous solidarity — a solidarity only possible when 
ecclesiastical and political power are in alliance. The indict- 
ment drawn up by Mr. Matthews was simply terrific, not only 
against Tammanyisra as an institution, but against individual 
offenders against law and decency. The chief individual 
offenders named were Roman Catholics. The article closes 
thus : 

" This is what Tammany has done in ten months. Around 
and through and over and under its administration runs a 
branching trail of vice, corruption, filth, and extortion. The 
trail leads straight up to Tammany Hall, as straight and as 
unerringly as the magnetic needle points toward the pole. 
There is no other place for it to go. Along its course the 
money-chariot, bearing tribute, rolls. It leaves in its wake a 
debauched police force, and hundreds, yes, thousands of young 
lives — men and women — the ' come-ous ' in vice, the fresh sup- 
ply Avithout which the system of plunder could not exist. 
What cares Tammany for police discipline, what cares Tarn- 



446 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

iiiaiiv for the lives that are being ruined and the thousands 
that ai'e yet to be ruined, so long as blood-money and tribute 
roll in for distribution iu political work or for personal en- 
richment ? 

"Tammany has set its eyes on the plunder of the State cap- 
ital. There are saloons all over the State. State gambling 
privileges should be worth something. Votes are to be con- 
trolled by contracts, and money is to be gathered in by scores 
of ways." 

On January 18, 1899, Father Doyle of the Paulist Fathers, 
in a temperance sermon to men, said : 

" There is not a doubt that the saloon as it exists here and 
n«»w in this city is responsible in a great measure for the de- 
struction of civic honor as well as for the debasement of home 
and virtue. Whatever the reason may be, I know that never 
has such a viciousness grouped itself about the saloons before 
as now surrounds them in this city. 

" The vilest places are flourishing right under the eyes of 
the police, and if they do not know of them it is because they 
are so derelict in their duty as to overlook what ordinary citi- 
zens see Avithout half trying. Not a hundred miles from 
where I stand there are criminal violations of the laws and 
debaucheries which I dare not nanie in this sacred place, which 
a vigilant official might easily suppress." 

The dives are under perfect control — that is, they pay their 
regular tribute for protection and thus become a systematic 
part of the Roman Catholic government. 

The Church authorities never repudiate receipts from these 
disreputable sources, but gladly absorb them and grant par- 
doji and indulgence to the wretches who contribute of their 
ill-gotten gains. 

The Trihnne of December 19, 1898, speaking of the Board 
of Aldermen under the present Tammany Roman combina- 
tion govermnent, says : 

" Tliere are a good many amusing things about the govern- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 447 

merit of the city of New York, but they are only amusing if 
one can forget the side of them that is exasperating. The 
taxpayer is the man least likely to appreciate the humor of 
the municipal administration. 

" The Board of Aldermen has always been an interesting 
body for a variety of reasons, but it has seldom been so amus- 
ing as it is at present. The very large proportion of Tam- 
many members is responsible for this circumstance. Tammany 
office-holders do not intend to be amusing, and therefore they 
are. They are amusing, in the first place, in appearance. 
Most of them are Irish. A good many of them are German. 
Here are some of their names: Byrne, Geagan, Dooley, 
Keegan, McGrath, Dunn, Hennessy, Geiser, Roddy, Keahon, 
Schneider, Cronin, Gaffney, McEneaney, Flinn, McKeever. 
These be the rulers of the American metropolis. If the vis- 
itor to the City Hall could forget where he was he might 
easily be induced to believe that he was attending a brewers' 
convention or a meeting of the Universal Barkeepers' Associ- 
ation. There is a profusion of eighteen-inch necks, five-foot 
waists, Bowery mustaches, and crimson noses. There is, how- 
ever, such a conglomeration of various sorts of English as can 
rarely be heard in any one place. 

" Parliamentary procedure in the Board of Aldermen is a 
thing to roar at one moment and shed tears over the next. 
Tammany rides roughshod over anything that's anti-Tam- 
many. ' To hell with reform ! ' was Tammany's campaign 
slogan, and now that the victors are in the full enjoyment of 
the spoils, the reformers are consigned along with reform." 

Again, on February 2, 1899, in an article on the Tammany 
New York City administration, the New York Tribune 
says : 

" In every department of the city government places have 
been made for Tammany adherents who are entirely unfit for 
public office and have been appointed to places with large 
salaries solely for political reasons. The number of employees 



448 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

has been inoi-eased for no other purpose than to create salaries 
for k)afers who are useful in carrying Tammany primaries and 
keeping the district leaders in power. The increased burden 
to the city by such appointments and by wholly unnecessary 
increa^ses of salaries will amount this year to about one million 
<lollars." 

After the heads of departments in the New York City gov- 
(MimuMit had been appointed and the Board of Estimate and 
Apportionment held its meetings to provide for the expendi- 
tures in the different departments, so thoroughly were these 
men aware that they were the creatures of a boss that they 
permitted themselves to be insulted and abused by the boss- 
owned Mayor, who scolded like a virago at almost every 
meeting of the Board, and pronounced judgment before votes 
were taken, and no slave ventured to make a protest because 
he knew that the slave-driver's tongue wagged at the will of 
the master who created and controlled him. 

Tammany's attack on the schools is a part of the politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanist programme to discredit them and thus 
give excuse for the extension and support at the public ex- 
pense of parochial schools. Mayors Grace and Gilroy at- 
tempted to place, and largely succeeded in placing, the public 
scliools under Roman Catholic control for sectarian and politi- 
cal purposes. One of Mayor Van Wyck's chief inspirations 
for the exhibition of his irrital)le and unmanly temper has 
been the improved condition of the public schools under his 
j^redecessor, and his inability to secure Albany legislation to 
enable him to Romanize them. His first opportunities for ap- 
]»oiiitment of School Commissioners have been used to place 
iiit'ii over tlie schools who are subservient to Rome, and who 
are reactionary in their views and methods. 

Puljlic sentiment goaded the Mayor until he hysterically 
made a great show of friendliness for the public schools, and 
even posed as an expert in their management, not, however, 
until the time arrived when he was able under the law to 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Roinanism. 449 

change the composition and character of the Board of 
School Commissioners. 

An eminent citizen of the borough of Brooklyn, New York 
City, on January 27, 1899, wrote as follows: 

" About June 1 Mayor Van Wyck will name fifteen mem- 
bers of the Board of Education for Brooklyn. Of the fifteen 
named last June eleven were Romanists. He turned out long 
experienced and able members in order to make place for 
the eleven Romanists. There was a howl of indignation, 
but of course it amounted to nothing, as his appointments 
were made. He may be planning for the same end in 
his next appointments. Can anything be done to avert 
this calamity? Our teachers are being appointed largely 
from the. Romish Church, and the aggression of that church 
is unceasing." 

On December 30, 1898, School Commissioner Jacob W. 
Mack was reported in the daily papers as saying, concern- 
ing the reappointment of two former Roman Catholic 
Commissioners : 

" The destiny of the schools in a vital measure depends on 
the new members who are to come in. If they are such men 
as Mr. O'Brien and Mr. Moriarty I would not care to make a 
prediction as to the future. These two members have proved 
most offensive, even in the short time they have been con- 
nected with the Board since their appointment. They were 
put in only for political purposes and ends, and they are doing 
that for which they were appointed." 

When interviewed concerning the indignant response of 
Commissioners O'Brien and Moriarty to his strictures, Mr. 
Mack replied : 

" I meant all I said. I think the fate of the schools is very 
dubious if such ignorant, illiterate men as Mr. Moriai'ty are 
to have the conduct of them. There was one error in the 
way I was quoted. I said that these men who had been 
reappointed by the Mayor had, when in the Board before. 



450 Facing the Twentieth Centwy. 

been its most offensive element, not that they had proved 
offensive now, as they had not yet had time. 

" The Mayor has shown what he wants. He has announced 
iMibliclv, privately, and in the press that what he wouhl choose 
to do is to take all the Board meml)ers and throw them out. 
Then he wouhl give a system of the three 'E-'s.' These he 
lias u:iven us already in Moriarty and O'Brien, whose names 
contain the traditional ' three R's.' That is enough for the 
Mavor, as it is as much as he knows." 

The reference of Mr. Mack to the classical Roman allitera- 
tion of " R. R. R." would indicate that his experience in the 
Board of Education had convinced him that the classics of 
the i)re3ent New York school system were dictated by modern 
and not ancient Rome. 

That some cultured and candid Roman Catholics are humili- 
ated by the dominance of Crokerism, while they seem to be 
unwilling to recognize the sole source of its power, is proven 
by the fact that Mr. John Brisben Walker, editor and propri- 
etor of the Cosmopolitan, himself a Roman Catholic, on No- 
vember 19, 1898, issued through the press of New York City 
an appeal summoning "Democrats" to rise and overthi'ow 
Richard Croker. The appeal says: 

"Notwithstanding the protest by the votes of dissatisfied 
Democrats at the late election, there is no sign of weakening 
in the power of Richard Croker. The immense sums which 
are being extracted from the community on various pretenses 
give him an unlimited corruption fund and enable him to 
grasp the levers of his political machinery with a hold from 
which no power within the organization can remove him. 

" I have hesitated long before being willing to enter person- 
ally u[)()n the arduous struggle which a conflict with Croker- 
ism involves. But there must be a beginning. Someone must 
initiate opposition to usurpation. 

" To enter upon the task of pulling down Crokerism means 
a long fight. Success will not come in a day or a month. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 451 

The work will be resolutely carried on until, in the opportune 
moment, Democracy ^vill be rescued from its worst foes, 

" Given over absolutely to Crokerism, the City and State 
of New York will eventually be bankrupted. Keputable 
business men are to-day being forced to submit to levies, direct 
or indirect, in order to carry on their affairs, witlioiLt ohnoxious 
interference. The poor, through the medium of rents and 
injury to the business under which they are now receiving em- 
ployment, will equally become the victims of such a system. 

" Men who have at heart the good of their communities ; 
who seek to protect themselves and their fellow-citizens 
against aggression ; who desire the advancement of the cause 
of labor ; who would have the courts elevated beyond the 
dangers of prostitution, must pause now and consider in what 
direction Crokerism is carrying them. If they believe with 
the ideas here advanced, the}^ owe it to themselves to give 
active support to this movement for a return to the true 
ideals of Democracy." 

No man has ever ventured to suggest that Mayor Van 
Wyck had anything to say about the men he was to appoint 
to the large number of lucrative offices within the gift of 
the Mayor of Greater New York. Soon after the municipal 
election of 1897 Mr, Croker made his headquarters at Lake- 
wood, N. J, Office-seekers by the hundred made their pil- 
grimage to this politico-ecclesiastical-Roman-Catholic-Tammany 
Mecca, and the Mayor-elect presented himself at Croker's 
hotel; his Honor being apparently delighted at this sub- 
servient humiliation in the presence of that conclave of 
patriots. Whenever Croker spent a Sunday at Lakewood 
the papers advertised the fact that he and the men Avhom he 
afterward appointed to office attended the Roman Catholic 
Church, while the Mayor-elect Van Wyck, in the interests of 
religious toleration, attended the Episcopal Church, and thus 
proved the unsectarian character of an absolutely Koman 
Catholic administration about to be iuaugui'ated. 



452 Fdciug the Twentieth Century. 

Here Croker on week-days and Sundays tyrannically doled 
out the otiices at his own sweet will, and the press never so 
much as hinted at Van Wyck having anything to say con- 
cern ino- the distribution of political spoils. We are informed 
that he was not even permitted to reward ex-Mayor Grant, 
who conducted his campaign, by appointing a single man to 
an ortice of his nomination. For the confidential office of 
private secretary to the Mayor, Croker selected a man trained 
in the school of the Jesuits. 

Usually when Croker has appointed a man to office who is 
not a Romanist, and this number is very small, he has placed 
by his side a Jesuit sentinel in the person of a secretary or 
assistant. 

AVhen Tanunany had been installed a few months in power, 
on April 23, 18*J8, Croker went back to England, but he con- 
siderately left the Mayor and the officers of the metropolis in 
charge of a Roman Catholic triumvii-ate consisting of John F. 
Carroll, Daniel F. McMahon, and John AVhalen. 

AVhile Mr. Croker was in England his representatives in 
New York declined to say anything on political matters. 
When he returned to New York on July 29, 1898, he was met 
as usual at the steamship landing by his faithful satraps. He 
went to the Savoy Hotel, where Mayor Van Wyck and the 
other creatures of his power were awaiting his arrival, that 
they might report the condition of the different departments 
of his undisputed domain and take his orders. No dictator 
in any land or in any period of history has ever wielded more 
absolute power over his subjects than this man wields over 
his Roman Catholic following and the men who for place 
and political ends have surrendered their destinies to his 
sovereignty, while most of the intelligent and respectable 
tax-paying ])art of the citizenship are the victims of his papal 
tempoi-al rule. 

Croker and his Roman following prating about reform in 
State and national affairs and seekincr to control them in the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 453 

interests of reform, with the iuiqiiitoiis administration of 
municipal affairs in New York City — which are absohitely 
under their control — " wide open " to the inspection of the 
world, presents an audacious spectacle amounting to the 
sublime. 

In the report of an interview with Croker which appeared 
in the papers of October 15, 1898, he said : 

" Tammany Hall never asks the religion of a man it considers 
fitted for office. Every attempt in this country to put religion 
into politics has failed. Judge Daly will find that in his case 
there will be another failure." 

The public knew that Croker was both a bruiser and a 
theologian, but this utterance will establish his re23utation as 
a humorist. 

In October, 1898, Croker issued the following proclamation : 

"I wish to announce now, once and forever, that as long as 
I am alive I shall not retire from the leadership of Tammany 
Hall. Please announce this for me in the words that I have 
used. The fact that Mr. Carroll has resigned his court clerk- 
ship means that he is to aid me very materially in conducting 
the affairs of Tammany Hall." 

What a relief this proclamation brought to the citizens of 
this proud metropolis of the Western World ! 

The government of New York City being concededly Tam- 
many and Roman Catholic, and the political strength of each 
being the political strength of the other, the political and 
ecclesiastical chiefs being respectively the heads of these two 
institutions, the combination must legitimately be counted as 
representing the most perfect specimen of politico-ecclesiasti- 
cal Romanism which the United States has exhibited to the 
world. Little Tammanys and similar combinations can be 
found at many centers of population, but New York 
is the proud possessor of the richest monopoly and ti'ust 
resulting from a politico-ecclesiastical combination which the 
world can show since the Middle Ages. 



454 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Politico-ecclesiastical Tammany Romanism in New York 
City has an ecclesiastical head, a political head, and a fignre- 
liead. The ecclesiastical head and the fignrehead, to secure 
unity in action from trinity of persons, speak ex cathedra 
tlinmgh the will of the political head. The political head is 
liichard Croker. The important facts in this conspicuous 
.111(1 powerful man's career are stated as follows: 

\Uv\\ in County Cork, Ireland, fifty-five years ago. Came 
to America when three years of age. His education was 
secured by three years' attendance upon the public schools. 
His youth was spent among the disreputable and dangerous 
classes, of which by physical prowess he became a recog- 
nized leader. AYhen twenty-one years of age he began his 
political career, like his illustrious predecessor Tweed, by 
joining the Volunteer Fire Department. He held a position 
of court officer under Judge Barnard. When twenty -five 
years of age he became an alderman. 

Mr. Croker's early political activity is referred to in the 
New York Tribune of October 13, 1868: 

"New York City was fast emptied of many of her 
roughs yesterday. Sunday evening and yesterday their ugly 
countenances were seen congregating around the Camden 
and Amboy Railroad depot, all bound for Philadelphia. 
These roughs and bullies are the repeaters who intend to 
swell the Democratic vote in Philadelphia to-day, provid- 
ing they are not ap[)rehended. They have been recruited 
in almost every ward in the city, and each delegation is 
headed by a prominent ' striker,' who is to receive the 
lion's share of the funds. . . Among them were meml)ers 
of the 'Pudding Gang from the Swamps' in the Fourth 
Ward ; the 'Dead Rabbits Crowd,' from the Five Points and 
Mulberry Street, in the Sixth Ward; the 'Old White Ghost 
Kumifrs,' from the Tenth Ward ; the 'Old Rock Rangers' 
vacated the Fourteenth AVard, and a large number of ' Mack- 
erelites,' ' Hookites,' ' Fungtown and Bungtown Rangers,' and 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 455 

a number of other organized bands of roughs left this classic 
locality, and last, but not least, were one hundred and fifty 
Metropolitan Bandits, under the notorious Dick Croker, all 
well armed and spoiling for a fight. They hail from the 
Twenty-first Ward. Fully five thousand of the most hardened 
desperadoes of this city are now in Philadelphia." 

Editorially the Tribune said on the same date : '' The 
' roughs' of this city and Baltimore have swarmed to Phila- 
delphia by thousands." This contest was a preliminary 
skirmish to defeat the election of General Grant on the en- 
suing November 3. 

Mr. Croker held for a time the ofiice of superintendent of 
markets. 

The New York Times of September 8, 1871, contains the 
following historic statement : 

" On last Tuesday, September 5, about 8.45 p. m., ex- Alder- 
man Richard Croker, of the Twenty-first Ward, who is 
the leader of the St. Patrick's Alliance (Dick Connolly's 
secret organization in that ward), with the assistance of 
another individual, who can be identified by parties who 
were present, assaulted a man named James Moore with a 
slung-shot, knocking him down and then kicking him, at the 
corner of Third Avenue and Thirty-first Street. The ex- 
alderman is now holding a sinecure position under Dick 
Connolly, and is occasionally appointed as a commissioner on 
street openings. He is also the individual who put in a bid 
for AYashington Market (it is supposed) as a blind for ' Slip- 
pery Dick.' " 

His closest political preceptors when he was being 
schooled for leadership were Richard B. Connolly and Henry 
W. Genet. He was baptized and received into the Roman 
Catholic Church by Father Edward McGlynn. He was in 
succcession coroner, marshal, fire commissioner, and city 
chamberlain. A dispatch received at the Police Head- 
quarters on the morning of November 4, 1874, stated : 



450 Facing the Twentieth Century, 

" At 7.40 A. :^i. an altercation took j^lace at Second Avenue 
and Thirty-fourth Street between Eichard Croker, John 
Sheriihin, Henry Hickey, James O'Brien, and John McKeuna. 
McKenna was shot in right side of head; fatal wound; 
taken to Bellevue." 

The Coroner's inquest was a sham. McKenna died, Croker 
was tried for murder, when the jury disagreed and was dis- 

c'iiarged. 

jJhn Kelly as Tweed's successor sustained a relation to 
Croker, who has become his successor, in Croker's connection 
with the McKenna murder, which was utterly in defiance of 
all the forms and processes of justice, as the newspaper and 
court records of the time skow. 

The New York Times, November 17, 1874, said : 

" Anything more outrageous than the way in which this 
notorious ruffian, Croker, has been taken in hand and pro- 
tected by Kelly it would be difficult to imagine." 

At forty-three years of age he was constituted boss of 
Tammany Hall. He has become rick since he has been in 
the political business. He has become a celebrated turfman 
in the Old World and the New. He is princely in the prod- 
igality of his expensive living. He has become the greatest 
single political power in the Empire State, if not in the nation. 
He can compel the obedience of Tammany's Congressmen, 
State Senators, and Assemblymen in the performance of their 
legislative duties. He orders an assault upon corporate inter- 
ests in New York City, and Mayor, heads of departments, and 
Municipal Assembly all obediently fall into line in what he 
religiously styles a " holy war," and what the people believe 
to be a crusade "for revenue only." Statesmen do him 
reverence and obey his behests, and office-seekers and 
politicians are his slaves. Decent men who have political 
aml)iti()ns despise his personality and hate themselves while 
they fawn at the foot of his throne. What constitutes the 
power of this man with such a training and such a history ? 




Kobfrl A. Van Wyck. Nichard Crobrr. 

M iiliael Aitf^nstinc Corris^an. 

John /■: Carroll. //,,^.;, McLaui^hlin. 

Tin-: lU'LKRS <)1=- (■RICATICK NMCW YORK. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 457 

All intelligent men know, but few are willing to state what 
they know. Rob this uncrowned despot of his solid Koman 
Catholic following, and he would fall to his proper level of 
obscurity. 

At the dawn of the year of our Lord, 1899, we indict the 
politico-ecclesiastical Romanism of New Yoi-k for the crimes 
of Tammany, because Tammany was put in power by its 
solid vote, is held in power by its support, and it profits with- 
out protest from Tammany's rascalities and ill-gotten gains. 

We make the following points in our indictment: 

(1) The absolute and unquestioned ruler of Tammany 
Hall, Richard Croker, is an honored and trusted Roman 
Catholic, a true son of the Church, who is praised for his 
liberal and religious character by the press of his Church and 
publicly assured that he is prayed for at the altars where he 
worships. 

(2) Mr. Croker's trusted lieutenants — the general com- 
mitteemeu, district leaders, and immense following — are 
chiefly Roman Catholics, the exceptions constituting only a 
small fraction. 

(3) The city of New York is now ruled by a Tammany 
Administration with its municipal council and its executive 
departments almost absolutely in the hands of Roman 
Catholics nominated or appointed by Mr. Croker; the few 
office-holders who are not Roman Catholics being subservient 
in their responsibility to their creator. 

(4) The Tammany President of Police Commissioners is a 
Roman Catholic, and he has restored to place and powei- the 
Roman Catholic officers who were disgraced by the exposure 
of their crimes by the Lexow investigation, which exposure 
Archbishop Corrigan attempted to prohibit Father Ducey 
— an honest and open priestly enemy of Tammany— from 
witnessing. 

(5) The Chief of Police is a Roman Catholic. He has 
been restored to power by Mr. Croker "to repeat the in- 



458 Facing the Ticentietli Century. 

famous practices which had tarnished his previous career," 
as the Governor of the State said in a message to the 
legislature. Considering his official position and incident 
responsil)ilities, only one of two conclusions can be drawn 
concerning the status of this Chief of Police: he is either an 
imbecile ami personally irresponsible while his sponsors are 
solely responsible, or he and his sponsors are partners in the 
most amazing catalogue of iniijuities which ever disgraced a 
civilized municipality. Romanism through the manipulations 
of its monastic orders in Manila never excelled in the com- 
pleteness of its degrading work the Roman Catholic Police 
Department of New York City, in the rapidity with which it 
has degraded the metropolis of this civilized nation. 

(6) The chief offenders against the laws which Roman 
Catholic officials not only decline to enforce, but, on the 
contrary, extend protection to their violators, are themselves 
Roman Catholics. 

(7) The reform administration made great progress in put- 
ting the public-school system on a creditable basis, but re- 
stored Rameruled Tammany arrested the work of the schools 
by stopping the erection of necessary buildings, and refused 
sufficient money even for heating and ventilating. And when 
the first opportunity to turn out efficient School Commis- 
sioners came, the most disreputable and inefficient Roman 
Catholic Commissioners under a former Tammany rule were 
reappointed, to begin the work of restoring the school system 
condemned by the hierarchy to the control of sectarians, who 
insist upon ruling the system where they cannot ruin it. 

(8) The politico-ecclesiastical authorities of the Roman 
Catholic Church in New York City know these facts and 
have it in their power to change the wicked and criminal con- 
ditions or to discipline the leaders, but that would alienate 
tJH'ir Il(jman Catholic political folloAving, which constitutes 
th.-ir chief strenf^th. 

The politico-ecclesiastical authorities of the Roman Cath- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 459 

olic Church in New York City, declining to stop these 
iniquities permitted and committed by their members, must 
stand both indicted and convicted before the bar of decent 
public opinion of participation in gambling, drunkard-mak- 
ing, sale of virtue, debauching children, brazen prostitution, 
violation of official oaths, protection of crimes, and sapping 
the foundations of civil society. 

The population of the city of New York, which is now 
under the absolute rule of politico-ecclesiastical Tammany 
Romanism, is 3,350,000. This is larger than the population 
of the thirteen original colonies at the time of the beginning 
of the republic. It is larger than any one of the forty-five 
States except Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Ohio. It is three- 
fourths as large as the present population of Ireland. It is 
more than two-thirds as large as the entire number of people 
in Spain who can read and write. 

While Croker was making the appointments for Mayor 
Van Wyck, preceding and at the time of the inauguration of 
the restored Tammany regime, the wholesale character of his 
work seemed to stupefy the public sense into silence, but 
Avhen early in 1899 on account of the death of Mr, Peters, 
President of the Borough of Maidiattan, a single important 
office was to be filled, the pul)lic anxiety was somcAvhat 
aroused as to the successorship, and many names were can- 
vassed for the place. On January 5 the members of the 
Council assembled with Mayor Van W3ck in the chair. 
Croker's representative arose and nominated James J. Coogan 
and he was unanimously elected. But for the charter re- 
quirements, there was no occasion for the assembling of the 
Couucil. 

One year after Tammany was restored to power on January 
11, 1899, the New York Tribune said : 

"The evolution of our city government makes progress. 
The Municipal Assembly no longer pretends to be responsible 
to the people. Mr. Croker openly tells the Tammany district 



400 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

bosses to tell their Councilmeu and Aldermen what to do. 
Thev do not attend meetings because they are public officers, 
but because IMr. Croker tells them to attend, and when they 
fail to attend he lectures them like school children. Mr. Van 
AVyck is Mayor, but Mr. Croker is the government." 

Siu'h absolute power as is here recorded is a menace to re- 
publican government and an affront to decency among citi- 
zens. Archbishop Corrigan could call a halt on this tyrant by 
a single edict, but he does not propose to dissolve the politico- 
ecclesiastical partnershi]). Again we repeat, Croker's abso- 
lutism rests alone upon his control of the solid Roman Catholic 
vote. How long will the citizens of the goodly city submit 
to this tyrannical personal rule ? 

Yet in the face of all this New Yorkers are proud of 
New York, but not proud of the facts. The legislation of the 
State Ca})itol in Albany, while often bad, has nevertheless 
hedged about property, the courts, and the schools in the 
metropolis with such safeguards that there is a limit to the 
power of its imported Roman rulers and masters for spoliation. 
These subjects of a foreign monarch are constantly crj^ing out 
for larger "home-rule" for the city, but the citizens of charac- 
ter have reason to be thankful that the" hayseed " or suburban 
members of the law-making body of the State are still in 
tlie majoi'ity, and that most of these are of American origin 
and instincts, or are thorough Americans by choice and 
adoption. 

Inspired with civic pride, why do not the thinking and 
patriotic people of New York control its administrative, finan- 
cial, educational, and civic interests? Because they are not 
willing to be informed of the perils and are not organized for 
results, and all reform movements heretofore have, from stub- 
Ijoriiness or from cowardice, refused to recognize the one 
insu|»erable barrier to reform. 

\\ liile we speak plain things concerning political Romanism 
because wc believe its power over the individual citizen is 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 461 

baleful, and its power over the State is perilous, we make no 
assault upon the religious faith of the Roman Catholic. We 
appeal to him as a man and citizen to assert in political action 
his freedom of conscience, and not surrender it to the political 
dictation of another under the guise of religion. It is not re- 
ligion, for religion is the relation which responsible man sus- 
tains to his God. The man capable of exercising judgment 
must be anchored by faith to a principle which commends 
itself to his enlightened and unfettered conscience. We beg 
of him to become a free man by asserting his personal political 
independence and thus prove his right politically to be counted 
a free man. 

TO THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. 

The honor has been reserved by Providence for the great 
republic to put an end to politico-ecclesiastical Romanism in 
its perfected form as represented by Spain on the Western 
Hemisphere. This power must now be told to keep its hands 
off the institutions that have made us strong enough to do this 
work for humanity. 

Future historians who will write upon the Spanish -Ameri- 
can War of 1898 will depend largely for their data upon the 
records preserved in State papers, Congressional debates, and 
in accounts published in the daily press and other periodicals 
of that period. It is now too early, and we are too near the 
enactment of the events, to expect a standard authentic and 
philosophical history soon to appear. But it will prove inter- 
esting, instructive, and profitable to pass in review in chrono- 
logical order the recorded events while one chapter of this 
wonderful American history was being enacted. We made 
history so rapidly in 1898 that we are liable to appreciate in- 
adequately some of its most pregnant chapters. The chrono- 
logical record of the Spanish- American War needs to be read 
in the light of the facts of our origin as a nation, in the light 
of what our American institutions are and what they cost. 



^,;o Faeing the Twentieth Century. 

The relation of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism to the 
Si. aiiish- American War as a war of civilizations bas especial 
interest foi- the American citizen, because of the claims of the 
Papacy over the faith, morals, and political action of all its 
sul)jects in all lands. Many of those subjects being American 
citizens and many others being Spanish citizens, the American 
people were interested to know what the attitude of the Sov- 
ereio-u Pontiff would be in a controversy in which his subjects 
were found on both sides. The American people were inter- 
ested to kno\v if the Pope would recognize the conditions of 
absolute separation of church and state in a nation which 
would not permit interference on the part of any domestic or 
foreign politico-ecclesiastical power in either its national or in- 
ternational affairs, or if he, in the assertion of his temporal and 
spiritual power, would seek to oljtrude his advice or inject his 
personality into our national concerns. 

The chronological record of the war shows both the attempt 
and the measure of success of the Pope's efforts to write a 
clia[)ter in the history of a republic whose origin and progress 
have been the marvel and admiration of the world because it 
has stood for everything in both civil and religious liberty 
which the Papacy has condemned. 

The historic fact cannot be concealed that the Spanish- 
American war was a war between Rome and Washington ; 
between the papal power and republican power ; between ec- 
clesiasticism and liberty; between the bondage of superstition 
and the freedom of truth. It was the severest blow to the 
arrogant pretensions of political ecclesiasticism which has been 
struck in a century of time. It took a heavy burden from the 
slioulders of Christian civilization as it crosses the line into 
tlie twentieth century. 

The Vatican w^as true to its unbroken historic record of ad- 
vertising itself whenever an international crisis arises. At- 
tempts of tlie Pope at mediation were especially impertinent 
because of the character of the civilization which confronted 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 463 

us, for whicli Romanism was responsible. Not only were the 
American people averse to receiving any more politics from 
Rome than they had on hand, but the Pope's overtures were 
illogical, for he is either a temporal sovereign or he is not. If 
he is, he would, like any other foreign ruler, be excluded from 
meddling in our affairs by the Monroe Doctrine, concerning 
which we are so tenacious. If he is not, he has no more right 
to propose to the President to act as the arbiter of differences 
between this and any other nation than has the head of the 
Church of England or of the Greek Church, or a conspicuous 
Israelite. 

Here is an historical sandwich not adapted to all appetites. 
On April 13, 1898, the House of Representatives in Washing- 
ton passed Cuban intervention resolutions. 

" London, April 15, 1898. A dispatch from the Central News 
from Madrid says that Cardinal Rampolla has advised Prime 
Minister Sagasta to abandon Cuba on condition of the estab- 
lishment there of a Roman Catholic republic." 

On April 16, 1898, joint resolutions were passed by Con- 
gress authorizing the President to continue using the army 
and navy of the United States to force the withdrawal of the 
Spaniards from Cuba. 

As a last resort it is stated by Harold Frederic (New York 
Times, April 24, 1898), "on what I believe to be quite ac- 
curate authority," that "in order to save that wretched point 
of 'honor,' about which Spaniards haggle so much, they should 
be induced to hand over Cuba to the Father of Catholic 
Christendom." In what relation would this have placed the 
United States toward the one remaining prop of Spanish 
civilization? In the interest of the permanent settlement of 
the republic's relation to politico-ecclesiastical Romanism it is 
almost to be regretted that Spain did not hand over Cuba to 
Leo XIII. 

Frederic R. Coudert, an eminent Roman Catholic lawyer, 
according to newspaper reports, thinks we ought to have done 



4,; 4 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

what 'lainage we could at Manila and then have left the 
I'hilippint's to their fate, which simply meant to re-enforce the 
cruel domination of ecclesiasticism. 

Father Walwortli and otlier loyal American priests disap- 
pnned of the Pope's attempted interference between the 
United States and Spain, but their loyalty was not extensively 
advertised l)y the press. 

Durin*!- the anxious days preceding the declaration of war, 
the movements and acts of xVrchbishop Ireland, Cardinal Gib- 
bons, Legate Martinelli, and the Pope were constantly recorded 
1)V the press. The news of the declaration of an armistice by 
Spain in response to tlie Pope's intervention came first to these 
papal representatives and not to the Spanish Minister. Noth- 
in«' ^vas said about the movements of the chief men of other 
denominations. The intelligently patriotic action of a body 
of Protestant clergymen, enunciating the principles involved 
ill the controversy, was immediately branded by the Roman 
Catliolic papers and their defenders as injecting the sectarian 
(juestion into the controversy. And the discussions in these 
papers and the headings of the articles were, almost without 
exception, glaring falsehoods. 

On May 10, 1898, there appeared in the papers the letter 
from the Archbishops of the Roman Catholic Church of the 
United States to the clergy and laity of the country. Let it 
1)6 noted that while the public was discussing the attitude of 
the Roman Church on the war with Spain, and was having 
serious grounds for asserting that its sympathy was with 
Spain, and while public attention ^vas being called to isolated 
cases of asserted loyalty, and while Martinelli and Ireland as 
thf Po[)e's representatives were seeking to inject him as an 
uiljitrator into the controversy, and while the Latin nations 
<jf the Old World were expressing their unconcealed sympathy 
with Spain, and threats of intervention were being made, no 
wofd coiiii's from the authorities of the Roman Church in 
America dctiuing her position. But when Commodore Dewey 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 465 

had cruslied tbe Spauisli fleet at Manila, silenced the forts and 
had the city and the island at America's feet, and when the 
Roman Catholic priests and nuns at Cavite had exhibited a 
treachery unsurpassed in history by even Spanish character, 
and when the attention of the whole world was drawn to the 
fact that the representatives of the Church of Rome were 
taking active part with Spain, then came this tai-dy manifesto 
accommodating itself to the painful necessities of the case, 
instead of putting the Roman Church on record as loyally sus- 
taining the government in the initial stages of the controversy 
with Si)ain, when it would have possessed some virtue and 
some foi'ce. 

The address recognized no principle involved in the war. 
It opens with the statement that : " The events that have suc- 
ceeded the blowing up of the battleship Maine and the 
sacrifice of 266 innocent victims, the patriotic seamen of the 
United States, have culminated in a war between Spain and our 
own beloved country." It then proceeds to state that in view 
of the fact that war has been declared : " We, the members 
of the Catholic Chui'ch, are true Americans, and as such are 
loyal to our country and our flag and obedient to the highest 
decrees and the supreme authority of the nation." Loyalty 
to country and flag is inane unless that country and that flag 
stand for something in every contest. It is to be regretted 
that there was not one American among those prelates, who 
could have suggested that religious leaders, in addressing 
millions of their adherents concerning their duty as citizens 
in time of war, ought to say something about the principles 
involved which demanded their loyalty. 

The address never referred to the fact that the war with 
Spain was caused by the cruelty and misgovernment of Spain 
in Cuba, and that the United States was engaged in the work 
of breaking the clutch of Spain upon the people it had 
plundered and enslaved for centuries. 

The Philippine Islands became Spanish colonies in 1569, 



^^j. Facing the Twentieth Century. 

haviiif,' been discovered by Mugellan in 1521. Characteristic 
cruelty was exercised in reducing to subjection the native 

populations. 

ri,,. pe.^ple have purposely been kept in ignorance and in 
poverty that they might be the more easily controlled by their 
masters. They have been taxed to an extent that has ren- 
dered thrift impossible, and the penalties for delinquency have 
been so cruel that manliood has been crushed and womanhood 
has been degraded. Here, as everywhere, the religious orders 
of Romanism have done the dastardly, diabolical work of 
Spain for over thi'ee liundred years. 

Ill an interview on September 18, 1898, Archbishop Noza- 
leda de Villa, of the Philippine Islands, said : 

" I earnestly hope the islands will not remain Spanish, be- 
cause the rebels are now so strong that such a course would 
inevitably cause appalling bloodshed. The reconquest of the 
natives is impossible until after years of the most cruel war- 
fare.'' 

He also expressed the hope that the islands would not 
become absolutely independent, because it was certain that 
dissensions would occur which would result in incessant 
strife, and a lapse into barbarism and the natural indolence of 
a tropical race. The only hope, the Archbishop declared, 
was that a strong Western Power would intervene now. De- 
lay was dangerous, because the people are intoxicated, vain- 
glorious, and restless. He said it was undeniable that the 
religious orders must go, because the Avhole people had de- 
termined to abolish them now that they were able to render 
their retention impossible. He laid the chief blame upon 
the Dominicans, Augustines, and Franciscan Recoletans, the 
richest orders, and next upon the Benedictines and Capuchins, 
which are of less imi)ortance. The Jesuits, the Archbishop 
says, are comparatively blameless. He added that the rival 
orders quiu-rel among themselves, intrigue, act unworthily and 
slander their opponents, thus inci-easing their general disfavor. 



Politico- Ecdesiastical Romanism. 467 

The oppressions resulting from tlie union of church and 
state, in the Philippines and in Cuba and Porto Rico, con- 
stitute tlie chief grievance of the oppressed people against- 
Spain. Monastic orders in the Philippines liold a very large 
proportion of the most valuable lands, which are exempt from 
taxation and are the source of enormous revenue. The un- 
righteous conditions have never been surpassed in countries 
which have been compelled for the safety of the nation to 
expel these orders and confiscate their property. Spain and 
Rome have made pleas for the protection of the lives and 
property of these precious scoundrels. No authorities repre- 
senting the United States would dare, unless they coui-ted the 
contempt of the American people, which would mean their 
political annihilation, to support an ecclesiasticism whicli has 
been the source of all the woe of our new wards and forced 
this nation to go to war. Absolute separation of church and 
state Avith impartial and just treatment of all the citizens of 
the new lands we rule, with guarantees for civil and religious 
liberty, are the fundamental conditions of peace if peace is to 
be permanent, and if this nation is to be justified before God 
and man in breaking the power of Spain over her colonies. 

The intensely religious character of the solicitude for peace 
on the part of the Vatican is revealed in its anxiety aljout its 
investments in Spanish bonds and in property in the Spanish 
colonies ! The love of peace and good will among men, so 
ardently advocated by the Pope's patriotic representatives in 
Washington during the early stages of the Cuban controversy, 
is now seen to have had a financial basis. 

Leo XIIL, "Prisoner of the Vatican," wanted peace of 
course. He loved America and American institutions. When 
he looked upon his dear people in Cuba, and saw that their 
shackles, forged by his most loyal children of S|)ain, were 
about to be broken by the republic he loved so well, and real- 
ized that this republic would not pay the bills contracted by 
Spain in forging those shackles, his emotions were mixed ; and 



4 OS Facing the Twentieth Century. 

fi(.iii his lonely iiiiprisoiuneiit he could comfort them witli the 
\V(.rd.s of St. Paul: "Would to God, that not only thou, but 
also all that hear me this day, ^vore both almost, and alto- 
o-ether siu'Ii as I am, except these bonds." 

rani also sent a message to the Philippians wliicli is now 
appi«'})riate for the Po[)e to send to the religious orders of the 
Cliinvh in those islands : " Inasmuch as both in my bonds, and 
ill I he defense and confirmation of the gospel, ye are all par- 
takers of my grace." 

In the close of Paul's Epistle to the Colossiaus, Avrittenfrom 
Rome by Tychicus and Onesimus, he says : " Kemember my 
bonds." Leo XIII. in the summer of 1898 had his Tychicus 
in Washinofton to whom he must have sent from Home a dis- 
patch in Paul's language, which seems to have been inter- 
preted literally. 

The landed estates of the religious orders in our new pos- 
sessions must pay taxes, like other property-holders. 

The United States can no more guarantee the investments 
of the Vatican in Spanish bonds than it can guarantee its 
investments in stocks and bonds in the Metropolitan Traction 
Company in New York City. 

However nmch well-meaning people may deprecate the 
very prevalent idea that the war was a religious war, certainly 
many Romanist prelates held that idea— among them the Pope 
himself. Here is a dispatch showing how the Archbishop of 
INIanila regai'ded it : 

" Paris, May 18, 1898.—^^ Oomercio of Madrid publishes a 
long pastoi-al letter by the Arcld)ishop of Manila, addressed 
to the faithful of his diocese. In substance it says: 

" ' Dark days broke when the North American squadron 
entered swiftly our brilliant bay, and despite the heroism of 
oiii- sailors destroyed the Spanish ships and succeeded in 
hoisting the flag of the enemy on the blessed soil of our 
country. 

" ' Do not forget that in their auger they intend to crush our 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 469 

rights ; that the stranger tries to subject us to the yoke of the 
heretic' tries to hreah dotvn our religion and drag us from the 
holy family of the Catholic Church. 

'''He is an insatiable merchant who tries to make a for- 
tune from the ruin of Spain. Her possessions are tied with 
fraternal ties. Sons of the metropolis and colonies, very soon 
you will see an insuperable wall between you and your mas- 
ters. For you there will be no more public offices or employ- 
ment by the Government. The administration of this country 
will not be such as under Spain. 

'•' ' You will soon be joined in a sort of civil republic on the 
low level of pariahs, to be exploited like miserable colonists 
reduced to a condition of slaver}^, beasts and machines, and 
miserably fed. They soon will become the masters of the 
fruits and treasures of your estates. 

" ' But that will not be the worst. Your temples will soon 
Ije in ruins; your clicqyels converted into Protestant Churches, 
where ^vill not be the throne of God, the God of the Euchar- 
ist, not the holy image of the Virgin Mary. Your faithful 
ministers will disappear. 

" ' What will become of your delicate sons and daughters 
after their parents are gone and tlieir lot is cast in a Protes- 
tant nation? There will be strange customs of culture and 
education, and a propaganda full of vices and errors. 

" ' Poor Filipinos, unfortunate in this life and in the life 
eternal ! 

"'Fortunately, the roar of the enemy's cannon cries the 
alarm which has awakened you to a sense of present danger 
as one man. I know you are preparing to defend your coun- 
try. You must all have recourse to arms and prayers ; arms, 
because the Spanish population, though attenuated and 
wounded, shows its patriotism when defending its religion ; 
prayer, because victory always is given by God to those who 
hsixe justice on tJieir side. God will send his angels and saints 
to be with us, and to fight on our side. 



47n Facing the Twentieth Century. 

" ' To us tlie holy inspimtiou coines to dedicate the Pliilip- 
pine Arc'liipelago to tlie holy heart of Jesus. When free of 
tills ti()iil)le you will celebrate annually tlie 7th of June 
as a festival. 

" ' The (lovernor General, who is a firm Christian and a pru- 
ilent pati-iot and military chief, joins my prayers to invoke the 
intercess^wn of the ])atron saints.'' " 

Leo Xni. was sorry he had not died befoie, when he heard 
of Dewey's victory over the Spanish at Manila. The report 
was that four hundred were killed and \vounded. We heard 
nothing of his consuming desire to die while his dear Spanish 
cliildren were killing and starving t^\o hundred and fifty 
thousand innocent people, mostly Iloman Catholics, in Cuba, 
where women and children, and old men and women, were the 
victims. 

A desperate effort has been made by the Romanists in this 
and in other lands to shift the blame for the cruel and tyran- 
nical condition of affairs in the Philippines to the shoulders of 
the religious orders. This cannot be allowed, as the papal 
powers have absolute control over the orders, and benefiting 
])y the successes of these oi'ders these powers cannot evade 
the responsibility for conduct w^hich furnishes specimens of 
ingenious wickedness beyond the capacity of common secular 
sinners. 

AVe indict politico-ecclesiastical Romanism as the criminal 
responsil)le for the condition of things in Cuba which brought 
on the war, and as the greedy ingrate ^vhich sought through 
Archbishop Ii-eland and the Pope to profit by the results of 
the wai- in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, by making 
tlie United States Government a partner with the Papacy in 
holding the properties of the Chui-ch secured by cruelty and 
theft; and all under the guise of religious liberty. 

While Great Britain has been showing such friendliness to 
the rnilcd Slates in the time when her friendship is vital iu 
its iiiipuil, jiiid for the first time in human history the con- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 4^1 

quering Anglo-Saxon civilization of the world has presented 
an undivided front to the cowering and retreating remnant 
of Latin civilization, the only discordant note has sounded 
from the lips of members of that section of our Irish citizens 
who, wl]ile they are under the dominion of Rome, so largely 
rule us in the interests of Kome. 

Romanists oppose any Anglo-American alliance on the 
ground that the present generation of English-speaking 
people is not pure Anglo-Saxon. Admit it, but we insist 
upon recognizing the fact that Anglo-Saxon civilization is the 
bond that holds the English-speaking peoples together, while 
politico-ecclesiastical Romanism is the bond that holds Latin 
civilization together, although there is little of the pure Latin 
race left in the world. 

Another blow at the papal power resulting from the 
Spanish-American war is found in the fact that the govern- 
ment and people of the United States are ignoring the power 
of the Irish Roman Catholic protest against an alliance in 
sympathy and in purpose if not in a written treaty with Great 
Britain. The attitude of Irish Roman Catholic orators and 
editors in opposition to the growing friendly feeling between 
England and America has been hysterically violent. 

In accord with historical precedents, the perplexing ques- 
tion which nations have to meet in adjusting the conditions 
of peace between nations which have been at war on account 
of conflicting civilizations is the relation of politico-ecclesi- 
astical Romanism to the causes which have produced the war 
and to the conditions which exist afterward. The brazen 
audacity with which this power, under conditions which 
ought to make it a suppliant penitent, makes its demands 
for protection, seems to stupefy the sense of justice and right 
in rulers and statesmen, and frequently forces them into 
partnership with conscienceless tyranny and cruelty. This 
American republic is based upon a very simple and equitable 
theory of the relation of church and state, of entire separation 



47*J Facing the IwentietJi Century. 

of fhurcli and state, of absolute equality of all religious 
ur»'anizatioiis before the laAv, with special privileges for none. 
And yet ill the face of this couceded American principle, 
w licii, as the result of war, new colonies come under American 
rule, tlii.s persistent papal power comes to the front and 
makes the demand that its cruel machinery shall have special 
protection. 

The only claim the Pope had to act as meditator between 
the United States and Spain was that he represented Spain's 
type of civilization, lie has had some recent expeiience in 
the arbitration business. 

In 1885 Leo Xlll. undertook the arbitration of the differ- 
ences between Spain and Germany concerning the occuj)ation 
of the Caroline Islands in the Pacific Ocean. The result is 
thus recorded in Dr. OTleilly's "Life of Leo XIII." : 

*' h\ less than a month, on October 22, Cardinal Jacobini 
sent to the cabinets of Madrid and Berlin the Pope's decision, 
which consisted in four points on which both governments 
were to agree, the fact of Spain's ancient discovery of the 
Carolines and of their occupation by her being laid do^vn as 
one ground for conciliation, and the liberty of Germans in 
the Archipelago to occupy land, develop agriculture, cultivate 
industry and commerce on a footing of equality with Spanish 
subjects being also guaranteed, together with a naval station 
l'<»r (rermany, and perfect freedom of navigation throughout 
tlie Archipelago. 

"Thus Spanish sovereignty and German interests were safe- 
^'u.'ii-ded by the terms proposed from the Vatican. It was an 
admirable decision; it gave satisfaction in both countries to 
governments and peoples, and all danger of war was averted." 

Tliis histoi'ic incident may throw some light on what might 
li;i\t' resulted had the same Pope's overtures to arbitrate in 
•'111- Si)anish-American differences been accepted. 

In the Illations of tlie repuldic to the peoples of the islands 
which liave recently come either under our control or pro- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 473 

tection, if we are to benefit them or preserve our own national 
character, they must adjust and accommodate tliemselves to 
our institutions, but we must not adjust our institutions to 
any features of their medisevalism, however thoroughly they 
may l.^e intrenched, or ho\vever they may be wrenched or 
even uprooted by the readjustment. It is not our mission to 
travel back through the centuries and meet an inferior civili- 
zation and by concessions induce it to learn a new lesson, but 
to flood it with our better light, and when its iniquities are 
thus revealed, compel them to be promptly foi-saken by 
entering upon the better way. 

Sending a Roman priest of the Paulist order with General 
Merritt to the Philippines, as the reports say: " To reassure 
the islandei's that their religion will not be interfered with 
by the Americans," must be looked upon by the decent opinion 
of the civilized world as a disgusting piece of truckling to polit- 
ical Romanism on the part of some public functionary. The 
priests, monks, and nuns have been the chief, cruel, tyrannical, 
and treacherous offenders in the Philippines, and are mainly 
responsible for the festering rottenness in the civil govern- 
ment. Admiral Dewey and General Merritt were the men 
to teach the Pauline doctrines to these miscreants. At the 
time this Paulist priest was shipped to Manila representatives 
of the missionary societies of the principal Protestant denomi- 
nations in the United States had conferred and determined to 
send some missionaries to the Philippines to represent the 
Christian civilization which has made the Stars and Stripes 
and Dewey what they stand for. Why should not our 
government promptly furnish free transportation for some of 
these men, who will tell the poor victims of superstition and 
cruelty what the Ci'oss of Christ means in America ? 

The Jesuits are ahvays a peril, in whatever capacity they 
serve the state. Every one of their number admitted as 
chaplain, officer, or priest in army and navy is, from the very 
character of his vows to his order, liable to be guilty of 



474 Faeing the Twentietli Century. 

treachery agaiust the goveruineut whenever opportunity pre- 
sents. It is to be assumed that they seek these places to 
promote their own ends, and not the good of free government 
or tlie liberties of man, as they do not believe in either. 
Universal history ought to have taught our government to 
decline in both war and peace the services of these foes to 
human liberty. It has been an interesting study in the 
science of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism for the American 
pt'opK' to watcli its conspicuous representatives during the pre- 
liminaries to the controversy between the United States and 
Spain. IIo^v they have been embarrassed by the changing 
conditions ! A blow at Spain was a blow at politico-ecclesi- 
asticism in American politics, hence the anxiety of the Pope 
and his representatives here. Such is its universal solidarity 
that a Ijlow struck anywhere vibrates through the whole 
system. 

The nations where the Pope has influence either criticised 
us or preserved a self-interested neutrality toward us during 
our conti'oversy with Spain. Still when Si)ain appealed for 
aid to Mexico and the South American republics, Austria, 
Fiance, and Italy, they all rejected the appeal. It was the 
last and most desperate struggle of politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism to maintain its hold on its remnant of civil govern- 
ment in the Western Hemisphere ; but not one of the South 
Amei'ican states took the part of their mother country 
(Spain), in lici" controversy with the United States. How 
significant ! The mother had been so cruel that her children, 
despite the bond of a common religion, despised her when the 
day of her punishment arrived. 

Despite mutterings of Roman Catholic sympathy with 
Spain, when the President needed fifty million dollars as a 
l)ea('c measure to provide for war, if necessary, and the House 
of Kf^presentatives by a unanimous vote placed it at his dis- 
ci-etionary use, Representative Fitzgerald of Massachusetts, in 
tlif d.'bate on this measure, found it necessary to assert the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Momanism. 475 

loj^alty of Roman Catholics. No representative of any other 
denomination felt bound to take the oath of allegiance for his 
people. 

When the appointment of the Peace Commission was under 
consideration, on August 18, 1898, the following news item 
appeared in the daily papers : 

" As the Roman Catholic Church is interested in the future 
of the Pliilippine Islands, as well as Cuba, many distiuguislied 
members of the Church have been in Washington to see 
whether a member of the Church would be appointed on the 
Commission. Archbishop Ireland has been here for several 
days, and has had interviews with the Cabinet officers, as 
well as prominent Senators." 

Here was this persistent papal lobbyist again at his work 
with a Republican administration, in the interests of that 
notoriously vilest type of Romanism intrenched in the Philip- 
pines and in Cuba. AVhy should a Roman Catholic, as such, 
have been placed on the Peace Commission, unless it was to 
try and perpetuate under American rule the barbarism which 
Romanism had practiced under Spanish rule ? The propo- 
sition was an insult to the sense of fairness of the average 
American, who would naturally be appointed, and an auda- 
cious intrigue in the interests of the papal power. 

Many of the American people now understand, and it is 
time politicians understood, that this Prelate Ireland is one of 
the most dangerous, if not the most dangerous, of the repre- 
sentatives of the papal power in this country, because many 
public men, politicians, and other citizens accept his ardent 
utterances concerning his loyalty to American institutions as 
honest and unreserved. But we have seen that on the rela- 
tions of Romanism to Protestantism, to the future of the re- 
public, to the schools, to party politics and party platforms, 
to sectarian appropriations, to international affairs and to 
legislation, his attitude is one of abject loyalty first to Rome. 
His fluency of speech, his courtly personality, and his chame- 



470 Facing the Tiueiitieth Century. 

Iron power of adaptation make him dangerous. It is time 
that politicians ami American citizens generally made a study 
,,r this nniipie, instructive, and persistently conspicuous per- 
sonality now p.Minitted by Rome to be its representative in 
shaping the policy of the party in American politics with 
which it casts few votes, but from which it secures many 
(itlic«'s. 

A news item from AVashington, August 20, 1898, says: 
'• Aivhbishop Ireland was at the White House to-day, his sec- 
ond visit this week. Subsequently he saw Secretary Gage at 
the Treasury Department. He said that his call was a purely 
personal one, to pay his respects to the President. As he re- 
mained some time, however, gossip had it that his visit had 
some rehition to the selection of members of the Peace Com- 
mission. His interest in it, aside from that of any citizen, is as 
a representative of the Catholic Church, which is deeply con- 
cerned over the settlement of the war, not only as it relates to 
the religious orders that are so prominent in the Philippines, 
but as a holder of sixty million dollars of the bonds of Spain, 
secui-ed by the Cuban revenue. These bonds, it is said, were 
given to the Vatican in exchange for church lauds in Cuba 
:ind the Philippines, and some provision for the payment of 
tiicse bonds would be a great relief to the Cluu'ch. It is not 
Ijelieved by anyone here, however, that Congress would ap- 
prove a proposition that the United States should pay the 
debt, or any part of it, incurred l)y Spain in prosecuting the 
war to prevent Cul)a from securing her independence." 

This G<n^ernment has no duty call to protect the interests 
of the Pope in ])onds issued to help Spain to perpetuate her 
di;il)olical rule in Cuba and the Philippines. 

It will not avail to say that the purpose of Romanism in 
America is different from its pur})ose in other parts of the 
woild, l)ecause it is not true. It has one all-comprehensive 
jiiii |i(K,- (■((iiccriiing ;ill nntions niid jx'oplcs. Thei'cfoi'e, as a 
Hystciii, it iiiust be held responsible for the fruits of its seed- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 477 

sowing in the Philippines and in Cuba as thoroughly as for 
the claimed moderation of its enforced comparatively civilized 
tilling of republican American soil. But even here the llonian 
tares are so troublesome that the scanty wheat so\vn is neither 
fruitful nor nourishing. Let it surrender its absurd claims 
to universality of dominion and adapt itself to any civilized 
and democratic environment, and we will then consider its 
merits concretely. 

Loyalty to our institutions in time of peace is as important 
as proffered military service in time of war. The main issue, 
even in war, cannot be oljscured by citing individual or col- 
lective instances of loyalty. 

Tardily avowed neutrality did not atone for repeated acts 
and assurances of sympathy for Spain as against the United 
States. The war was the hardest blow ever struck at polit- 
ico-ecclesiastical Romanism, and with it the light dawned and 
a better day appeared for humanity. 

All credit is accorded to the men in army, navy, and civil 
life wlio patriotically give their first loyalty to this country and 
to their fellow-citizens. May their nundier nudtiply ! It is 
the system we assail which, in its political operations, humili- 
ates these noble men by causing them to be singled out for 
their loyalty and independence, instead of taking their loyalty 
and independence for granted. 

^methods: to make condescending concessions to ameeican 

institutions. 

Roman Catholic authorities, in accommodating their mediae- 
val civilization to American institutions, always take the atti- 
tude of making concessions as though they were conferring a 
favor, instead of loyally adapting themselves to the institu- 
tions which constitute our essential character and make our 
country attractive to the oppressed of all nations, by guaran- 
teeing civil and religious liberty and equal rights to all, and 
special privileges to none. We are not asking toleration from 



478 Facing (lie Twentieili Century. 

any effete civilization, but ungnulging lo^^alty f rom those who 
seek the benefits of our Anglo-Saxon civilization. We are 
not apologizing to Rome for giving her adherents refuge from 
her own bondage, poverty, and persecution beyond the seas. 

Tiiey are antagonistic to American institutions unless these 
institutions are accommodated to their ecclesiastical concep- 
tions of sectarian loyalty. It is claimed that there are Lib- 
erals and Bour])ons among the American Romanists; some 
Ijeinf called Liljerals because they profess loyalty to our insti- 
tutions. This is claimed as a virtue for which they expect 
praise. What does this imply ? That such is their general 
attitude that loyalty constitutes the exception. Our institu- 
tions nnist be accommodated to their medij^3val conceptions 
if they are to avoid conflicting with Latin civilization. Why 
not the reverse ? 

This enforced hypocrisy ought to stop, both in the interests 
of American self-respect and in the interests of Romanists who 
would be Americans without apology if they were left to pur- 
sue the ])ent of their own honest natures. 

Zola says of his hero priest : " He had beheld the real Rome, 
the ancient city of pride and domination, where the j^apacy 
can never be complete without the tempoi'al power. It was 
only in appearance that she could make concessions, and the 
time would even arrive when her concessions would cease, in 
the ))resence of the impossibility of going any further without 
committing suicide." 

The following quotations are from a sermon on " The 
Church and the Age," delivered by Archbishop Ireland, at 
Baltimore, October 18, 1893, at the Jubilee of Cardinal 
( libbons ; 

"Tlie Church created by Christ for all ages lives in every 
age .'ind puts on the dress of everyone. We find, conse- 
<|ii<'nt]y, i!i her outward belongings, the variable and the 
contingent. The Church, at one time imperialistic in her 
political alliances, was at another feudalistic, but she never 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 479 

committed herself iu principle to imperialism or feudalism. 
She spoke Greek in x\thens, and Latin in Rome, and her sons 
wore the chlamys or the toga, but she was never an institu- 
tion confined to Greece or Italy. Her scientific knowledge at 
different epochs was scant as that of those epochs ; her social 
legislation and customs, as theirs, were rude and tentative. 
Two or three centuries ago she was courtly and aristocratic 
under the temporal sway of the Fifth Charles of Spain, or tlie 
Fourteenth Louis of France, but this again Avas a passing 
phase in her existence, and she may be at other times as 
democratic in her bearings as the most earnest democracy 
would expect. Her canon law, which is the expression of 
her adaptability to circumstances, received the impress at one 
time of the Justinian code, at another that of the capitularies 
of Charlemagne, at another that of the Hapsburg or Bourbon 
edicts, but she was never mummified in Justinian or Bourbon 
molds, and her canon law may be as American as it was 
Roman, and as much the reflection of the twentieth century 
as it ever was of the Middle Ages." 

It is no title to nobility in America that a man consents to 
give evidences of loyalty to our institutions. If he makes 
any qualification or mental reservation concerning his loyalty, 
if he can only give a partial or conditional allegiance, he 
ought to be required to emigrate and return to the service of 
the sovereign to whom he is loyal. Personal honesty and 
the safety of the Republic both require this. 

If not chargeable with offenses against American institu- 
tions, why so prompt to give individual instances of loyalty ? 
The citations prove that they are exceptions, otherwise they 
would not be named. Where all are concededly loyal, dis- 
criminating individual citations are not only absurd, but in- 
sulting to the unnamed. Here is a startling illustration of 
the fact that exceptions prove the rule. 

Political Romanism is always obliged to assert its loyalty 
to civil institutions because its history is such as to put it 



480 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

under the ban of suspicion, niid tliis assertion is in tlie nature 
of a concession to its environment which it would change 
were it witliin its power, • 

It seems to be necessary to swear frequently to its conde- 
scending loyalty lest the people might doubt its existence. 

A loyalty which re(]uires freipieut assertion and oaths of 
alh'giance is always open to suspicion as to its genuineness, 
(it'iiuine loyalty proves its genuineness by acts and not by 
asseverations. Genuine loyalty is taken for granted among 
«j:enuine Americans. 

The prelates of Romanism try to accommodate themselves 
on school and other (piestions sufficiently to disarm public 
wrath and retain their power over politicians and party 
headers, but, as we have seen, they do not in any essential 
particulars change in either principle or purpose. 

We are obliged, as we have elsewhere seen, to have expur- 
gated editions of school books, histories, encyclopedias, and 
of the Bible and Constitution of the United States to accom- 
modate our institutions to Romanism. 

The Archbishop of New York in his condescending refer- 
ence to the flag at his jubilee on May 5, 1898, gave no state- 
ment as to its meaning, but he told us what it must not mean 
when he supported the Bishop of Brooklyn in banishing the 
flag from his church. 

An eminent writer on historic subjects says: "Up to a 
recent time nothing was heard about the love of the Roman 
Catholic priesthood for American principles and institutions. 
Tliere was not a word of approval for our laws and liberties. 
There was instead, however, an unremitting stream of abuse, 
vilitication, and opposition, most unjustifiable and unpatriotic. 
In the light of Papal history let the meaning of all this be 
read. Rome has done the same thing before in France. 
When she tells us she most loves us, we have most reason to 
stand guard." 

The period in om- history has arrived when we must, with- 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 481 

out apology, uncompromisingly insist that politico-ecclesiasti- 
cal Eomanism, if it continues to exist under the protection of 
our laws, must accommodate itself to our institutions and not 
persist in warping them to fit its deformed civilization and 
repudiated claims. 

CONCERTED ACTION AS ROMANISTS: PROMOTING ISOLATION AND 
SOLIDARITY, AND OBSTRUCTING ASSIMILATION IN CITIZENSHIP. 

We will appropriately open the discussion of the methods 
of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism in enjoining and requiring 
its followers — in their civic and other associations with their 
fellow-citizens — to think and act as Romanists, by summoning 
three witnesses : first, the Sovereign Roman Pontiff ; second, 
an honest Roman Catholic thinker; and, third, an honest 
American patriot. 

Leo XIIL, in his Encyclical of 1895, puts a premium on the 
isolation of his people as Romanists. He says : 

" Unless forced by necessity to do otherwise. Catholics 
ought to prefer to associate with Catholics, a course which 
will be very conducive to the safeguarding of their faith. 
As presidents of societies thus formed among themselves, 
it would be well to appoint either priests or upright laymen 
of weight and character, guided by whose counsel they should 
endeavor peacefully to adopt and carry into effect such meas- 
ures as may seem most advantageous to their interests." 

Dr. Brownson (Roman Catholic), in his Review, said : 

"The Church has here a foreign aspect, and has no root 
in the life of the nation. The Church brings here foreign 
manners, tastes, habits, a foreign civilization, and a faith 
and worshij), with foreign believers and worshipers, and 
whatever we may say, or whatever maj^ be the case here- 
after, the Catholic people in this country are as distinct from 
the American people, in all except their political and social 
rights, as the people of France, Italy, Spain, England, Ger- 
many, or Ireland. As yet it is idle to pretend that both are 



482 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

one people, living one common national life. It is no sucli 
thini,'. When the priest refers his people to their ancestors, 
lie refers not to our American ancestors, but to an ancestry of 
some foreign nationality, and Catholics themselves distin- 
guish non Catholics as Amei'icans, as in Ireland they call 
tliemselves Iris/i, and Protestants Sassenagh or Saxons. They 
intrinsically feel that they are not Americans in the sense non- 
Catholics are. The fact, disguise it as we will, is that, though 
for the most part American citizens, Catholics in this country, 
speaking in general terms, are a foreign people, think, feel, 
speak, and act as a foreign population." 

Theodore Roosevelt, in his book, "American Ideals and 
other Essays," says : 

" The third sense in which the word ' Americanism ' may be 
employed is with reference to the Americanizing of the new- 
comers to our shores. We must Americanize them in every 
^vay — in speech, in political ideas and principles, and in their 
way of looking at the relation between church and state. 
AVe welcome the German or the Irishman who becomes an 
American. We have no use for the German or the Irishman 
ivho remains such. We do not wish German-Americans and 
Irish-Americans who figure as such m our social and political 
life. We want only Americans, and, provided they are such, 
we do not care whether they are of native or of Irish or of 
German ancestry. We have no room in any healthy Ameri- 
can community for a German-American vote or an Irish- 
American vote, and it is contemptible demagogy to put 
planks into any party platform with the purpose of catch- 
ing such a vote." 

When Theodore Roosevelt was a member of the New York 
State Legislature, he tells us in his published essays that: 

" I sat for an entire session beside a very intelligent member 
from Northei-n New York before I discovered that he was an 
Irishman. All his views of legislation, even upon such sub- 
jects as free schools and the impropriety of making appro- 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 483 

priations from the treasury for the support of sectarian 
institutions, were practically similar to those of his Protes- 
tant-American neighbors, though he was himself a Catholic. 
Now a German or an Irishman fi-om one of the great cities 
would have retained most of his national peculiarities." 

While Mr. Roosevelt's honest attitude is undoubtedly in 
harmony with American thought and purpose, one of the in- 
consistent infelicities of political expediency, enforced by 
political Romanism, appeared in his gubernational campaign, 
of which the papers on October 10, 1898, made the following 
record : 

" About forty prominent Irishmen, including many of the 
Roman Catholic clergy, met at the Hoffman House on Mon- 
day night and formed the Irish- American Union to help the 
Republican party. Patrick Egan, ex-Minister to Chili, pre- 
sided, and Daniel J. Naughton of Manhattan, and M. J. Hogan 
of Brooklyn acted as secretaries. Yesterday the new organi- 
zation secured rooms in the Sturtevant House. The Union 
intends to make a thorough canvass of Irish societies through- 
out the State, and there will be at least one great meeting at 
which Colonel Roosevelt, John T. McDonough, and other 
leaders will speak. ^ I think,' said Mr. Egan yesterday, ' that 
Colonel Roosevelt will receive more Irish votes in New York 
than any candidate since James G. Blaine. He is a thorough 
American, like Blaine.' " 

Why cannot Roman Catholic priests when they act as chap- 
lains in the army or navy, or in charitable, reformatory, or 
penal institutions, being Christians, so conduct their general 
services as to be acceptable to all the persons to whom they 
minister who believe in Christianity ? Why persistently put 
to the front the Roman instead of the religious features of their 
Christianity ? Why not exalt the fundamental teachings of 
the Scriptures which all Christians accept instead of magnify- 
ing the man-made parts of religious ceremonials ? 

The introduction of Roman Catholic speakers, whenever 



484 Facing the Tvjentkth Century. 

tlifv consent to appear with their fellow-citizens on hnmani- 
taiian or reforn: platforms, is generally performed in a 
triicklin^^ manner by Protestant j^i^esiding officers, making 
sycophants of men otherwise gentlemen, and thus putting 
a prt'iniuiii on the fact of isolation. 

During Archbishop Corrigan's Jubilee in 1898, between five 
and six thousand parochial school children presented an address 
to tlie Archbishop. This was intended to accentuate the 
attempt of jiolitico-ecclesiastical Romanism to isolate the ris- 
ing generation of youth and separate them as Romanists from 
the rising generation of Americans of which they ought to be 
a homogeneous part. AVhere were the scores of thousands of 
Roman Catholic public-school children of the city of New 
York on this occasion ? Tlie Cathedral could not have held 
them. They were preparing for the race of life with erpial 
opportunities with other American youth, and becoming a part 
of our homogeneous citizenship. Thanks to the Archbishop 
for accentuating this religious discrimination against Vjoys and 
girls whose parents desire to make Americans of them ! 

The ostentatious exhibition which Chaf)lain Chidwick of 
the Maine has made of himself, advertising his church con- 
nections on all occasions, giving brass crosses to the families 
of the dead sailors, his picture being sold at the laying of the 
cornerstone of a Roman Catholic Church in New York labeled 
" the hero of the Maine^'' his frerpient visits to New York with 
the advertisement that he was to celebrate mass at such an hour, 
were all in striking contrast with the conduct of the efficient but 
commendaldy modest chaplains of most of the other warships 
of ijie United States Navy. However creditable this priest's 
services as chaplain may have been, the historic relations of 
Ii<«inanism to the entire Cuban business of which the destruc- 
tion of the Maine was an incident, were such that the modest 
performance of his duties would have been more becoming 
tlian the persistent advertising of his personality. 

We were told that we must not speak the truth about 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 485 

Roman Catliolic political interference with our civil institu- 
tions in the midst of war because nothing must be done to 
alienate Romanist citizens from the support of our national 
cause. Is their loyalty of this stamp ? We must not say 
that it was a war between Latin and Anglo-Saxon civilizations, 
although it is historic truth, because expediency re(|uires the 
suppression of the truth in order to nurture a sensitive loyalty. 

If a Roman Catholic becomes conspicuous for service to 
this country in the army or navy or in civil life it is trumpeted 
through the press and elsewhere that he is a Roman Catholic, 
and capital is sought to be made out of it, although frequently 
distasteful to the subject of it. 

Every Roman Catholic who enters the army as an American 
patriot deserves credit, aids his country and his church as a 
religious institution, and strikes a telling blow at politico- 
ecclesiasticism. As a soldier loses his identity as a part of any 
other organization when he becomes an American soldier, so 
a citizen ought to lose his identity as a member of any other 
governmental organization when he becomes a member of the 
army of American citizens. 

Romanism has had phenomenal success in securing public 
money and political offices. It is the most persistent lobbyist 
in American political history. It has been audacious and 
intimidating in its demands. The opportunities afforded by 
popular government have stinuilated its rapacity. It is 
understood that when it asks or demands political favors it 
has votes to give or witbhold in return for concessions or 
refusals. This is in harmony with the accepted Romanist 
doctrine. Its adherents are first llomanists, and afterward, 
citizens. 

The Roman Catholics are the only class of our citizens who, 
when any of their number are elected or appointed to office, 
consider the office a personal possession to be used in the 
interest of their church and its members, making profession 
of their faith the basis of appointment to positions under tJiem. 



48 G Faeing the Twentieth Century. 

Tliev have a perfect right to their ratio of representation 
in all [)iiblic oifices, if they can secure it because of fitness and 
loyal Americanism. 

Ill makiug up a party ticket at a political convention the 
rule is that when a Romanist is nominated he is nominated 
because he is a Romanist. 

The presence of Roman Catholics in educational, delibera- 
tive, legislative, and patriotic or other bodies is always a 
restraint ui)on the patriotic sentiment based upon the recogni- 
tion of the origin and sources of our liberties and civilization, 
because these were born in contest and protest against the 
cruelties and oppression of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism. 

Always isolating themselves from their fellow-citizens on 
matters pertaining to the public weal, they become the dis- 
turbers of harmony. If there is a school controversy in any 
community they are at the bottom of it. They are not 
allowed to fuse, as that would lead to individual thinking and 
that would destroy solidarity and promote individual patriot- 
ism. This must not be allowed. They must first be recog- 
nized, not as citizens and patriots, but as Romanists. 

During the Spanish-American war, when many Roman 
Catholic oro;anizations were assurius; the President of their 
loyalty, and were dilating upon the virtue of patriotism, it was 
not only a good omen, but a good time to detach themselves 
l»fiiiianently from the power of politico-ecclesiasticism and 
with loyalty to their country and to their religion become 
loyal American citizens, and many of them have given proof 
that they did thus detach themselves. Otherwise, their 
previous politico-ecclesiastical masters will use their patriot- 
ism the more thoroughly to assert their power over political 
paities and leaders. 

Whenever a prominent Roman Catholic takes an attitude 
in harmony with the generally accepted views concerning the 
cliaiacter, the purpose, and the protection of American institu- 
tions he is immediately assaulted by Roman Catholic editors 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 487 

and speakers apparently for the only reason that he has not 
acted as a Roman Catholic in the performance of his public 
duties or in the expression of his opinion. When the ven- 
erated ex-Chief Judge Charles P. Daly in New York City 
expressed publicly his conviction that the State Constitution 
ought to be amended so that it v^ould provide for and thor- 
oughly protect the public-school system, and that it ought 
also so to be amended as to prohibit sectarian appropriations, 
he was assaulted in arguments before Committees of the Con- 
stitutional Convention by paid Romanist lawyers represent- 
ing the interests of Romanism, as being not only not a 
representative Roman Catholic but as presenting views un- 
worthy of consideration, because he was in his dotage ; and 
these assaults were made by men who, so far as personal 
character was concerned, were not worthy to unloose the 
latchet of his shoes. 

When Judge Joseph McKenna as Attorney General of the 
United States decided that the Secretary of War had no 
power to grant permission for the erection of a Roman 
Catholic chapel at West Point without legislative action, 
although legal authorities with perfect unanimity approved 
the decision of the Attorney General, because the decision 
interfered with the purposes of Romanism in the matter in 
question, Roman Catholic editors, priests, and lawyers assaulted 
the Judge on no other ground than that he had not rendered 
a decision, despite the legal features of the case, as a Roman 
Catholic. 

Just in proportion as a Roman Catholic is detached from 
the political claims of the ecclesiasticism of his church does 
he become a patriot and more firmly attached to the religious 
claims of his church. 

Bishop Gilmour of Cleveland, O., wrote in 1873 : "Nation- 
alities must be subordinate to religion, and we must learn that 
we are Catholics first, and citizens next. God is above man, 
and the church above the state." 



4S8 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

To keep up their isolation and separation tliey insist that 
everything is sectarian that is not Roman Catholic. 

When their neglected and criminal classes enter State and 
undenominational institutions they insist upon isolation as 
Romanists and demand their own chaplains. 

Henry J. Raymond wrote in a pungent editorial forty years 
af'o in the New York Times, sentiments which would illumi- 
nate with truth the editorial columns of any modern daily 
paper : " Their duty is to become Americans, to study the 
institutions of the country, to fit themselves for the discharge 
of the duties which American citizenship imposes. If they 
liad done this more generally ; if they had acted here more 
uniformly as Americans and not as Irishmen ; if they had been 
less clannish, less anxious to perpetuate here their foreign 
habits and feelings, and more ready to adapt their conduct to 
their new relations, they would have given no occasion for the 
political movements which are now so rife and so strong 
against them." 

Protestants often contribute to patriotic movements if the 
fact is not to be published, but great pains are taken by 
Roman Catholics to publish the names of Protestant subscrib- 
ers to their funds. When from religious or political consid- 
erations a person of prominence joins the Roman Catholic 
Church it is extensively advertised. Father Young, in his 
" Catholic and Protestant Countries Compared," gives a mus- 
ter roll of prominent Protestant political and other sinners who 
liave in late years become Roman Catholic saints. It is an 
impressive list for St. Peter. 

Romanism attempts to prohibit the parades of Orangemen 
and otlier celebrations that recall the oppression and persecu- 
tion by Romanism on the other side of the ocean, but insists 
14)011 its right to parade the streets of our cities and flaunt its 
lon-i^rp l)aiiners in the faces of our people, and even demands 
that lioiiiaii flags shall fly from governmental buildings on 
<!ays w liich celebi'ate historic incidents in which American 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 489 

citizens not only have no interest, but which recall facts that 
tell of obstacles placed in the way of securing the civil and 
religious liberties which we now enjoy. They might with as 
good reason protest against the celebration of the victories of 
Manila and Santiago ! 

We hail with delight the many evidences that individual 
Roman Catholics are asserting their manhood and are acting 
in political matters as responsible men and individual Ameri- 
can citizens, and are decliuino; to be counted among; the num- 
ber whose political volitions and judgments are subject to the 
mandate and delivery of another. Our protest is not against 
any man's religion, which ought to constitute his relations to 
liis God and thus determine his relations to his neighbor, but 
against any religious leader or leaders using ecclesiastical 
power to dictate a man's civic and political action, and putting 
him to disadvantage in his relations to his fellow-citizens by 
offensively pushing to the front the fact that he is acting first 
as a Roman Catholic and then as an American citizen. 

While the breaking away from the mass of Irish Roman 
Catholic voters of any considerable number of voters to act 
independently and assert their individual sovereignty is a 
hopeful omen and ought to be encouraged, it is a misfortune 
to have them do it as Romanists and to continue the solidarity 
based on race and religion in their new political relations, 
which has made the condition from which they are trying to 
emancipate themselves a social menace and a political peril. 

Politicians and office-seekers must not only treat Irish 
Romanists as Americans, but they mast treat American 
Americans as Americans. Let political pattings on the head 
be gently approving in both cases and not a pat for the Irish- 
American and a blow for the native American. Let all be 
treated as Americans. 

The American republic has a right to expect that, sharing 
equal privileges and responsibilities under our institutions 
with all others, Roman Catholics will stop this unreasonable 



4^0 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

and disloyal isolation and become assimilated as Americans 
like other nationalities, sectarians, and religionists. 

The policy of concentrating the Roman Catholics in cities 
and also in definite localities of sparsely populated States and 
Territories was openly announced a few years since. Rome 
always works on a well-devised plan for political conquest. 
In no State and in bnt one Territory are the Romanist popu- 
lations in an actual majoiity, but in several, by intrigue and 
solidarity, they hold the balance of power. 

For enhancing political power they resort to every device 
and put forth every effort to keep their people from assimilat- 
iuo- with their fellow-citizens. If this course is necessary to 

o 

preserve their people for their church, what a lamentable con- 
fession it is that Romanism and republicanism are necessarily 
autai'onistic, and that loyalty to the one must mean disloyalty 
to the other. 

So long as party lines in the United States are sharply 
drawn between the Republicans and Democrats, the solid 
Roman Catholic vote of about 12i per cent, of the entire vote 
of 1 3,000,000 holds the balance of power and can determine a 
national election by judiciously transferring even one-fourth of 
its strength solidly to either political party. The independent 
vote in the country is estimated at two per cent, of the entire 
vote, which just about represents the amount of the average 
popular majority in a national election. Does not this state 
of facts demonstrate the peril of the possible transfer without 
ai'L'ument of even a small fraction of the ao-o^i-eo-ate vote from 
one side to another at the dictation of a single will ? 

In a political campaign we hear about the boss massing the 
German vote, and the Irish vote, and the Italian vote. The 
only massing of the representatives of these different nationali- 
ties which can always be made effective is that based upon the 
cohesive power of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism. 

What a criminal farce the sacred and responsible privilege 
of suffrage becomes in the hands of these legions, which are 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 491 

subject to the dictation of a political priest and can be deliv- 
ered in the mass by a politico-ecclesiastical boss ! The spec- 
tacle is humiliating and its effects are staggering to hopes for 
the perpetuity of free institutions, while this aspect of affairs 
is not transformed. 

The political necessities of subjection and solidarity in vot- 
ing force compel strenuous and persistent efforts to keep 
their force in isolation, and this logically requires every effort 
to keep them away from companionships not dominated by 
the machine. This means separation from their fellow-citi- 
zens, lest they should learn to think and act for themselves. 
All this is antagonistic to the American theory and hostile to 
homogeneity of citizenship. 

How regrettable it is that while there are such shining ex- 
amples of patriotism among Roman Catholic American citizens, 
the common pride of the nation, in the military, naval, and 
civil service, and while there are thousands of the rank and 
file equally pati'iotic, politico-ecclesiastical Romanism seeks 
to pervert these very names and persons to its political 
uses, by rating them in the common solidarity which it seeks 
by its system to control in molding our institutions ac- 
cording to its pattern. 

In his letter to the Pope published in the ^ew York Herald, 
February 26, 1893, Archbishop Ireland objects to the policy 
of isolation advocated by certain of his coreligionists in the 
United States, and makes the following remarkable statement : 

'' So long as this unnatural separation continues the transi- 
tion of the sons of immigrants from one side to the other ^vill 
always be eft'ected in a violent manner and very often will be 
accompanied by the loss of their faith. Consequently the 
influence of the Catholic Church upon the public in general 
has, up to the present time, remained very slight and the num- 
ber of converts very few ; it has always been regarded with 
suspicion and as a menace. And this is why, when a young, 
ambitious Catholic has wished to make himself a name either 



492 Facing the lioentietli Century. 

ill the political or social world, be has invariably separated 
himself, at least in tlie public eye, from all connection and 
sympathy with the suspected foreigner. 

" No Catholic can present himself for election to a high 
political position without having previously broken Avitli the 
Catholic body and declared liimself without reserve in Lar- 
mouy with American institutions. Thus it is that to-day not 
a few of those Catholics who occupy high political positions 
ill tlie United States have abandoned the practice of their 
religion." 

If the Archbishop's practice, and the practice of his church, 
had conformed to w hat he states to be the facts and to the 
corrective theory which he bases upon these facts, multitudes 
of Roman Catholics would have re-enforced the hosts who 
are unconditionally loyal to their country as Americans. 

But this same Archbishop said in his address before the 
Baltimore Congress of Roman Catholic laymen: 

" Go to your homes with the enthusiasm that you have 
shown here ; spread it in every State in the Union, and say there 
is a new departure among Catholics in the United States. 
Tell them there is a new mission open for laymen. The long 
expected day has come when Catholic Bishops, priests, and 
laymen rise up and say, Ilencefortli we will act as one man 
in accordance with our religion." 

The platform of the laymen gave this response to the Arch- 
bishop's heated appeal : 

" We demand, in the name of humanity and justice, that this 
freedom [of the Holy See ] be scrupulously respected by all 
secular governments. We protest against the assumption by 
any such government of a right to affect the interests or con- 
trol the actions of our Holy Father by any form of legislation, 
or other public act to wdiich his full aiyprohaiion has not been 
previously given, and we pledge Leo XIII., the worthy Pontiff 
to whose hands Almighty God has committed the helm of 
Peter's bark amid the tempests of this stormy age, the loyal 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 493 

sympathy and unstinted aid of all his spiritual children in 
vindicating that perfect liberty which he justly claims as his 
sacred and inalienable right." 

In harmony with the above injunctions and instructions, the 
always orthodox Catholic World says : 

" In f)erforming their duties as citizens, electors, and public 
officers, Catholics are always, and under all circumstances, to 
act simply as Catholics." 

In the critical political contest of the autumn of 1898 
as important issues were at stake as the American elect- 
ors were ever called to pass upon. The financial credit of 
the nation was still in the balance, as one of the political 
parties had, in its platform in every State, either definitely 
pronounced for free silver or sought to evade the issue. The 
United States Peace Commissioners in Paris were facing the 
Spanish Peace Commissioners at the most critical juncture of 
their negotiations. Sagasta was avowedly procrastinating in 
the hope that our Congressional elections would prove that 
the American people were opposed to reaping the legitimate 
harvest of their successful war with Spain. The intrenching 
of the United States in her new and commanding place among 
the nations of the earth was at stake. At this crisis in the 
history of the republic and of civilization, the Roman Catholic 
religious press and the political press under its domination 
gave "aid and comfort to the enemy," by disloyally magni- 
fying the imperfections of the business management of the war, 
by ignoring the magnificent results of the war and the prin- 
ciples involved, and by seeking to heap ridicule upon the most 
prominent characters taking part in the contest, from the 
President down, by disgraceful cartoons. The results of the 
elections for Congressmen and for members of legislatures, 
in States where United States Senators were to be elected, 
show that, at the centers of population, where the Roman 
Catholic vote is massed, almost without exception the elections 
resulted in an assault upon the financial credit of the country, 



494 Facing tlie Tmentieth Century. 

ill a vote of condemnation of the administration of President 
iMoKinley, and in extending comfort to S[)ain. But the 
American people as a whole neutralized and crushed the 
enemy within our gates. 

Wlienever a reiriment of soldiers of the National Guard or 
rcfjular army is invited to attend any church service as a 
re'T'iment, decent propi'iety would seem to demand that, in 
case they wear their uniforms, they should also bear their 
flag. Here we record an interesting historic incident occur- 
rinc; on the eve of our war with Spain : 

Lieutenant Colonel Duffy, temporary commanding officer of 
the Sixty-ninth New York National Gua;rd Regiment, issued 
an order in which he said : 

*' In acceptance of invitation from the Most Reverend Arch- 
bishop Corrigan, the regiment w^ill parade in fatigue uniform, 
overcoats, and white gloves, on Thursday, March 17, 1898, 
and proceed, to St. Patrick's Cathedral, to assist at pontifical 
mass." 

It is the custom, established by years of usage, for the 
Sixty-ninth to attend divine service on St. Patrick's day, 
and the practice has never caused any comment, because the 
oi'ganization has always been, until recently, an exclusively 
Irish command. But the church parade attracted observa- 
tion at this time because of the decree of the Holy Office, 
\vhich was published recently, forbidding the use of ^^ National, 
State, or other emblems of purely secular organizations in any 
service of the church, whether at the obsequies of officials of 
standing or celebrations where flags are necessary." The 
decree was issued in consequence of the controversy which 
resulted from the order, issued by Bishop McDonnell of 
Brooklyn, directing the removal of a flag with which a Catho- 
lic church was decorated. A prominent Catholic paper de- 
fended the action of Bishop McDonnell, and in order to show 
that his action was approved by the Vatican, the Holy Office 
issued the decree that only blessed banners may be used in 



1 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 495 

the church. The banners which may be used must be em- 
blems of an organization the status of which is fully approved 
by the Bishop, and the society must be under the Bishop's 
jurisdiction, and must depend on his authority. The 
banner must also bear a religious mark. The dispatch in 
which the decree was reported said : 

" The decree admits that the American flag is one which 
should be to all Americans an emblem of freedom, but that 
it can never be considered as a fitting decoration for the house 
of God." 

Would not a regiment of soldiers consenting to appear in 
uniform without their flag, under any circumstances, as Ro- 
manists instead of as American soldiers, be embarrassed in the 
presence of the Spaniards, to determine whether they were 
fighting as Americans or as Romanists ? 

On the 30th of January, 1899, the members of the "gallant 
Sixty-ninth " regiment of New York National Guard were 
weclomed as the " returning braves," and were reviewed at 
the City Hall by Mayor Van Wyck and the Roman Catholic 
Commissioners and heads of City Departments, and at the 
Archiepiscopal palace by " Archbishop Corrigan with several 
priests of the Cathedral. . . When they broke ranks, they 
were not slow to make complaints against the acts of their su- 
perior officers while the regiment was in camp in the South," 
where the said regiment had made a most disreputable record 
for unmilitary and disorderly conduct. What did this demon- 
stration over the Sixty-ninth by certain newspapers and by 
the municipal government mean? Simply to impress upon 
the public the fact that this was a Roman Catholic regiment 
which both marched and voted mechanically. 

It matters not how high the official political position a 
Roman Catholic may hold, he still recognizes that his first 
loyalty is due to the Pope. Sir Wilfred Laurier, the Roman 
Catholic Premier of the Canadian Government, where two 
millions of the total population of five millions are Roman 



496 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Catholics <lelivered an address in May, 1898, in whicli he 
admitted that he had signed a memorial to the Pope against 
the interference of bishops and priests in the Canadian elec- 
tions. The address establishes two facts: first, that ecclesias- 
tics dictated to the voters, and second, the Premier recognizes 
the anthority of the Pope over himself and over the bishops 
and priests, and through them over the voters ; thus subject- 
ing; the civil government, from Premier to voter, to the will of 
the Pope. Sir Wilfred Laurier said : 

" But when it came to this, that electors, poor men, farm- 
eis, laborers, and so on, Avere ordered to violate their own con- 
sciences ; when they were told from the pulpit that they could 
not exercise the right of suffrage as they saw fit to do; 
when they were told that it was a grievous sin to vote for one 
party or the other — I care not at this moment which — what 
was I to do ? "Was I to allow these things to go on ? Sir, as a 
dutiful Roman Catholic, I thought it my duty, and the duty 
of those who were associated with me — not in the Government, 
not in Parliament, but in many walks of social life — to appeal 
to the head of the church, to declare that we are not inferior 
to any other class of men ; that we could exercise our civil and 
political rights just as our countrymen of the Protestant per- 
suasion could ; that the privilege they had, we had." 

An illustration of the narrowness and bigotry that politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism introduces into the associations of 
men, even in the face of death and grief, is found in the ex- 
perience of Bishop FitzGerald of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, the largest Protestant body in America, who was 
present in Havana and at the Palace on the day of burial of 
tlie victims of the destruction of the Maine. General Lee 
cordially welcomed him. Captain Sigsbee said to him that 
" his presence was providential." He could not stay, because 
of the sailing of his ship, to attend the services at the ceme- 
tery. He could have taken part, howev^er, in the services at 
the Palace. 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 497 

The following statement by Captain Sigsbee appears in 
the Centtirij Magazine for December, 1898 : 

" Appreciating the sentiments of the relatives of those who 
were lost, I previously asked Chaplain Chidwick if some 
arrangement could not be made whereby prayers might be 
read over the Protestant dead by a Protestant clergyman or 
by myself. He had referred the question to the Bishop, who 
had politely negatived the proposition. I did not like this, 
because I desired to do everything in my power to comfort 
the families and friends of the deceased men; therefore, 
when I was presented to the Bishop, I renewed my request, 
with a statement of the difficulties of the case. The Bishop 
was very kind, but had to regret his inability to concede the 
point. I was much disturbed ; in fact, I was indignant, for 
my mood in the presence of those coffins was one requiring 
great effort at self-repi-ession ; therefore I remarked to Dr. 
Congosto that if I had been fully prepared for a refusal I 
should probably not have felt free to accept the offer of the 
Spanish authorities to take charge of the funeral ceremonies 
— that I should have preferred to take them under my own 
charge, in such a way that I could have given to each creed 
freedom to bury its dead after its own forms. In this I was 
doubtless lacking in tact. Nevertheless, I was sincere. My 
position was so difficult that I felt that I could speak plainly 
to Dr. Congosto, who, as I have already said, had lived in the 
United States. In my opinion, the Bishop of Havana and 
Chaplain Chidwick were quite acceptable to officiate at the 
grave of any Christian ; but this was not a matter for my 
consideration alone ; others were to be considered." 

Undoubtedly a large proportion of the dead sailors were 
from Protestant families. Anyway, they were the defenders 
of a Christian and not of a sectarian nation. Rome ought to 
have been b.-oad enough, or at least politic enough, to recog- 
nize that our Christian civilization tolerates all forms of 
religious faith, including Roman Catholicism. 



498 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

The latest phase of this matter will be seen in the 
following from the New York Herald of January 31, 

1899: 

" Havana, Monday. — Bishop Santander has served notice 
that no Protestant clergyman can take active part in the cere- 
monies over the graves of the Maine's dead, who are buried 
in the Cristobal Colon Cemetery. The women who are 
arranging the ceremonies for February 15 had planned that 
both Catholic and Protestant prayers should be said. The 
Bishop's decision has thrown them into confusion, and while 
most of them are inclined to accept the decision without pro- 
test, some are so bitter that they would appeal to the Presi- 
dent to enforce what they call their rights. 

"I found Bishop Santander this afternoon boiling over 
with wrath at what he considers an outrage and insult com- 
mitted by General AVilson and Colonel Brown in Matanzas 
Province. Speaking of February 15, he said : 

" ' The Colon Cemetery has been blessed according to the 
Catholic ritual. I can no more permit a Protestant ceremony 
there than I could allow one in the Catholic Church. Many 
of those who died when the Maine was destroyed were 
Catholics. It would offend their memory to permit a Prot- 
estant ceremony, and none can take place within the ceme- 
tery. 

" ' I know,' the Bishop said, ' that similar action is contem- 
plated in Havana; a resolution to that effect having been 
prepared for introduction at the next meeting of the Ayunta- 
miento. The cemeteries were built with our money and the 
title belongs to the Church. I have protested to General 
Brooke and will carry the protest to Washington and 
Rome, if necessary. This profanation of sacred soil cannot 
be.' " 

Humanity, toleration, liberty of conscience, decency on the 
pai-t of the papal rulers in the Old and New Worlds would 
have given them justly the dominion of the entire world 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romatnsm. 499 

to-day, but they preferred in the past, and prefer to-day, tlie 
subjection of conscience to human bondage for political [)ur- 
poses rather than liberty of conscience which asserts the 
rights of man as man. 

American Romanists must honestly recognize historic facts 
as they enjoy our civil and religious liberty, and not seek to 
intrench here the ecclesiastical bondage under which they 
suffered beyond the seas. They have perfect political 
equality and religious liberty here; let them be loyally 
satisfied. 

Full credit and praise we would give for their religious 
work, but they shall not be allowed to cry religious persecu- 
tion when their injustices are exposed, to cover up political 
moves. 

We will be told by the ignorant commentator and the clois- 
tered scholar, and the compromising citizen and the unscrupu- 
lous politician, that we are alarmists. We are also told that 
Rome loses great numbers of adherents through the power of 
our free schools and free institutions, and by the detaching 
power of our independent national spirit, and that thus nat- 
urally these matters will adjust themselves, and that therefore 
there is no ][)eril. 

No 'peril! to the coming citizenship and to the republic 
under such educational influences, when loyalty to republican 
institutions is the only security for the perpetuation of lib- 
erty, and when we are boldly confronted by a power that has 
for centuries proved to be a politico-ecclesiastical conspirator 
against the liberties of mankind ? 

No peril! to multitudes of American youth, when the 
changeless Jesuits control the Pope, and teach that he is in- 
fallible, and that he has the absolute right to demand the 
obedience of all citizens and civil powers? 

No peril! when a Roman archbishop announces that he 
and his brethren hold the balance of power in Canada, and 
through it have controlled the elections, and asserts that, by a 



500 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

similar use of the balance of power, Presidential elections will 
be decided in this republic ? 

No jyeril ! when in national elections the States are so 
evenly balanced that a command from a Roman Pope or 
Roman American Cardinal Prince can order Roman legions, 
the subjects of a foreign ruler, in sufficient numbers to march 
to the polls and determine one way or the other the moSt 
momentous issues ? 

No peril! when members of constitutional conventions and 
the people's legislators in nation and State are cajoled or ter- 
roi-ized into action opposed to their convictions by corrupt 
politico-ecclesiastical combinations and lobbies, and when 
nominating and platform-making conventions of the great 
national political parties can be induced, either by the influ- 
ence of political representatives of a religious sect, or by the 
])landishments of a single priestly political wire-puller, to bar- 
ter the assertion of righteous principle for an ignis fatuus of 
undeliverable votes ? 

No peril ! when an honestly and truthfully spoken allitera- 
tion, in which the word Romanism appears in its legitimate 
place in a clerical Presbyterian sandwich, can determine who 
shall be the President of the great republic ? 

No peril! when in many of the States and municipalities 
this foi-eign political power has such domination that, for the 
support of its schools and other institutions where youth are 
trained, its sleepless and greedy managers thrust their arms 
elbow-deep into the public treasuries ? 

No peril! when "political damnation" is openly threatened 
by this power against citizens who dare oppose its un-Ameri- 
can demands and a2;o;ressions ? 

No peril! when Jesuit teachers say, "a slave state in the 
cliui'ch," in ears that are not permitted to hear the American 
doctrine of "a free church in a free state " ? 

No peril! when the secular press seems to be largely under 
Jesuitical censorship, and is, because of political considera- 



Politico- JEcclesiastical Romanism. 501 

tions, afraid to warn the people of dangers from a power that 
has enslaved the intellect and conscience of man in every 
land ? 

No 'peril I when American citizens are summoned to Rome 
to answer for the crime of loyalty to American institutions ? 

No peril! when the papal dictator of over nine millions of 
our population declares that " all Catholic teachers should do 
all jn their power to cause the constitutions of States and leg- 
islation to be modeled on the principles of the Church," and 
that " all Catholic writers and Journalists should never for an 
instant lose sight of this prescription"? 

No peril! when conscienceless politicians by the thousand 
in this republic are ready to barter away the fundamental 
principles of republican liberties for any office, from alderman 
to President? 

No peril ! when already throughout the land millions of 
dollars are annually paid from public funds for sectarian 
purposes and sectarian teaching, furnishing the beginnings of 
a courtship designed to end in the marriage of the church and 
state, and the church in question teaching disloyalty to the 
state it would wed ? 

No peril will menace American institutions when all citi- 
zens who enjoy our civil and religious liberties in theory and 
practice conduct themselves as Americans, 

decline: in numbers and in political power throughout 

the world. 

The march of the papal power in recent history toward 
annihilation has presented a most magnificent spectacle to the 
world's advancino; civilization. Its defeat on every field of 
contest has been marked by the progress of civil and religious 
liberty and the rights of man. Napoleon III. bolstered the 
throne of the temporal power of Pius IX. with French bay- 
onets, and placed the Austrian Maximilian on a throne in 
Mexico with a French army and the Pope's blessing to sup- 



502 Facing the Twentieth Century, 

port bim. Napoleon III. strangled tlie republic in France 
luul became Emperor with the Pope's approval and blessing. 
Maximilian, deserted by Napoleon III. in Mexijco, was 
executed by the struggling and outraged people, and widowed 
Carlotta wandered, a royal maniac, from court to couit in 
Kurope. 

Tliree chapters of modern history in which the papal power 
had vital interests, and in which it ^vas made to stagger toward 
its final overthrow, had their genesis at Sedan : the overthrow 
of imperialism in France ; the exodus and destruction of the 
temporal power of the Pope ; and the creation and consolida- 
tion of the German Empire. The countrymen of Luther, 
knocking at the gates of Paris, completed the work begun by 
Luther at Worms. Victor Emmanuel entered Rome and 
made it the capital of United Itaty, and completed the work 
fur Italy which w^as initiated at Sedan. Thiers and the 
Republic in France freed the Gauls from ecclesiastical bond- 
age. Juarez had already annihilated the hideous papal in- 
iquities in Mexico. Then the nations rested for a period, 
impatiently listening to the piteous pleadings from the 
prisoner of the Vatican for the restoration of his tempoi'al 
power, while the ignorant faithful, who forgot the age in whicli 
they were living, clinging to the mummeries of a mediaeval 
civilization, poured their "Peter's pence" into the treasury of 
the man whom they claim to be St. Peter's successor and 
God's vicegerent on the earth. 

Two nations still remained faithful to the Pope : Austria, 
now torn with internal dissensions, and his beloved Spain. 
S[)aiu's continued arrogance and cruelty toward her colonial 
possessions, and the revival of the spirit of religious liberty 
among the nations, by its widely diffused light made her dark- 
ness visible and her murders of the innocent unbearable. 

Then the God of nations summoned the people who knew 
what absolute civil and religious liberty mean to make and 
w rite somt; concluding chapters in the history of that nation. 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 503 

the prop of whose persecutioDs and iniquities for four 
centuries has been the papal power, and in ninety days 
America wrote Manila, Santiago, and Porto Kico with all their 
pregnant import. 

K. W. Thompson, in " Footprints of the Jesuits," p. 456, 
says : 

''In former times there were powerful governments sub- 
ject to the dominion of the Popes, but all these have passed 
away — not a single one is left. Protestant governments 
have risen out of the ruins of some, and are now rising out of 
those of others of them, and all these are happy, prosperous, 
and progressive ; while the Pope himself, with the vast mul- 
titude of his allies assisting him, is devoting all the power 
given him by the Church to persuade them to retrace their 
steps and return to the retrogressive period of the Middle 
Ages." 

At the time of the discovery of America there were eighty 
millions of Roman Catholics in Europe. There was no other 
religion bearing the name of Christ. Romanism ruled the 
temporal as well as the spiritual powers. It recognized no 
such right as individual liberty and no such obligation as 
individual responsibility. Prerogative made privilege impos- 
sible. 

The Encyclical and Syllabus of Pius IX., issued in 1864 
against what his Holiness styled errors, has been appropri- 
ately designated as " The Pope's bull against civilization." 
Almost every item in the indictment against so-called errors 
called a halt to the advancing forces of civilization. But the 
forces seem either to have repudiated or misunderstood the or- 
ders, as they have proceeded systematically to do all of the 
things prohibited, and the Papacy has moved in a path filled 
with thorns, while the nations and the institutions founded 
by the Pope have met disaster, and papal condemnation has 
been the harbinger of prosperity. He blessed Napoleon III., 
and he lost his throne and the temporal power of the Pope 



504 Facing the TwenUeth Century. 

was also lost. He cursed Victor Emmanuel, and Rome and 
the Pope were both made prisoners, and tlie citizens of 
tlie conquered city indorsed the conquest by a virtually 
unanimous vote. He blessed Austria, and the defeat at 
Sadowa ensued. He blessed Maximilian, and Mexico killed 
him and wiped out the property and power of the Church 
of Rome on her soil. He cursed France, and she reared a 
republic on the ruins of a Roman Catholic empire. He 
cursed Venezuela, and a Catholic President repudiated the 
Vatican. He warned the Catholic nations with Encyclical 
and Syllabus, and Chili, the Argentine Republic, and other 
South' American states, with France, Italy, and Mexico, met 
the warnius: with adverse ledslation. He cursed Catholic 
Brazil, and she expelled the Jesuits and declared separa- 
tion of church and state. He blessed Spain, and she lost 
most of her colonies. He has from time to time said some 
apparently tolerant thing about the American republic, but 
in the light of history the American people have ground for 
praying that he will at least preserve a strict neutrality con- 
cerning our destiny. 

Political Romanism must continue to decline in power in 
this country for the same reason that political Mormonism 
declined, because it attempts with unyielding persistency to 
antagonize the spirit and letter of our Constitution, to destroy 
the molding force of our educational system, and to force 
upon the citizen a perverted loyalty. 

The Roman Catholics controlled the polls in New Mexico 
and they voted against a State Constitution which provided 
for popular education, and this fact defeated the admission of 
New Mexico into the Union. 

Our free institutions constitute a detaching power. It is 
a confession of the irreconcilable relations between Roman 
Catholicism and free institutions when their children must be 
kept in parochial schools or be lost to them. We are glad to 
have them shai'e in the benefits of our republican civilization^ 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 505 

but we will not permit tbem to reconstruct it on mediaeval 
lines. 

The late Archbishop Spalding of Baltimore declared, in 
1870, that if the public schools were rigidly maintained in this 
country, and the public funds were withheld from parochial 
schools, and compulsory attendance laws were enforced, that 
Roman Catholicism would lose most of her people in one 
or two generations, unless she honestly adapted herself to the 
changed conditions. 

It is claimed by Roman Catholic authorities that if they had 
held their children in the Church they ought to have at pres- 
ent twenty-five millions of the population, but they have less 
than ten millions. Why ? Their exercise of ecclesiastical 
political power is breaking their hold upon the generation 
born under free institutions. 

Father Young parades in his book a catalogue of prominent 
American Protestant converts to Romanism. He did not have 
room for the list of those who have left Romanism. 

It is a notable fact that, while relatively their numbers 
decrease, their political activity and demands enormously 
increase. 

During the last two decades, since Jesuitism has again be- 
come the dominating factor in the Roman Catholic Church, 
there has unquestionably been a revival on political and social 
lines while there has been a decline in numerical strength. In 
Germany it has made great advances in politics and in litera- 
ture. In Great Britain it has wrought great doctrinal changes 
within the Church of England. In the United States it has 
successfully sought to enhance its political power and social 
prestige, and while unsuccessfully seeking to control the pri- 
mary education of its youth, at public expense, has made some 
progress in providing for higher education. Despite all this, 
while the hierarchy has increased the number of believers has 
diminished. Dr. Stuckeuberg declares that in all Catholic 
lands Roman Catholicism is losing its hold ; in Germany and 



506 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

Austria the conditions remain unaltered ; in England the in- 
cM-ease does not keep pace with the growth of the population, 
while in the United States the increase of Protestantism is 
nearly double that of Koman Catholicism. 

The Protestant Alliance (London, Eng.), for October, 1898, 
contains a valuable article on the " Numerical Strength of 
Romanism." After giving the various estimates, ranging 
from one hundred and thirty million to three hundred mil- 
lion, from official Roman Catholic sources, of the numbers 
of Romanists in the world, the article concludes thus : 

'* A glance at the years and various estimates w^ill show that 
the priests of the ' infallible ' Church are hopelessly at sea 
and completely at variance with each other. We sincerely 
hope * infallibility' does not extend to such a matter as sta- 
tistics. 

"I have consulted several reliable statistical w^orks, and 
have a o-rand total of about two hundred and three million. 
I sent some of the abov^e Roman Catholic estimates (including 
those of his friend Dr. Dollinger and of Cardinal Manning) to 
Mr. Gladstone, asking for his opinion on the matter. This 
was his reply : ' Dear Sir. — So far as I can judge, the estimate 
of two hundred million may not be far wrong, but I suppose 
it to be certain that now — owing in great part to the increase 
of the Slav and English-speaking races, and the falling away 
in France — the Roman Catholics are a minority of the total 
number of Christians.' 

"The allusion to the 'falling away' will be better under- 
stood when I state that at the 1881 census no less than seven 
million six hundred and eighty-four thousand nine hundred 
and six persons returned themselves on the paper as believing 
in no religion! These millions of unbelievers, however, are 
included by Rome in the two hundred or three hundred mil- 
lions of her children. Mr. Gladstone's postcard was printed 
ill fhr Ihiily News of August 31, 1897. 

" In Aiiierica, since the Declaration of Independence, seven 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Homanism. 507 

hundred thousand Americans only have joined the Churcli 
'out of which there is no salvation.' My authority is the 
CatlioUc Times of 22d of September, 1893. The fact is, 
Romanism is in a deplorable state, both at home and abroad. 
It gathers into its bosom all sorts of people. ' The Church ' 
(to quote Cardinal Gibbons, ' Faith of our Fathers,' 1879 edi- 
tion, p. 43), '■ walking in the footsteps of her divine Spouse, 
never repudiates sinners, nor cuts them off from her fold, no 
matter how grievous or notorious may be their moral delin- 
quencies.' Just so ! and Protestant rate-payers have to pay 
for the vice and drunkenness of the ^ sinners.^ 
" I am, Sir, yours, etc., 

" A. Le Lievee, 
''Secretary Protestant Press Agency." 

While the progress of politico-ecclesiastical Romanism in 
any direction is sufficient to cause all friends of civil and reli- 
gious liberty to put forth every effort to check its progress, 
yet it is not enough to make them faithless and hopeless in 
contending against it. 

Look at the condition of affairs in Rome itself. There are 
about 47,000 voters in the city, and in any contest between 
the Clericals and Liberals, the Clericals cannot muster over 
8000 votes. Out of 1300 students in the University, only 
120 belong to the Clerical party, and the pi-oportion of anti- 
Clericals in the other universities is still larger. 

An article in the Methodist Times of London, edited by 
Hugh Price Hughes, said in 1898: 

" We have frequently added that one of the greatest delu- 
lusions of our time is the notion that the Roman Catholic 
Church is prospering, and especially that it is making rapid 
strides in Great Britain and the United States. The actual 
fact is that the Roman Catholic Church, alone of Christian 
Churches, is declining all over the world." 

In discussing Romanism in England the editor says : -" If 
the Irish and continental Romanists returned to their own 



508 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

countries, Romanism in Engiaud would disajjpear," proving 
that immigration, as in this country, is almost the sole source 
of their re-enforcements. The editor concluded thus : 

" How is it that an immense delusion to the contrary is 
widely spread in England and America? It is due to one 
simple cause. Komanists, to their great credit, hang together 
and act together. At all elections they vote in solid blocks in 
the interests of their own communion and. in obedience to the 
Pope. We have been taught by terrible experience that a 
Protestant mob cannot successfully overcome a clerical army, 
even if the army is much smaller than the mob. When Prot- 
estants have learned to be as loyal to Christ as Romanists are 
to the Pope, the unnatural victories of Romanism will end for- 
ever." 

Concerning the sovereignty of races the following figures are 
interesting : One hundred and forty million are ruled by rep- 
resentatives of the Greek Church, 240,000,000 by representa- 
tives of the Roman Catholic Church, and 520,000,000 by 
representatives of the Protestant Church. Spanish is spoken 
by 42,000,000, French by 51,000,000, Russian by 75,000,000, 
and Englisli by 130,000,000. 

In a paper read at the Catholic Congress, Columbian Expo- 
sition, Chicago, September, 1893, Miss M. T. Elder of New 
Orleans, said to be a niece of Archljishop Elder of Cincinnati, 
made the following statements : 

" Why is it that the greatest men of our nation are non- 
Catholic ? It is because the vast majority of these great men 
are from sturdy rural stock, and the rural stock of the United 
States are solidly, stanchly Protestant. Let us not whine 
about prejudice and intolerance, anti-popery and secret socie- 
ties. Let us tell the truth to ourselves. Our inferior posi- 
tion, and it certainly is inferior, is owing almost wholly to 
ourselves. The great men of this nation have been, are, and 
will continue to be Protestant. I speak not of wealth, but of 
brain, of energy, of action, of heart. The great philanthro- 



Politico-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 509 

pists, the great orators, the great writers, thinkers, leaders, 
scientists, inventors, teachers of our land, have been Protes- 
tants. What surprises me is the way we have of eulogizing 
ourselves — of talking buncombe and spread-eagle and of giv- 
ing taffy all round. I am sorry to say that I cannot well join 
in this enlivening pastime. When I see how largely Catho- 
licity is represented among our hoodlum element, I feel in no 
spread-eagle mood. When I note how few Catholics are 
engaged honestly in tilling the honest soil and how many 
Catholics are engaged in the liquor traffic, I cannot talk bun- 
combe to anybody. When I observe the increasing power 
and ascendency of the Jews, Avhen I see the superior vigor, 
originality, and opportuneness of Protestant lay charity over 
similar attempts on our part, and when I observe the immense 
success and influence of secret societies, even here in this most 
Catholic city of the Union, I have no heart for taffy-giving. 
When I reflect that out of the seventy millions of the nation 
we number only nine millions, and that out of that nine mil- 
lions so large a pi'oportion is made up of poor factory hands, 
poor mill and shop and mine and railroad employees, poor 
Government clerks, I still fail to find material for buncombe, 
or spread-eagle, or taffy-giving." 

Some despondent citizens hold, or seem to hold, that the 
battle is already lost; that "the foreign colony," as Dr. 
Brownson called it, sent to convert or subject us, has for fifty 
years been quietly pursuing the way to successful conquest ; 
that it has undermined the press, and cajoled the people, and 
organized a political force on the principles of Ignatius Loyola, 
with which to demand of politicians what it likes, and to gov- 
ern or betray at pleasure ^vhichever party it might join. One 
asks : Have they not secured the control of caucuses and con- 
ventions by the most corrupt practices, dickering first with 
one party and then with another, until they control the great 
metropolis of New York, multiplying the offices and enlarging 
the salaries of the city, saddled as it is with enormous debts 



510 Faciuij the Twentieth Centwy. 

for the pliiiuler gathered by men like Tweed and his associ- 
ates who were elected by the Romish vote ? Does not Father 
Ileoker boast that their wealth in the United States increased 
iVorn nine millions in 1850 to sixty millions in 1870? That 
while in the same period the wealth of the country, under the 
stimuhis of American institutions, American skill, and Ameri- 
can industry, had increased by eighty-six per cent., the wealth 
of the Roman Catholic Church under the management of for- 
eign ecclesiasticism, the manipulations of party managers and 
conventions, municipal councils, and State legislatures, with 
threats and promises based upon the Romish vote, had in- 
creased by one hundred and twenty-eight per cent.? 

It was not, we are truly told, the unusual wealth or supe- 
rior thrift of the lay members of the Roman Church which 
enabled its clerical orders and charitable and reformatory 
institutions to accumulate this enormous overplus of wealth. 
It is simply that the taxpayer has been despoiled under pre- 
tense of law, and by every form of taxation and imposition. 

Father Hecker makes the following astounding statement : 
"The defense of the Church and the salvation of the soul 
were ordinarily secured at the expense necessarily of those 
virtues which propei'ly go to make up the strength of Catho- 
lic manhood." In this way he accounts for the fact that 
" fifty million Protestants have generally had a controlling 
influence for a long period over two hundred million Catholics 
in directing the movements and destinies of nations." 

More than fifteen millions of people in this country to-day 
who by heredity should be Roman Catholics are lost to that 
Church as the result of breathing the free and tolerant Ameri- 
can air and of contact with American republican institutions. 

The matter of relative numbers must be the determining 
factor in this country in making any adequate estimate of the 
advance or decline in the political power of any particular 
politico-ecclesiastical organization, because we are a voting 
people. 



PolitiGo-Ecclesiastical Romanism. 



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512 Fcu'inrj the Twentieth Century. 

Father Hecker writes : " We give below [above] a table to 
show the gradual increase of the Catholic Cluirch,so far as the 
(lata were attainable, from the time of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence to the year 1878, inclusive. As for the number of 
C-itholics, we have taken what may be considered an average 
estimate : 

"Admitting, then, all that has been said as true, it may be 
added that, as the faith of the greater part of Catholics who 
come here from abroad rests on a traditional and historical basis 
almost exclusively ; conceding that this traditional faith will 
be firm enough to keep its hold upon the immigrants and re- 
tain them in the fold of the Church until death — granting all 
this, the question starts up forcibly hei-e : But will not the 
Catholic faith, under the influence of republicanism, lose its 
hold in one or two, or at niost in three, generations on their 
children ?" — " TJie CathoUc Church in the United States,^"* hy 
Rev. I. T. Hecker, pp. 18-22. 

Twenty years after Father Hecker's statistical statement of 
1878, we give, from Hoffmann's " Catholic Directory " for 1 898, 
the claim of Romanism concerning the Roman Catholic popu- 
lation in this country, which is 9,856,622. A fair estimate of 
the population of the United States in 1898 is 70,000,000. 
This gives the Roman Catholics less than one-seventh, or 
about the same ratio they sustained in 1850. The fact, then, 
is patent that, in forty-eiglit years, Romanism has relatively 
made no progress, but has most startlingly declined. 

Dr. Dorchestei", a philosopher and an able statistician, says : 
"Romanism has passed the period of her most rapid increase 
in the United States, and must henceforth relatively decline." 

From his book " Christianity in the United States " we 
make the following extracts : 

"From 1790 to June 30, 1894, 17,654,400 immigrants 
landed in the United States. Of these, according to wise 
estimates, three-fifths, or 10,592,640, were originally Roman 
Catholics, which is nearly two millions more than all the 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism. 



513 



Roman Catholics in the United States at the present time, as 
given in their Year Books, not to speak of growth by nat- 
ural increase. That the Roman Catholic Church has grown 
very largely in the United States is unquestionable, aud it is 
likely to grow more ; for everything grows in this country. 
But the gains have been almost entirely by immigration and 
its losses have been greater than its gains. By its own ac- 
knowledgment it has lost millions here. 

" In the following table three leading points of comparison 
are placed side by side. But inasmuch as the Roman Catho- 
lic population, as given in their Year Books, comprises their 
entire adherents, the adherents of the evangelical churches are 
put in the same form, multiplying the communicants by tliree 
and a half. 





Churches. 


Clergy. 


CHtJRCH Population. 


Year. 


Roman 
Catholic. 


Evangel- 
ical. 


Roman 
Catholic 
Priests. 


Evangel- 
ical 
Ministers. 


Roman Catholic. 


Evangelical. 


1800 
1850 
1870 
1880 
1890 


1,245 
3,912 
5,856 
7,631 


3,030 
43,072 
70.148 
97,090 
151,172 


50 
1,302 
3,966 
6,408 
8,778 


2,651 
25,655 
47,609 
69,870 
107,335 


100,000 
1,614,000 
4,600,000 
6,.367,330 
8,579,9()6 


1,277,0.52 
12,.354,958 
23,356,886 
35,230,870 
48,382,663 





Inhabitants to 
ONE Church. 


Inhabitants to 
ONE Clergyman. 


Percentage of 
the Whole Population. 


Year. 


Roman 
Catholic. 


Evangel- 
ical. 


Roman 
Catholic 
Priests. 


Evangel- 
ical 
Ministers. 


Roman Catholic. 


Evangelical. 


1800 
1850 
1870 
1880 
1890 


18.627 
9,866 
8,564 
8,600 


1,751 
538 
549 
516 
414 


106,118 
17,813 
9,722 
7,834 
7,134 


2,001 
900 
809 
718 
583 


1.8 
6.9 
11.9 
12.6 
13.7 


24.0 
53.2 
60.5 
■ 70.5 
77.3 



" In the foregoing exhibit the growth of the Roman Catho- 
lic Church, both actually and relatively, is seen to be very 
large from 1800 to 1870, From 1850 to 1870, the period of 



514 Facing tJie I'wentieth Century. 

the lai'ge Irish emigration, were the years of its greatest 
growth." 

Romanism, as the legitimate result of its exercise of politi- 
co-ecclesiastical power over its members in a free laud, loses 
its own children in the first and second generations born 
in America. 

The numerical strength of Roman Catholicism in the United 
States is almost entirely recruited from two sources : Catholic 
immigration and the acquisition of territory previously inhab- 
ited by Catholics ; the accessions by conversion from among 
the native populations are insignificant in mimbers. 

The Irish constitute the chief part of the Romanists in 
America, and they amount to less than one-eighth of the 
population. 

Statistics of Roman Catholicism compared with Protestan- 
tism in the United States show the great disparity in numbers, 
and yet the Romanists hold the balance of power and cause 
the taxes for reformatory and penal institutions. Perhaps 
this fact explains the " rapid strides " referred to by the Pope 
in the following record : 

On December 11, 1898, the New York Journal printed an 
interview of its correspondent, Philippe Tonelli, with Leo 
XIIL, in which the Pope is reported to have said : " What 
suffering my being endured in the face of the conflict of two 
nations that I love — oue for its fidelity through the centuries, 
the other for its virile youth and for the hope of seeing it 
enter entire into the bosom of the Catholic Church. It is 
marching into it with rapid strides." 

In regard to Catholic losses the Providence Visitor (R. C.) 
said in January, 1898 : " In the city of Chicago, with its present 
population of 1,700,000, it is estimated that there are 500,000 
Catholics. Of this number not more than 200,000 can be 
called practical Catholics. In this estimate we include in- 
fants and others incapable of observing the requirements of 
the Church. The remaining 300,000 men and women may 



Politico- JEcdesiastical Romanism. 515 

virtually be regarded as dead to the Church. A similar con- 
dition prevails in all our large cities. 

" The Catholic jiopulation in the archdiocese of New York 
was given as 800,000 for the year 1891. Only 825,000 are 
now reported by Catholic journals for 1897. Pi'obably 
25,000 Italian immigrants have settled in the arclidiocese 
since 1891. What became of the natural increase? What of 
the other immigrants ? What of the converts ? Witli the 
exception of seven or eight dioceses, the increase, where there 
was any, may be considered natural. Where then did the 
missing New York Catholics go, some of whom may have 
obtained spirituous drinks from the 'Catholic Club, 120 
Centi-al Park West.' They have not gone to the archdiocese 
of Baltimore, where an annual excess of 6000 baptisms over 
funerals ought to show an increase of 24,000 instead of a 
total increase of 5000 in four years. They have not gone to 
the dioceses of Albany and Syracuse, which had no increase 
in many years. They have not gone to Cincinnati, which has 
less Catholic popidation than two years ago ; nor to Louis- 
ville, Peoria, and Denver, which have no moi'e Catholic souls 
now than four years ago; nor to San Fi'ancisco, which has 
5000 Catholic souls less than four years ago." 

Rev. George Zurcher, pastor of St. Joseph's Church, 
Buffalo, N. Y., was the author of " Monks and their Decline," 
a pamphlet from which the foregoing statements are taken. 
The Sacred Congregation on September 1, 1898, proscribed 
this pamphlet, and Father Zui'cher made his "submission." 
Thus the pamphlet and the priest were both crushed. Father 
Zurcher maintained that in the present system of civiliza- 
tion and enlightenment the orders of monks had outlived 
their usefulness and should be disbanded by the Church. 
Spain's decadence and that of the Latin countries he attrib- 
uted to the influence and ^^ower of the monks, and he sug- 
gested that the United States should suppress all the orders 
if it hoped to preserve law and order in its new Spanish 



516 Faang the Twentieth Century. 

possessions. Of course a priest who has the temerity to 
state such patriotic and unpalatable truths ought to be 
silenced by a system which has the exclusive right to do the 
tliinking for all men. 

The three Roman Catholic United States Senators who 
had made themselves offensive by their opposition to safe 
American legislation, and who had opposed the Anglo-Ameri- 
can Arbitration Treaty and all measures designed to nurture 
the growing friendly relations between America and Great 
Britain, were relegated to private life in the elections of 1898, 
by the gi-eat Commonwealths of New York, New Jersey, and 
California, which they had misrepresented all too long, and 
whose original election to the Senate (notably in the cases of 
two of them), was never based upon intellectual ability or 
u[)on any hint that they were statesmen, but solely upon the 
ground that they were Roman Catholics, with the political 
power of their Church back of their demands for place, 
which demands their party was afraid to ignore. 

The same patriotic sentiment which retired Senator Murphy 
in New York State vetoed the extension of Boss Croker's 
ambition to control the State, despite the fact that the Roman 
legions continued to present an unbroken front under his lead 
in New York City, while the rejected Judge Daly, President 
of the Roman Catholic Club of New York City, in his judi- 
ciary candidacy was hardly able to detach enough Romanists 
from Croker to make a respectable body guard. 

There are multiplied indications that within the pale of 
Romanism tliere is an increasing number of honest and intel- 
ligent men who are about ready to assert their rights as 
sovereigns, and demand political independence from ecclesi- 
astical domination. 

AVe must recognize and help to cultivate the loyal and 
honest Americanism of the Roman Catholics who educate 
tlieir cliildren in the puljlic schools, who breathe the free air 
of tlie repuldic and appreciate its distinctive institutions, who 



Politico- Ecclesiastical Romanism, 517 

permit and seek assimilation witli the American character, 
who care little for the politico-ecclesiastical pretensions of 
the hierarchy and resent its interference with their political 
rights, and who at the same time rigidly adhere to the re- 
ligious faith of Catholicism. This class of Roman Catholics 
is rapidly increasing in this land. They have adopted the 
motto of one of the most eminent of their numl^er, wheu he 
said : " I take my religion, but not my politics, from Rome." 

The Roman Catholics at present in combination with strict 
party adherents outvote the friends of honest government in 
most centers of population, but there are hopeful omens that 
the time is not far distant when loyal American citizens 
among their number will join with other American citizens of 
all religious and political faiths and vote as Americans for 
honest principles and honest administration of public aifairs, 
without dictation from any foreign or domestic power. 



PART V. 
POWERS TO PROTECT AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. 

CONSTITUTIONAL INTRENCHMENT OF AMERICAN PRINCIPLES 

AND INSTITUTIONS IN THE ORGANIC LAWS OF THE 

NATION AND OF THE STATES. 

The American Republic is a constitutional government, 
therefore, whenever principles are to be defended, and insti- 
tutions made permanent, they must be intrenched in the 
organic law of the land. Most of the principles essential to 
the safety and development of the republic were embodied 
ill the original Constitution of the United States. Several 
amendments were adopted in our early history to meet cer- 
tain defects soon discovered. Other amendments were made 
necessary by the Civil War ^vhich effected the abolition of 
slavery. Only fifteen amendments thus far have been incor- 
porated in the national Constitution. During the last decade 
the National League for the Protection of American Institu- 
tions has ])een concededly the most important practical force 
in America in effecting legislative action and in advocating 
changes in the organic laws of the States and of the nation 
for the protection of our distinctive institutions. This or- 
ganization has been conservatively aggressive, and has enlisted 
in its work the best patriotic elements of all political and re- 
ligious faiths. We propose to give something of a chrono- 
h)gical summary of the work of the League, as indicating the 
cliaracter and progress of the work in patriotic protective 
lines. The hearty co-operation of all patriotic secular and re- 
ligious organizations is most gratefully acknowledged by the 
iiit'iii1)ers of the League. 

518 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 519 

THE NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR THE PROTECTION OF AMERICAN 

INSTITUTIONS. 

The organization styled " The National League for the Pro- 
tection of American Institutions" was the outcome from a 
convention composed of patriotic men from different parts of 
the country, assembled at Saratoga Springs in the month of 
August, 1889. It was incorporated December 24, 1889, 
pursuant to the Act of the Legislature of the State of New 
York entitled, " An Act for the Incorporation of Societies or 
Clubs for certain lawful purposes," passed May 21, 1875. 

The incorporators antl first Board of Managers were the fol- 
lowing-named gentlemen : 

John Jay, James M. King, 

George S. Baker, Peter Donald, 

Clinton B. Fisk, Warner Van Norden, 

John D. Slayback, H. H, Boyesen, 

Churchill H. Cutting, James M. Montgomery, 

William Fellowes Morgan, William H. Parsons, 

Charles E. Whitehead, Constant A. Andrews, 

Peter A. Welch, Alexander E. Orr, 

A. J. D. Wedermeyer, Manuel A. Kursheedt, 

James McKeen, F. P. Bellamy. 

The first President of the League was the late Johu Jay, 
who served for three years. He was succeeded by William H. 
Parsons, the present President. The late William Strong was 
Vice President until 1894, when he was succeeded by the 
present Vice President, Dorman B. Eaton. James M. King, 
General Secretary, William Fellowes Morgan, Treasurer, and 
John McLellan, Ofiice Secretary, have held their respective 
offices from the beginning of the organization. The original 
Law Committee was composed as follows : Wm. Allen Butler, 
Dorman B. Eaton, Cephas Brainerd, Henry E. Howland, and 
Stephen A. Walker. This Committee has had but one change 
in its composition, which occurred as the result of the de- 



520 Facing the Tiventleth Century. 

cease of Mr. Walker, wlio was succeeded by Wheeler H. 
IVrkliaiii. 

Tlie objects of the League, as set forth in Article II. of its 
Constitution, ai*e as follows : 

" The objects of the League are to secure constitutional and 
lei''islative safeguards for the protection of the common-school 
system and other American Institutions, and to promote public 
instruction in harmony with such institutions, and to prevent 
all sectarian or denominational appropriations of public funds." 

On April 22, 1890, the Board of Managers of the League 
adopted the following proposed form of the Sixteenth Amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United States, prepared and 
submitted by the Law Committee of the League : 

PROPOSED FORM OF THE SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT TO THE 
UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION. 

" No State shall pass any law respecting an establishment 
of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or use its 
propei-ty or credit, or an 3^ money raised by taxation, or author- 
ize either to be used, for the purpose of founding, maintaining 
or aiding, by appi-opriation, payment for services, expenses, or 
otherwise, any church, religious denomination, or religious 
society, or any institution, society, or undertaking which is 
wholly, or in part, under sectarian or ecclesiastical control." 

On the date above mentioned the managers of the League 
adopted a " Statement of Purposes and Principles," and active 
measures were taken for corresponding with United States 
Senators, State superintendents of education, college presi- 
dents, lawyers, jurists, and others interested in educational 
and patriotic work throughout the country. 

The League had previously taken a helpful part in further- 
ing tlie confirmation by the United States Senate of the 
nominations of (leneral T. J. Morgan as Commissioner of 
Indian affairs, and of Dr. Daniel Dorchester as Superintend- 
♦'iit of Lidian Schools. 




,, „ Dorman B. Eaton. 

IP//!. H. Pa/so/ts. 

Tclni Jav. 

Ja//ies M. Ku/g. 

FORMER AND PRESENT EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF THE NA^ LEAGUE 

FOR THE PROTECTION OF AMERICAN INSrilUIIONb. 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 521 

On May 28, 1890, the American Baptist Home Mission 
Society in annual session at Chicago, 111., by unanimous vote 
took the following action : 

" Resolved, That this body heartily approves the object of 
the National League for the Protection of Amei-ican Institu- 
tions, and regards its action as timely and as providing a safe- 
guard against very grave existing abuses, and yet graver 
possible dangers. This body approves of the proposed 
Amendment to the national Constitution and urges that Con- 
gress take the needful steps for its adoption." 

On June 17, 1890, the National Convention of the Junior 
Order of United American Mechanics assembled at Chicago, 
adopted in full the proposed form of Sixteenth Amendment 
to the United States Constitution and the statement of pur- 
pose and principles of the National League. 

During the summer of 1890, the National League issued it8 
document Number Two, giving " reasons and suggestions for 
the formation of auxiliary leagues and local organizations," 
and took its first active steps in opposition to sectarian appro- 
priations by the National Government for Indian Education, 
by petition and personal work in the United States Senate 
against three items of increased appropriation. The Senate 
Committee in response to the protest struck out the objec- 
tionable items and inserted a clause placing all Indian schools, 
and the expenditure of appropriations for the same, under the 
supervision of the Interior Department. The Senate by its 
vote restored the items, but the passage of the supervisory 
clause was secured. 

Prior to the election held in New York State in November, 
1890, the League prepared and submitted to the candidates 
of all parties for the various offices questions touching the 
protection of American Institutions, and especially of the 
public school and of the elective franchise. 

These questions elicited general reply, and the answers 
were almost uniformly favorable, and in many instances cor- 



522 Facing tlie Twentieth Century. 

ilial in their indorsement of the work and principles of the 
League. 

lu November, 1890, the League presented a memorial to 
Hon. Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States, 
bringing to his consideration the proposed Sixteenth Amend- 
ment, and requesting executive commendation in his Annual 
Message to Congress. 

In the prosecution of its labor for the prevention of secta- 
rian appropriations of public funds the League in December, 
1890, took an important step. 

An ai)peal was mailed to all officers and managers of mis- 
sionary boards connected with the various religious bodies 
receiving Government aid for the support of Indian education, 
appealing to their patriotism and asking them to withdraw 
their ap[)lications for Congressional grants, and to refuse here- 
after to accept such grants. 

Responses were received from all the bodies addressed, and, 
with the single exception of the Bureau of Catholic Indian 
Missions, the justice of the position taken by the National 
League was admitted by all, and the desire expressed that the 
partnership between the religious denominations and the 
National Government might speedily terminate. 

Conferences of different American patriotic orders meeting 
in May and June, 1890, indorsed the purposes and principles 
of the National League, as did also on February 24, 1891, the 
National Council of Patriotic Organizations in the United 
States, representing over ninety American Orders and more 
than a million and a half of active members. 

Dui'ing the second session of the Fifty-first Congress the 
National League vigorously opposed, by petition and personal 
appeal, a proposed increase in the appropriations for sectarian 
education among the Indians amounting to $125,000. 

The final issue in the educational features of this appropria- 
tion Ijill was very satisfactory to the friends of the educational 
policy of the Indian Bureau. Instead of $125,000 advance 



Powers to Protect American Institiitions. 523 

for sectarian schools, as the House amendment proposed, there 
was a decrease from the previous year's appropriations for 
contract schools of $20,000, and an advance for general school 
purposes under the control of the Indian Bureau of $200,000, 
the entire sum for contract schools being fixed at $535,000 
against $555,000 for the previous year. The Government 
schools were well cared for, the status quo was preserved, and 
a halt was called on the matter of sectarian appi'opriations, 
and Congress and the country were informed of the embar- 
rassments and dangers incident to the partnership between 
the General Government and the numerous churches in the 
work of Indian education. The following important compul- 
sory education clause was embodied in the bill : 

" The Commissioner of Indian affairs, subject to the direc- 
tion of the Secretary of the Interior, is hereby authorized and 
directed to make and enforce by proper means, such rules and 
regulations as will secure the attendance of Indian children of 
suitable age and health at schools established and maintained 
for their benefit.'' 

Early in July, 1891, the United States Commissioner of 
Indian Affairs felt compelled by the arrogant attitude assumed 
toward the Indian Department by the Bureau of Catholic 
Missions, to sever the relations existing between the Depart- 
ment and that Bureau by declining to enter into contracts 
with it for the education of Indian children. Extraordinary 
pressure was at once brought to bear by the Bureau upon the 
President and Secretary of the Interior, to compel the Com- 
missioner to recede from his position. 

The managers of the National League promptly determined 
that the Commissioner ought to be sustained in his policy 
of limiting the extension of the contract schools and foster- 
ing the establishment of Government schools among the 
Indians. 

The League furnished the press throughout the entire 
country with documents, giving the facts in relation to the 



524 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

controversy; and sent letters of similar import to hundreds of 
inriuential citizens in every State. 

These efforts so strengthened the hands of the National 
Executive that the Commissioner was fully sustained and his 
policy received the emphatic indorsement of the Government. 

The managers of the National League on March 5, 1891, 
took action looking to the amendment or defeat of a bill intro- 
duced into both Houses of the Legislature of the State of 
New York, entitled " An Act with reference to the payment 
of moneys to incorporated institutions, societies and associa- 
tions," otherwise known as the " Freedom of Worship Bill." 

The League contested the passage of measures of this kind 
through many years. The character and result of the contest 
will be found recorded elsewhere in this volume. 

During the summer of 1891 the League conducted an ex- 
tensive correspondence with a view to securing local secreta- 
ries in leading cities in all the States, with very satisfactoiy 
results. 

United States Senators and Representatives were also com- 
municated with and documents furnished them, pi'eparatory 
to the introduction of the proposed Sixteenth Amendment. 

Blank forms of memorial and petition to the United States 
Senate and House of Representatives, for the passage of the 
Sixteenth Amendment, were prepared and scores of thousands 
of them, with letters of instruction and return postal cards, 
were mailed to the local secretaries, adherents of the League, 
and clergymen throughout the entire country. 

A compilation was made of the constitutional provisions of 
the various States concerning sectarian appropriations and the 
public-schools funds, which was published, with other val- 
uable information. 

During the year 1891, as a direct result of correspondence 
and suggestions from the office of the National League, the 
principles advocated by the League were incorporated in the 
new Constitution of the State of Kentucky and the Con- 



Poivers to Protect American Institutions. 525 

stitntion of the proposed new State of Arizona. Strong pro- 
hibitions against sectarian appropriations, and against any 
diversion of the scliool funds, were also inserted in the new 
Constitution of Mississippi and in the Constitution of tlie 
recently admitted States of Montana, North and South 
Dakota, Idaho, Wyoming, and Washington. 

At the annual meeting of the League plans were adopted 
for the presentation of the proposed Sixteenth Amendment to 
the Fifty-second Congress. 

On January 10, 1892, the New York Indejyendent juddished 
a valuable symposium on the proposed Sixteenth Amendment, 
consisting of articles contributed, in response to recpiests from 
the General Secretary, by a number of able and influential 
adherents of the League. This symposium elicited extended 
notice from the religious and secular jDress. 

It was the expressed desire and purpose of the Board of 
Managers that the introduction of the proposed Sixteenth 
Amendment into Congress should be effected in such a man- 
ner as should hold it free from party bias and disarm all 
partisan prejudices. 

On Monday, January 18, 1892, the Amendment was pre- 
sented in the House of Representatives by Mr. Springer, was 
twice read, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. 

On the same day Senator O. H. Piatt presented the Amend- 
ment in the United States Senate, where it was read, ordered 
to be printed as a document, and referred to the Committee 
on the Judiciary. 

April 12, 1892, was the date fixed upon for the hearings on 
the Amendment, and on that day, the General Secretary of 
the League and Hon. Wm. Allen Butler, chairman of the Law 
Committee, accompanied by several members of the Wash- 
ing Branch League, appeared before the House Committee on 
the Judiciary, nine of the fifteen members of the Committee 
being present. 

The arguments presented for the Amendment were list- 



520 Facing tJie Twentieth Century. 

eneil io with great courtesy and attention. Many questions 
were asked by various members of the Committee, and at the 
close of tlie hearing the chairman informed the representatives 
(.f the r^eague that he would have the arguments printed for 
the use of the Connnittee. On the same day the sub-com- 
mittee of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary gave 
audience to the League's representatives, and in the course of 
an extended conversation gratifying interest was shown. 

Early in the spring of 1892 the League took measures for 
securing action from the national conferences and assemblies 
of the various religious denominations, concerning the pro- 
posed Sixteenth Amendment and the granting of sectarian 
appropriations by the National Government for Indian edu- 
cation. 

Memorials substantially uniform in tenor \vere prepared 
and presented to each of these legislative bodies, and the 
highly gratifying results which were obtained are here given 
in chronological order. 

At the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, held in Omaha, Neb., on May 9, 1892, favorable and 
unanimous action was taken. 

Harmonious action with the foregoing was taken by the 
General Board of Managers of the Woman's Home Missionary 
Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, having the 
Indian Mission work in charge, at their annual meeting in 
Grand Rapids, Mich., on October 28, 1892. 

The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the 
United States of America in Annual Session at Portland, 
Ore., on May 23, 24, unanimously adopted a special commit- 
tee report condemning sectarian appropriations of public 
money and approving the League's proposed Amendment to 
the United States Constitution with an important addition, 
making it ap[)ly to Congress as well as to the States, in the 
words: ^' Neitlier Congress nor any State shall pass any law 
respecting an establishment of religion," etc. 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 527 

The League has accepted this change as a wise one. 

On May 26, 1892, the General Conference of the Methodist 
Protestant Church, in quadrennial session at Westminster, 
Md., adopted the Amendment and appealed to Congress for 
its passage. 
U The Annual Meeting of the American Baptist Home 

" Mission Society held in Philadelphia, Pa., on May 27, 1892, 

adopted a memorial to Congress in favor of the Amendment. 

On May 30, 1892, the American Baptist Pul)lication 
Society, in session in Philadelphia, Pa., took similar unanimous 
action. 

On May 31, 1892, the General Assembly of the United 
Presbyterian Church of North America, convened at Alle- 
gheny, Pa., unanimously adopted the Amendment and made 
its appeal to Congress for its passage. 

The National Council of the Congregational Churches of 
the United States in triennial session at Minneapolis, Minn., on 
October 17, 1892, adopted the Amendment and entered its 
protest against sectarian appropriations for Indian education. 

The American Missionary Association, at its Aimual Meet- 
ing in Hartford, Conn., on October 27, 1892, supplemented 
the action of the National Council. 

The General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
in the United States of America, sitting in triennial session, as 
the Board of Missions, at Baltimore, Md., on October 19, 1892, 
indorsed the Amendment. In accordance with this action 
the Board of Managers of the Domestic and Foreign Mission- 
ary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church, meeting in 
New York City, on December 13, 1892, withdrew from the 
receipt of national money for its work among the Indians. 

It may be instructive here to note that the seven great 
Protestant denominations included in the foregoing enumera- 
tion, and which have, by the action of their highest executive 
councils, indorsed the principles advocated and the work 
undertaken by the National League, constitute a representa- 



528 Fa<'ing the Tioentieth Century. 

tion, by iuUiereuce, of uot less than ooe-tliird of the entire 
population of the United States. 

A large number of organizations, patriotic, religious, and 
secular, representing varied constituencies, took similar ap- 
proving action. The Republican National Convention was 
lield in ^linneapolis, Minn., June 7, 1892, and a memorial 
was presented and copies were placed in the hands of each 
delegate. 

The action secured was not as satisfactory as was hoped 
for, owing to the injection into the discussions of the Com- 
mittee of the vexed school question in the State of Wisconsin. 

The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, 111., 
on June 21, 1892. A memorial similar in tenor to that pre- 
sented to the Republican Convention was presented to the 
Democratic National Committee, and to each delegate. The 
declaration of the Democratic platform was as little satis- 
factory in defiuiteness as the Republican platform. 

At the Annual Session of the Grand Orange Lodge of the 
United States, held in Allegheny, Pa., on June 14-16, 1892, 
the principles and purposes of the League were indorsed. 

During the summer of 1892 exhaustive inquiries were 
made for the purpose of ascertaining all the facts concerning 
the experiments at Faribault and Stillwater, Minn., looking 
to a partnership between the public and parochial schools. 
The results were embodied in a document which was largely 
circulated. 

On December 14, 1892, in Portland, Me., the Maine League 
for the Protection of American Listitutions perfected its 
organization by the election of a Board of Managers, and 
at once entered upon an active campaign for securing 
such an amendment to the State Constitution (which is 
entii'ely without safeguard of that nature) as would in the 
future prevent appropriations for sectarian purposes. 

Tlie result of this contest will be noted in its appropriate 
place, later on. 




IVilliam Allen Butler. 
Wheeler H. Peckhani. 



Dorman B. Eaton. 
Henry E. Hoivland. 



MEMBERS OF THE LAW COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR THE 
PROTECTION OF AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 529 

In pursuance of its purpose of appealing to tLe highest 
authorities of the churches receiving Government aj^propria- 
tious for Indian education, the League on November 17, 1892, 
addressed the Conference of Archbishops of the Roman Catholic 
Church in the United States, then in session in New York City. 

The receipt of the communication was acknowledged by 
Cardinal Gibbons without argument or statement. Ascer- 
taining that there was a higher power in Romanism than the 
Archbishops, and Avith the same end in view, a communica- 
tion was addressed on December 29, 1892, to Archbishop 
Satolli, the representative, in the United States, of Pope Leo 
XIIL, and its receipt was recognized by him without comment. 

The Indian Appropriation Bill for 1893 being under con- 
sideration during the second session of the Fifty-second Con- 
gress, a petition was prepared and addressed to the Appro- 
priation Committees of both Houses, with explanatory 
documents. 

Tliis petition was re-enforced by many letters to Hon. 
W. S. Hoi man. Chairman of the House Committee on Appro- 
priations, sent by prominent citizens. 

So crowded, however, was the business of this final session 
that no discussion was possible, and no legislation could be 
secured in the direction indicated in the petition. 

The managers of the League determined to secure a series 
of sermons or addresses on subjects connected with the work 
of the League with a view to their subsequent publication in 
whole or in part. 

In 2^ursuance of this purpose a circular letter was mailed 
early in January, 1893, to a selected list of prominent clergy- 
men in the larger cities of every State. 

This request was largely responded to, and many valuable 
papers were contributed. 

On February 2, 1893, an important organization of patriotic 
women was formed, with headquarters in Boston, which 
became auxiliary to the League. 



530 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

On March 6, 1898, a bill was introduced into tlie Legisla- 
ture of the State of New Jersey, the evident purpose of which 
was to secure a division of the public-school funds on sectarian 
lines. The League at once prepared and circulated through- 
out the State of New Jersey an effective protest. 

This undisguised assault upon the American free common 
school proved abortive. 

As previously noted, the Maine Branch of the National 
League conducted the efforts to secure an act of the Legisla- 
ture submittino; a Constitutional Amendment to the voters of 
the State, with great energy and promise of success. 

Petitions in favor of the Amendment were presented from 
every section of the State, signed by a remarkable body of 
representative citizens of all parties. 

The result in favor of the Amendment in the House of 
Representatives, on March 28, was the overwhelming vote of 
92 to 12. 

The issue of the contest was defeat in the Senate, where, on 
the succeeding day, the vote stood 11 to 11. 

This struggle in Maine emphasizes in an especial manner 
the unsectarian character of the work of the National League. 
The chief aggressors in this State, demanding sectarian appro- 
priations for educational purposes, are the authorities of 
Protestant institutions. 

The Constitution of Maine is perhaps the most defective in 
this regard of any of the forty-five States, and a victory here, 
which is inevitable at another session of the Legislature, will 
be a victory for the nation. 

In April, 1893, a letter was mailed by the National League 
to all its local secretaries, and to superintendents of educa- 
tion and prominent adherents in every State, asking detailed 
particulars concerning the character and sources of support of 
the public-school system and concerning efforts at compromise 
between parochial and public schools. 

Responses to these inquiries were received from a large pro- 



Powers to Protect Amencan Institations. 531 

portion of the States, and furnished information of interest 
and value to the work. 

Satisfactory arrangements were made for the distribution of 
the documents of the League and for securing signatures 
to the appeal to Congress for the passage of tlie Six- 
teenth Amendment, at the World's Columbian Exposition 
at Chicago. 

Desirable space was secured in the Women's Buihling, and 
with tlie co-operation of the Loyal Women of American 
Liberty, an attendant was engaged and the space properly 
fitted up for tlie purpose in view. A special document was 
prepared for distribution and cards for autograph signatures 
furnished in large quantities. 

Provision having been made by the Legislature of the 
State of New York for the election of delegates, in Novem- 
ber, 1893, to a convention for the revision of the State Con- 
stitution, the managers of the League determined to take 
active measures for securing the incorporation of the princi- 
ples advocated by the League in the new Constitution. 

With this in view, printed request was made of all candi- 
dates for election as deleo;ates to the Constitutional Conven- 
tion, for their opinion in reference to questions touching the 
protection of American institutions, and especially of the 
separation of church and state and of religious liberty. 

In addition to mailing a copy of the request to each candi- 
date, a circular letter was prepared and sent with a copy of 
the questions and a tabulated statement of sectarian aj^pro- 
priations in the City of New York, to a large number of 
prominent citizens, requesting their co-operation in securing 
responses from delegates. 

The questions aroused considerable interest, and but few 
adverse responses were received. 

The League was represented at a conference held in 
Chicago, on October 24, of the representatives of the different 
American patriotic orders. 



532 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

The Sixteenth Amendment and the principles of the 
Xaticuial League were indorsed, and steps were taken to call a 
National Convention of the various American patriotic orders 
and or!:;aiiizations to crystallize patriotic sentiment, to adopt 
a ('()iinn<»n platform of principles, and to unify action on the 
three lines of present agreement, viz.: the defense of the 
integrity of the funds and of the character of the American 
five pul)lic-school system, the per[)etuation of the separa- 
tion of church and state by the adoj^tion of the Six- 
teenth Amendment, and the wise and safe restriction of 
iiiiinigration. 

During the month of October, 1893, a symposium, con- 
temporaneously conducted in over sixty religious journals, 
discussed the separation of church and state. Documents 
and data from these offices were sent to all of these journals, 
and wei'e printed wholly or in part by most of them. 

On Novem])er 19, 1893, the New York Sunday Democrat 
started a bold movement for the division of the public-school 
funds on sectarian lines, and simultaneously a move of the 
same character was made in Baltimore, both of Roman Catho- 
lic origin, and to which we have referred at length elsewhere. 
The League took an important part in frustrating this move- 
ment. 

Li January, 1894, a document was issued, being a petition 
to tlie Fifty-third Congress against the Government making 
fui'ther appropriations for sectarian Lidian education, and in 
favor of a definite policy providing for the education of all 
Indian children in government schools. 

\\\ the montli of January, 1894, the Law Committee of the 
League prepared, and the Managers of the League approved, 
a proposed form of Amendment for submission to the forth- 
coming New York State Constitutional Convention. 

During February, 1894, much preliminary work was done 
in picpai'ation for the Convention ^vhich was to begin its ses- 
sions in May, and hearty expressions of approval were received 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 533 

from a large number of tlie most eminent lawyers and other 
citizens of the State of the proposed Amendment to the State 
Constitution. 

In March the League issued a document which was an ad- 
dress to the citizens of the State of New York, in support of 
the League's proposed form of Amendment to the State Con- 
stitution. Statistics were secured and tabulated, concerning: 
the use of the scliool funds for the support of sectarian 
schools in the chief cities of tlie State, and everything possi- 
ble was done to render the work effective. 

Early in June the League presented to the Convention the 
autograph petitions of about forty thousand citizens of stand- 
ing and reputation, representing ever}^ Senate district in the 
State, and many thousands additional were sent directly to 
the Convention through the district delegates. 

Certified memorials in favor of the Amendment passed 
throui>;h the Leag^ue's office and were laid before the Conven- 
tion, from conventions, assemblies, and conferences of the 
various Protestant religious bodies, and from many secular 
organizations, representing a membership of about 650,000 
and a constituency of about 2,500,000. It is safe to say that 
through the work of the League the expressed convictions of 
not leas than 3,000,000 of the population of the State reached 
the Convention in authoritative form. 

Two hearings were given the League before the joint com- 
mittees on education, charities, and powers and duties of the 
Legislature ; the first on June 6, and the second hearing on 
July 11. The opposition to the Amendment came exclusively 
from Roman Catholic and Hebrew sources. 

The result finally achieved, in view of the character and 
methods of the opposition, was a most decisive victory for the 
principles advocated by the League. 

At the general election held in New York State on Novem- 
ber 6, 1894, the revised Constitution, containing the articles 
on charities and education, was adopted by the people by a 



534 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

majority of 83,295 votes, the total vote being 410,697 for the 
C oustitiitioii, and 327,402 against. 

A conference was held in Washington, D. C, on August 
28, 29, 1894, of delegates from the different American patri- 
otic orders. The sessions of the conference were full of 
interest, and the final action accepted the principles of the 
Leao^ue. 

These principles, accompanied with the proposed form of 
Sixteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, 
tocrether with a series of questions based thereon, were pre- 
pared for presentation to every candidate for election to Con- 
gress, asking his acceptance or rejection in writing of the 
principles embodied. 

At the meeting of the Board of Managers, held on January 
10, 1895, the attention of the Board was called to the neces- 
sity of securing legislation in harmony with the new Consti- 
tution of New York State and with the Compulsory Attend- 
ance Law ; to provide for more adequate accommodation for 
cliildren in the public schools of the larger cities of the 
State. 

With a view to the formulation of a proper school census 
bill, extensive inquir}^ was made from the office of the League 
couceruino; the workino; of school census laws in various 
States, much valuable information was obtained, and a bill 
was prepared for submission to the New York State Legisla- 
ture. The bill, as prepared, was passed by the Legislature, 
and Ijecame a law on May 7. 

The hearty unanimity of opinion among the members of the 
Boai'<l of Indian Commissioners and the decided action taken 
at its January meeting in 1895 in opposition to the further 
contimiance of sectarian grants by the National Government 
for Indian education, were in interesting contrast with the 
previous attitude of these same members concerning the line 
of policy steadfastly advocated by the League. 

The Secretary of the Interior also, in his annual report to 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 535 

Congress, with a view to carrying out the announced policy 
of the Government, recommended that the appropriations to 
contract Indian schools be reduced twenty per cent, each year 
for five years, and that cori-esponding provision be made for 
the education of Indian children in government schools. 

On January 18, 1895, the League secured the introduction 
in the House of Representatives in the form of a joint resolu- 
tion of the proposed Sixteenth Amendment to the United 
States Constitution, as amended by the League's Law Com- 
mittee, and approved by the Board of Managers. Document 
Number Twenty-six, being a compilation of extracts showing 
" the attitude of the press toward the principles and work of 
the League," was issued early in February and given wide 
circulation. 

In March a convention composed of representatives of 
different American patriotic orders was held in New York 
City. A temperate and safe platform was adopted, upon 
which all patriotic citizens ought to be able to stand. 

The final outcome of the contest in the Fifty-third Congress, 
on sectarian appropriations for Indian education, ^vas the 
adoption of the following clause in the Indian Appropriation 
Bill: 

" And the Government shall, as early as practicable, make 
provision for the education of Indian children in Government 
schools." 

A Constitutional Convention in Utah ended its labors on 
May 8, 1895, having, in response to the appeals of the League, 
adopted safe provisions concerning schools and charities. 
The new Constitution was adopted by the people in the fol- 
lowing November by more than a three-fourths majority. 

In the fall of the same year the League appealed to the 
Constitutional Convention of South Carolina, and the new 
Constitution adopted by the Convention embodied the prin- 
ciples advocated by the League. 

During the fall of 1895, an interesting school contest 



530 Facing the Tiuentietli Century. 

developed in West Ti-oy, N. Y., in wliich tlie advice and aid 
of the Leao-iie were sought and given. An active Committee 
of citizens appealed to the State Superintendent of Public 
Instruction against the renting by the local school board, at a 
rental of one dollar per month, of St. Bridget's Parochial 
School building, its occupancy as a public school, and the 
employment of teachers known as " Sisters," wearing the 
dress and insignia of their order, and whose examinations for 
certificates were claimed to have been irregular. Copies of 
the papers on both sides were secured by the League and 
submitted to eminent legal counsel, and the action of the 
school board was pi-onounced by them to be a violation of 
both the letter and the spirit of the new Constitution of the 
State. Forcible presentation of the grounds for this judg- 
ment was made to the State Superintendent, who finally de- 
cided in accord with the clear intent of the Constitution. 

As the result of extended correspondence, much valuable 
information was secured by the League, concerning the 
management of schools in leading cities of the country. 

Document Number Twenty-eight was issued and widely 
mailed to the press, to Congress, and to the adherents of the 
League, together with Document Number Twenty-nine, con- 
cerning the status of the question of sectarian Indian educa- 
tion, and also a revised table of government appropriations to 
religious l)odies. 

Early in the year 1896 the Secretary of the Menuonite 
Mission Board, in a letter to the League, intimated that it was 
pi'obable that during the year the Mennonites would withdraw 
fr(jm the receipt of government appropriations for their edu- 
cational work among the Indians. This completed the witli- 
• liawal of all the denominations to which the League appealed 
in 181)0, witli the single exception of the Roman Catholics. 

in(piiry was instituted and useful information obtained 
concerning the progress of kindergarten instruction, in con- 
nection with the public schools in the various States. 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 537 

The discussions and action taken in the first session of the 
Fifty-fourth Congress, relative to government appropriations 
for sectarian Indian education and for sectari[in charities in 
the District of Columbia, were of great interest and signifi- 
cance. The sentiment in the House of Representatives was 
largely in favor of the discontinuance of all such appropri- 
ations, as was indicated by the passage on Febi-uary 24, 1896, 
by a vote of 93 ayes to 64 noes, of the following amendment 
to the Indian Appropriation Bill: 

" And it is hereby declared that it is the intention of this 
act that no money herein appropriated shall be paid for edu- 
cation in sectarian schools ; and the Secretary of the Interior 
is hereby charged with the duty of so using and administer- 
ing said appropriations as to carry out said object ; and he is 
hereby authorized and required to make all needful rules and 
regulations necessary to prevent the use of any part of said 
fund for education in sectarian schools." 

Still more emphatic evidence was given in the House, of its 
attitude on these questions, by its action on April 9, 1896, on 
the District of Columbia Appropriation Bill. 

By a vote of 134 ayes to 21 noes the bill was passed, leav- 
ing out many specific appropriations for sectarian charities ; 
placing a sum of $94,700 in the hands of the Dictrict Com- 
missioners for distribution for the relief and care of the poor 
and destitute ; making provision that no contract provided 
for in the clause relating to charities should extend beyond 
the 30th day of June, 1897 : 

"Provided further that no part of the money herein 
appropriated shall be paid for the purpose of maintain- 
ing or aiding by payment for services or expenses, or other- 
wise, any church or religious denomination, or any institu- 
tion or society which is under sectarian or ecclesiastical 
control." 

When these two measures reached the Senate active opposi- 
tion developed, and after extended debate and many confer- 



538 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

ences between committees of both Houses, the following 
lesults were reached in each case: 

On the Indian Appropriation Bill, the House receded from 
its action of February 24, and agreed to a substitute origi- 
nating in Conference Committee, as follows : 

" And it is hereby declared to be the settled policy of the 
Government to hereafter make no appropriations whatever 
for education in any sectarian school; Provided that the 
Secretary of the Interior may make contracts with contract 
schools, apportioning as near as may be, the amount so con- 
tracted for among schools of various denominations, for the 
education of Indian pupils during the fiscal year 1897, but 
shall only make such contracts at places whei-e non-sectarian 
schools cannot be provided for such Indian children, and to 
an amount not exceeding fifty per cent, of the amount so used 
for the fiscal year 1895." 

On the District of Columbia Appropriation Bill, the final 
action may be summarized as follows : Specific appropriations 
to various charities, stricken out in the House, were replaced 
in the bill, and a joint committee was appointed, consisting of 
Senators Harris of Tennessee, Faulkner of West Virginia, and 
McMillan of Michigan, with Representatives Pitney of New 
Jersey, Blue of Kansas, and Dockery of Missouri, to investi- 
gate the various charitable and reformatory institutions in the 
District and report at the next session : 

" Whether it is practicable for the Commissioners or other 
authority in the District to make contracts for such care of 
the poor and destitute with any of such institutions, and if so, 
which of them and to what extent, within the limits of the 
policy hereinbefore declared, and if not, the probable expense 
<»r providing and maintaining public institutions for such 
})iii'pose." 

Ill addition to this the following was embodied in the bill: 

"And it is hereby declared to be the policy of the Govern- 
ment of the United States to make no appropriation of money 



Poioers to Protect American Institutiotis. 539 

or property for the purpose of founding, maintaining or aid- 
ing, by payment for services, expenses or otliei-wise, any 
church or religious denomination, or any institution or society 
which is under sectarian or ecclesiastical control : And it is 
hereby enacted that from and after the 30th day of June, 
1897, no money appropriated for charitable purposes in the 
District of Columbia shall be paid to any church or religious 
denomination, or to any institution or society which is under 
sectarian or ecclesiastical control." 

While it was evident from the remarks of various Senators, 
in the discussion iumiediately preceding the final passage of 
the District of Columbia Appropriation Bill, notably Senatoi'S 
Vest, Teller, Sherman, and Hill, that the action above recorded 
was not considered by them as setting the question at rest 
except temporaril}^, it is still true that the possibility of secur- 
ing such action indicated increased regard for public senti- 
ment on these questions on the part of the people's servants 
in legislative halls. Those best entitled to judge concede that 
to the educational work done and the data furnished by the 
National League the chief credit is due for these impoi'taut 
results. 

The League appealed this year, as it had done in 1892, to 
the National Conventions of the Republican and Democratic 
parties, for declarations in their respective platforms in har- 
mony with the principles embodied in the proposed Sixteenth 
Amendment. The results of the appeals were unsatisfactory 
to the League and discreditable to the dominant political 
parties. 

The League was mainly instrumental during this year in 
checking another attempted sectarian aggression. Informa-. 
tion came to the office of the League, during the sununer of 
1896, that a plot of land had been granted by the Secretary 
of War within the Government Reservation at West Point, 
N. Y., for the erection of a Roman Catholic chapel which 
was to cost for the building alone not less than |20,000. 



540 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

Ampl^ accommodation already existed for conducting religious 
services by iiU the denominations, and the League was 
ai)pealed to for advice in the matter. It at once advised 
that separate petitions be prepared and extensively signed by 
meml)ers and adherents of the various other denominations, 
demanding from the Secretary of War similar grants of land 
for their respective denominations, within the Reservation. 
Tiie com})leted and unpatriotic history of this movement for 
a sectarian chapel on the grounds of the United States 
Military Academy at West Point appears in another con- 
nection in this volume. 

Prior to 1875, only eleven State Constitutions contained 
restrictions of any sort against sectarian appropriations of 
public funds. 

In the fourteen years from 1875 to 1889, when The 
National League was incorporated, seven additional States 
were added to the list, and since 1889, fourteen new or 
revised State Constitutions (including that prepared for 
Arizona, awaiting statehood) have been adopted, containing 
[uovisions asserting the principle of the separation of church 
and state, by prohibiting sectarian appropriations and protect- 
ing the public-school funds. 

The work which the League inaugurated in 1890, by 
appealing to all the religious bodies receiving money from the 
National Government for Lidian education, has had gratifying 
it'sults. All these bodies, with one exception, have with- 
drawn from this partnership with the Government. Congress 
has in two successive Appropriation Bills enacted as follows : 

" And it is hereby declared to be the settled policy of the 
Government to hereafter make no appropriation whatever for 
education in any sectarian school." 

Tlie a})propriations for such schools, in consequence of the 
withch'awal of religious bodies, and by the action of Congress, 
have been reduced from $611,570 in 1892 to |212,954 in 1898, 
and the Chairuian of the House Committee on Indian Affairs 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 541 

in presenting tlie Appropriation Bill for the current year, 
which makes a further reduction in the appropi'iations for 
contract schools, said : " If the policy which has been declared 
to be the settled policy of the Government is followed in the 
next session of Congress, there will be no provision for mak- 
ing contracts; there will be no appropriation in the bill for 
sectarian schools." 

Closely related to the foregoing, and emphasizing the 
progress made in the acceptance and assertion of the prin- 
ciples and policy advocated by the National League, is the 
action of Congress on the appropriations for charities in 
the District of Columbia. The joint select committee lias 
made an exhaustive examination into their administration 
and methods of working, and in an elaborate report made 
many recommendations for improvement in their control and 
supervision. In two successive District of Columbia Appro- 
priation Bills the following declaration has been incorporated : 
" And it is hereby declared to be the policy of the Govern- 
ment of the United States to make no appropriation of money 
or property for the purposes of founding, maintaining, or aid- 
ing, by payment for services, expenses, or otherwise, any 
church or religious denomination, or any institution or society 
which is under sectarian or ecclesiastical control; and it 
is hereby enacted that from and after the 30th day of June, 
1898, no money appropriated for charitable purposes in the 
District of Columbia shall be paid to any church or religious 
denomination, or to any institution or society which is under 
sectarian or ecclesiastical control." 

These great results during the past ten years are concededly 
due to the movement of which the National League is the 
acknowledged leader, and largely the outcome of the League's 
active work in Congress and in the individual States. 

The League has been watchfully active in the interests of 
safe legislation and in opposition to baleful legislation in 
Washington, in Albany, and in other State legislatures 



542 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

wherever the public-schools funds, unsectarian charities, and 
reliicioiis liberty are involved. 

Tlie League has come to be considered throughout the 
States as a Court of Appeals on matters where legal and 
constitutional interpretations are required concerning the 
principles it promotes. The future purposes of the League 
are : 

L Show the necessity for the Sixteenth Amendment, and 
press it on the attention of Congress and of the American 
people. 

2. Form State leagues in all the States as rapidly as 
opportunity affords, and seek the amendment of State Consti- 
tutions wherever they are defective in their provisions for 
protecting religious liberty and the schools. 

8. Use every legitimate means within its power to protect 
and perfect the American Fi'ee Common-School system. 

4. Gather and publish statistics concerning sectarian 
appropriations by the National and State Governments, and 
expose the peril of such action. 

5. Strenuously resist every effort to consummate the union 
of church and state on educational or any other lines. 

6. Keep the public apprised of the sources of our peril, 
and organize the patriotic sentiment of the country among 
native-born and naturalized citizens for the defense of our 
distinctively American Institutions. 

THE FREE COMMON SCHOOLS. THE FEEE PRINCIPLE MUST BE 

DEFENDED. 

Jefferson declared nearly a hundred years ago that free 
schools were an essential part — one of the columns, as he 
expressed it — of the republican edifice, and that, without in- 
struction free to all, the sacred flame of liberty could not be 
kept burning in the hearts of Americans. 

In defense of the free system of connnon education for the 
cliildhood and youth of a nation, Talleyrand said : " The chief 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 543 

object of the state is to teacli children to become one day its 
citizens. It initiates them, in a manner, into the social order, 
by showing them the laws by which it is governed and giving 
them the first of their means of existence. Is it not, then, 
just that all should learn gratuitously what ought to be re- 
garded as a necessary condition of the association of which 
they are to become members? This elementary instruction 
seems to be a debt which society owes to all, and which it 
must pay without the slightest deduction." The establish- 
ment of free public schools by the state is not only an act of 
justice, but it is highly expedient as a public policy. It is 
said that England pays for pauperism and crime five times as 
much as for education, while Switzerland pays seven times as 
much for education as for pauperism and crime. On the 
other hand it is argued that universal education unfits the 
members of a community for the more laborious pursuits of 
life; that it reduces the ranks of the mechanic and the day 
laborer, and unduly increases the ranks of the professions and 
of commercial life, thus diminishing the number of producers 
and increasing the number of non-producers. But the re- 
sponse to this line of argument is, first, the education of the 
masses will, undei- all circumstances, not extend beyond 
elementary instruction which will be beneficial in the hum- 
blest pursuits ; second, those who from lowly stations rise to 
positions of eminence by means of free education must do so 
by the use of talents which, exei-cised, are beneficial to the 
community ; third, many of those who are called non-pro- 
ducers are often the inventors and discoverers, who multiply 
the producing power of labor often a hundred-fold. 

Horace Mann, that John the Baptist in the cause of popu- 
lar education in America, has well said that " legislators and 
rulers are responsible. In our country and in our times, no 
man is worthy the honored name of a statesman, who does 
not include the highest practicable education of the people in 
all his plans of administration. 



544 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

" He may have eloquence, he may have a knowledge of all 
history, diplomacy, jurisprudence, and by these he may claim, 
in other countries, the elevated rank of a statesman; but 
unless he s[)eaks, plans, labors, at all times and in all places, 
{nv the culture and edification of the whole people, he is not, 
he cannot be, an American statesman." 

Dr. Curry, the Secretary of the Peabody Fund, addressing a 
legislative body recently, expressed the following sentiments : 

" Ignorance of the voter is an abridgment of the liberty of 
others. His ballot determines more or less our government. 
Monarchical governments are careful to have the heir to the 
throne well educated. History and common sense teach that 
a government by the people requires more education, more 
self-restraint, than any other, and that the despotism and 
cruelty of an untutored mob may be more odious and oppres- 
sive than the despotism of any one man. The school should 
go before the ballot; otherwise, an uninstructed democracy 
will become the facile tool of the demagogue aud the villain. 

" The first duty of government is self-preservation, and the 
noblest function of statehood is to develop and use to the 
maximum degree the brain-power of the country." 

PATRIOTIC PLATFORM FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE FREE PUBLIC 

SCHOOLS. 

There is certainly no justification for entire self-com- 
placency and satisfaction about the public schools. There 
never can be. Perfection will never be attained. The ideal 
will never be fully realized. Our public-school system is yet, 
we must confess, in a comparatively crude state. It must be 
greatly improved and strengthened in the coming years. The 
people will gradually come to appreciate it aud make it a 
mattei'of personal study, and literally of personal supervision. 
The following embodies substantially Avhat in our judgment 
ought to be the patriotic American programme for the free 
common schools : 




JOHN H. VINCENT, 
Tlie Founder of Chautauqua. 



J. L. M. CURRY, 
Secretary of the Peabody Fund. 




CHARLES T. SAXTON, 
Promoter of Ballot Reform. 



CHARLES R. SKINNER, 
Defender of the Public Schools. 



Pmoers to Protect American Institutiorvs. 545 

1. A knowledge of the exact situation by all intelligent 
citizens, all genuine Americans in every connuunity, resolvinn- 
themselves into a committee of the whole, loyally to watch 
and jealously to guard these nurseries of our citizenship. 

2. An honest recognition of the commendable featui'es of 
our school system. 

3. An equally honest recognition of the defects, with will- 
ingness to learn from any and all other systems, which, in any 
of their features, may suggest to us improvement. 

4. A readiness to face the patent defects, and not attempt 
to cover them but courageously to conquer them. 

5. The best and most thorough instruction in eveiy depart- 
ment — moral, mental, industrial, physical ; thus placing the 
system by its pre-eminence out of the field of competition. 

6. Insist upon the absolute necessity of the precedence and 
mastery of the national language. 

7. Require the careful training of all the children and 
youth in the fundamental political doctrines, and moral 
axioms and principles on which the free American govern- 
ment rests, as the only means of teaching those lessons — 
readily received in youth, but hard to acquire when char- 
acter has been shaped and determined — of a respect for the 
opinions and circumstances of others which issue from that 
distinctively American principle that all men are created 
equal before the law. Garfield said, "If it were in my 
power, I would make a law that every man and woman in 
the United States should study American history through 
the period of their minority." 

8. Let the people see to it that the practice of economy for 
political purposes does not commence in any community with 
the schools, but provide without prodigality, and with liber- 
ality, for both school buildings and school support. 

9. Let no political or ecclesiastical outcry from whatever 
source, against religious instruction in the schools, be the 
means of banishing a high morality from the character of the 



546 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

teaching or from the qiialitications of the teacher. The 
American idea is that the school shall be a civil educator to 
make good citizens, and good citizens must possess moral 
character. The schools will inevitably be a reflex of the 
noble, cultured, moral characters of the men and women in 
them as instructors. 

10. Banish absolutely all sectarianism from the manage- 
ment and teaching of these public schools, and all evidence in 
the structures used, or in the garb of the teachers, that would 
su£?f^est denominational relationship, or hint at the remotest 
connection of church and state. 

11. Let national, state, county, and municipal treasuries be 
jealously guarded against all attempts for the sectarian divi- 
sion of the sacred funds which they hold for the support of 
common schools. 

12. Let all partisan political control be banished from the 
management of the schools. 

13. Let a solemn, if unrecorded, oath of allegiance to our 
institutions by every loyal citizen embrace the defense of the 
American system of free common schools — a defense con- 
ducted without malice, without bigotry, without fear, without 
compromise. 

14. Let compulsory education laws be speedily perfected 
and judiciously enforced. 

15. Let all schools, public and private, where citizens are 
being trained for the performance of their duties as sover- 
eigns in the republic, come under the intelligent supervision 
of the governmental authorities as a rightful measure of 
safety, and as the only method of approximating that practi- 
cal uniformity of results essential to popular education in a 
I'epuljlic. One of the principal functions of the common 
school is to Americanize the children of foreign birth or 
parentage, and by its processes of digestion and assimilation 
make them a healthful part of the body politic. 

Governor AVilliam H. Seward, in his annual message in 



Potvers to Protect American Institutions. 547 

1840, said, "since we have opened our country and all its 
fullness to the oppressed of every nation, we should evince 
wisdom equal to such generosity by qualifying their children 
for the high responsibilities of citizenship." 

16. When the United States Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives are in session, the national flag floats over the Cap- 
itol buildings. Over the forts and ships of the nation the 
flag also floats. The American flag ought to float over every 
public-school building in the republic while the schools are 
in session, as an object lesson in patriotism for childhood and 
youth, and as a symbol to the world that we consider these 
buildings the fortresses of our strength, from which go forth 
the forces which are the best protectors of our free institu- 
tions. 

Professor Bryce says, in his "American Commonwealth," 
"The institutions of the United States are deemed by the 
inhabitants, and admitted by strangers, to be a matter of 
more general interest than those of the not less famous nations 
of the Old World. They represent an experiment in the rule 
of the multitude, tried on a scale unprecedentedly vast and the 
result of which everyone is concerned to watch. And yet 
they are something moi'e than an experiment, for they are 
believed to disclose and display the type of the institutions 
toward which, as by law fitted, the rest of civilized mankind 
are forced to move, some with swifter, others with slower, 
but all with unresting feet." 

The war for the defense of these institutions is upon us, 
and one of the principal points of attack continues to be 
upon the integrity of our free common-school system. There 
can be no neutrals in this protective war, and when the 
people are once aroused, there can be no doubt as to the 
issue. 

Our public schools, as one of the principal bulwai'ks of our 
free institutions, will be maintained. Every American child 
will be given the opportunity to secure the rudiments of an 



548 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

education in tlie language of the country. Forces are at 
work a^^ainst both the methods of conducting the schools 
and ao-ainst the principles that gave them birth. Every year 
they are becoming more aggressive, but, we believe, hopelessly. 

It becomes every citizen who has faith in our school system, 
and ^vho believes in its importance for the Aveal of our com- 
mon country, to know the enemies by sight and study their 
tactics. In this laud all great questions of principle come to 
the ballot-box for settlement. The maintenance of the com- 
mon schools will continue to be brought there. And when- 
ever it is and the people possess an honestly guarded and 
secret ballot, they will settle forever a debate which never 
ouf'ht to have been opened; will paralyze sacrilegious hands 
which have assumed to steady the ark of the covenant of our 
liberties; and will put into the national Constitution a flam- 
ing sword of defense against offenders, who forfeit their 
ri(Thts by touching with sacrilegious hands the national tree 
of knowledge. 

No principle is better understood and more firmly estab- 
lished in the judgment of our intelligent countrymen than 
the true relation between the education of American children 
and the future of the American republic. 

If oui- children, whether of American or foreign birth, are 
instructed side by side on terms of brotherhood in our public 
schools, if they are grounded in Christian morals and Ameri- 
can principles, and trained by proper teachers who are them- 
selves endowed with an appreciation of the coming duties of 
citizenship; with the exercise of an independent judgment, 
with a due reverence for the supremacy of law, and a pa- 
triotic devotion to country with its noble principles and 
inspiring traditions, we may look to the future with hope. 

It is a most hopeful omen for the future of our American 
institutions that the generation of youth that will lead the 
columns across the line into the dawning of the Twentieth 
Century will be a generation schooled in patriotism in insti- 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 549 

tutions of learning of all grades. American youths all over 
the laud are banding themselves together for uuituul self-help 
and for lifting other youths to higher planes of cliaracter and 
opportunity. If a single generation of youths could be, with- 
out one exception, trained for righteousness and patriotism, 
the future of the republic would not only be secure, but the 
higher law would constitute the organic law of the laud. 

THE RECOGNITION AND NURTURE OF THE NEW PATRIOTISM, 
MANIFESTED IN THE MULTIPLICATION OF PATRIOTIC ORGAN- 
IZATIONS. — ORGANIZATIONS BASED UPON REVOLUTIONARY AN- 
CESTRY OR PATRIOTIC HEREDITY. 

The "renaissance of patriotism," as Garfield called it, has 
found expression in the formation of a great number of 
patriotic, historical, genealogical, and hereditary societies, the 
principal objects of which are to commemorate the deeds and 
study the motives of the forefathers, and to cherish the insti- 
tutions of American freedom. This outburst of the new 
patriotism, beginning in 1875 and 1876, was due to several 
causes, one of the most potent being the influence of the 
association of ideas with the centennial anniversaries which 
then began to occur. 

During the first hundred years of our national existence, 
our growth had been so rapid, and the various phases and 
incidents of the working out of our governmental system had 
follo^ved each other with such startling and distracting ra- 
pidity, that there was little time or popular disposition to look 
back and study philosophically the events of a hundred or two 
hundred years before. The year 1875 saw us removed but ten 
years from the greatest civil war in history, the wounds of 
which still retained their bitter and dangerous sting. Sud- 
denly, the magic of anniversary influence began to operate. 
People's thoughts were carried back a century ; back across 
the bloody chasm of 1861-65 ; back to the little village 
green in Massachusetts where " the embattled farmer stood and 



550 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

tired the shot heard 'roiiud the world." The men of Balti- 
more Nvho, iu 1861, had tired ou Massachusetts troops pass- 
iii^r through their streets, bethought themselves of the time 
wheu Virfiuia seut to Massachusetts the Commander in Chief 
of the American Army, and quickly followed him with Daniel 
Morgan and his Virginian sharpshooters, who took their stand 
beside Stark and Green and Knox, and other New Eng- 
lauders, on Cambridge Common. Then came 1876, arousing 
memories of the immortal document which had borne side by 
side the signatures of John Hancock and Thomas Jefferson, 
Roger Sherman and Benjamin Harrison, Benjamin Franklin 
antl Edward Rutledge, and other great patriots of the North 
and South. Then ensued a series of anniversaries, each one 
commemoratino- some struojde in the field, some achievement 
in the halls of legislation, some triumph in the chambers of 
diplomacy, in which the participants from the lower and 
upper Colonies had vied with each other in their loyal zeal 
for a common cause. Mason and Dixon's line was forgotten 
in the contemplation of the sage and sober words of AVash- 
ington's Farewell xVddress to the American People, in which, 
among other things, he admonished them that " the Unity of 
Government which constitutes you one people is the main 
pillar iu the edifice of your real independence," and urged 
them to " indignantly frown upon the first dawning of every 
attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest." 
They began to comprehend as never before the significance 
of that pregnant sentence: "The name of American, which 
belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt 
the just pride of Patriotism more than any appellation de- 
rived from local discriminations." Suddenly, they awoke to 
a new realization of their national brotherhood. They saw 
Nvhat a vast body of traditions they had in common, and the 
old inspirations began to flame anew in their breasts. The 
poignancy of recent divisions was materially assuaged, and 
they began to organize societies based ou their common 




Moi-fraii Dix. 

liJiuarJ llu.k;a)nan Hall. 

Ralph E. Prime. 



Willi am Wayne. 
Samuel Eberly Gross. 
William W. Goodrich. 



A GROUP OF PROMINENT REPRESENTATTVKS OF PATRIOTIC ORGANIZATIONS 
liASKD UPON HEREDITY OR MILITARY SHRYICE. 




Stewart L. Woodford. ^enry E. Howland. 

Georj^e Ernest Bowman. Henry B. Whipple. 

Chaimcey M. Depew. Alexander S. Webb. 

A GROUP OF PROMINENT REPRESENTATIVES OF PATRIOTIC ORGANIZATIONS 

BASED UPON HEREDITY OR MILITARY SERVICE. 



Powers to Protect American Imtitutions. 551 

heritage of precious memories, iu which, forgetting geographi- 
cal bouudaries, they might associate as brethren in the 
mutual enjoyment of their common birthright. 

There was at this time but one patriotic hereditary society 
which had had a continuous existence for any length of time, 
namely the Society of the Cincinnati. This venerable organi- 
zation had been formed May 13, 1783, at the headquarters of 
Baron Steuben, near Newburgh, N. Y., as the result of the 
suggestion of General Knox that some means be devised by 
which, after the American officers had separated, their friend- 
ships might be cherished, and the remembrance of the experi- 
ences which bound them together might be perpetuated. 

Its Constitution thus states the origin of its name and its 
principles : 

"The officers of the American Army, having generally 
been taken from the citizens of America, possess high venera- 
tion for the character of that illustrious Roman, Lucius 
Quintus Cinci'miatiis, and being resolved to follow his exam- 
ple, by returning to their citizenship, they think they may 
with propriety denominate themselves the 

SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI. 

"The following principles shall be immutable and form the 
basis of the Society of the Cincinnati : 

"An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted 
rights and liberties of human nature for \vhich they have 
fought and bled, and without which the high rank of a 
rational being is a curse instead of a blessing. 

" An unalterable determination to promote and cherish, be- 
tween the respective States, that unison and national honor 
so essentially necessary to their happiness and the future 
dignity of the American empire. 

" To render permanent the cordial affection subsisting among 
the officers : This spirit will dictate brotherly kindness in all 
things, and particularly extend to the most substantial acts of 



552 



Facing ilu- Twentiefli Century. 



beueficeuce, according to the ability of tlie Society, toward 
those officers and their families who imfortuuately may be 
under the necessity of receiving it." 

The Constitution, elaborate in details of administration and 
drawn in the haste and excitement incident to the disband- 
nient of the army, while lofty in its sentiments and noble in 
mucli of its phraseology, proved defective as a plan of gov- 
ernment, and was subsequently modified in form, but not in 
spirit. An analysis of the instrument shows the essential 
features of the Society to be as follows : 

Objects : Commemorative, patriotic, social, and benevolent. 

Membership: Originally, limited military; subsequently, 
limited hereditary. 

The hostility toward the Society of the Cincinnati on account 
of its hereditary feature made a deep impression at the time, 
and Washington, who was its president from the time of its 
organization until his death, was persuaded to retain the 
office only by promises (never fulfilled) that it would be 
abolished. It was due not a little to the formation of the 
Society of the Cincinnati that there came into existence soon 
afterward an organization which eventually became one of 
the most powerful and perverted political influences of the 
country. In 1789, the year of Washington's inauguration as 
first President of the United States, the Tammany Society 
was organized on a distinctly anti-aristocratic and anti-Feder- 
alist basis, to counteract the supposed evil propensities of 
the Cincinnati. 

So cons[)icuously did these two Societies represent the 
opposite political and social tendencies of the post-bellum 
period, that a well-known historian represents them as the 
two burdens between which, "the new government, like 
Issachar, was beginning to couch." 

Partly on account of the popular hostility to the Society of 
llir Cincinnati, pai'tly on account of the weakening of its 
nirmbership Ijy death, partly on account of the distractions of 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 553 

tlie times, and partly ou account of the inherent weakness of 
its form of organization, this patriotic institution huiguished 
for many years, and in some States fell into a condition of 
complete desuetude ; but it lias shared in the patriotic renais- 
sance of later years, and is now one of the most dignified and 
respected, as it is the most venerable, of the large number of 
orders and institutions of which it was the prototype. Its 
membership numbers about six hundred. 

When the Centennial period of 1875 and 1876 arrived, and 
the citizens began to consider with renewed interest the 
events of the Revolutionary period, the community of interest 
which was found to exist naturally excited a desire among the 
patriotically inclined to become associated in some organic 
form for the better execution of their purposes. The exclu- 
sive eligibility requirements of the Cincinnati, however, barred 
out from membership the vast body of citizens who Avere 
equally the inheritors of the precious traditions of the 
republic, and the formation of ne^v societies was the inevi- 
table outcome of the situation. The first of these modern 
patriotic hereditary societies in order of formation are those 
called Sons of the Revolution and Sons of the American 
Revolution. Their common origin may be traced back to a 
meetinir of lineal descendants of heroes of the War for Inde- 
pendence, which was held curiously enough, as far as possible 
away from the scene of the beginning of the war, in San 
Francisco, Cal., October 22, 1875. At this meeting was insti- 
tuted the Society first called the Sons of Revolutionary Sires, 
forty of the eighty members of which on the Fourth of July 
following marched in a public procession commemorating the 
one hundredth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. 
Copies of their constitution were sent to patriotic citizens 
throughout the United States and led to the formation in 
other parts of the country of similar societies called Sons of 
the Revolution. On April 30, 1889, the one hundredth anni- 
versary of the inauguration of AVashiugtou as first President 



554 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

i)i tlie United Sates, n general couventioii of these various 
societies was lield iu tlie historic Fraunce's Tavern in New 
York City, for the purpose of uniting into a national organiza- 
tiou. Those societies which joined this movement took the 
distinctive title of Sons of the American Revolution, while 
those \vho stayed out retained the title of Sons of the Revolu- 
tion. At the time of the organization of the National Society 
of Sons of the American Revolution, it differed in important 
respects from the Sons of the Revolution, both in conditions 
of eligibility and form of government; but during the past 
ten years, the latter have so nearly conformed to the standards 
of tiie former that there may be said to be practically no differ- 
ence between them at present. Indeed, so strong has been the 
desire iu both societies for a union under a common name, 
that formal propositions looking to that end have been under 
consideration for the past six years. The salient features of 
these societies, whose joint membership reaches nearly twenty 
thousand, are as follows : 

Objects : Commemoi'ative, patriotic, social. 

Membership : Hereditary, being based on lineal descent 
from an ancestor who, in the military, naval, or civil service 
of the country during the Revolutionary War, assisted in 
establishing the independence of the United States. 

It will be noticed that the benevolent feature of the origi- 
nal constitution of the Cincinnati does not a2:)pear in the objects 
«»f these societies. There are two reasons for this. That 
provision in the constitution of the Cincinnati was due to 
local conditions. The Revolutionary AVar had left not only 
the army but the country impoverished, and there was little 
prospect that the Government would take care of destitute 
officers or their widows. No such need exists to-day. 
Furthermore, there is such a multiplicity of modern be- 
nevolent societies that there is really no need foi' such a 
provision in the constitution of the patriotic societies. 
Some of the patriotic organizations founded on the Civil 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 555 

War, however, do perform a large amoimt of benevolent 
work. 

These societies evidently touched a popular chord in the 
American heart, for the}^ not only rapidly multiplied in num- 
bers, but they were quickly followed by others, based on 
parallel ideas and touching almost every phase of our national 
history. The picturesque military idea naturally appealed 
strongly to the imagination and was fruitful of many oi-ganiza- 
tions. The Mexican War had been represented since 1847 by 
the Aztec Club, composed of military and naval officers who 
participated in that war, and their blood relatives (now num- 
bering about 250 members), but, with that exception, none 
of the wars before the Civil War was I'epresented by 
any active organization except the Revolutionary War. 
In 1892 some enterprising members of the younger genera- 
tion discovered that there were still living a few veterans of 
the second war with Great Britain, and forthwith they were 
made the nucleus about which was formed the Society of the 
War of 1812, which, in its various branches, and including 
members admitted by descent from other participants in that 
wai-, now has a membership of about 2000. In the same 
year the Society of Colonial Wars was formed, based on 
descent from participants in the battles and wars fought 
under Colonial authority between the settlement of James- 
town, 1607, and the beginning of the War for Independ- 
ence, 1775. This Society now includes 2600 lineal descend- 
ants of those ^vho faced the terrors of the tomahawk and 
scalping knife in the hands of the aborigines, and the fire- 
lock and sword in the hands of the French, to plant the 
Anglo-Saxon civilization in the West. The subjects for 
military societies had not yet been exhausted, the little war 
with Tripoli having been overlooked thus far, but in 1894 
the Military Order of Foreign Wars stepped into existence 
to cover that hiatus in America's military history. The 
original design of the organization was to commemorate the 



556 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

four foreic'Q wars of the United States up to that date, but 
it has recently been expanded to include also the War with 
Spain. Prior to the War of 1898, it had a membership of 
808 original participants or lineal descendants of participants 
ill tlie War of the Revolution, the War with Tripoli, the 
War of 1812, and the War with Mexico. There now seemed 
to remain but one possible opportunity for another military 
society, and that was for one which should include all wars, 
ami in 181)7 it was improved by the formation of the Society 
of American Wars. Membership in this Society is dependent 
upon service performed, either in irropria persona or in the 
person of a lineal ancestor, in any of the wars for the estab- 
lishment and preservation of the original colonies or of the 
United States. In 1890 the military idea was specialized by 
the formation of a distinctively naval order under the title 
of the Naval Order of the United States, embracing officers of 
the Navy or Marine Corps of the United States who had par- 
ticipated in any war or battle, or their descendants, and in 
1896 still another variation was afforded by the organization 
of a uniformed society called the Old Guard, composed of 
descendants of participants in the Colonial wars and both 
wars with Great Britain. 

The importance and dignity of such military orders as 
these were recognized by Congress in 1890, by the passage 
of a joint resolution taking otticial cognizance of them as 
" military societies." 

In this country the military societies are not the sole custo- 
dians of our most prized traditions; a large number of non- 
military societies devote themselves to the fostering of the 
most exalted sentiments of patriotism. The transition to the 
latter is through a set of organizations which partake of 
tlie nature of both. The Order of AVashington, for instance, 
f<u"med in 1895, has a membership based on descent from 
civil as well as military or naval officers who were in the 
American Colonial service between 1750 and 1776. Like- 



Powers to Protect American Institntions. 557 

wise tlie Order of the Founders and Patriots of America, 
incorj^orated in 1896, is composed of men wlio have de- 
scended in the direct male line of either the father or 
mother, from an ancestor who resided in the Colonies 
between 1607 and 1657 (and who may have been either 
a private citizen or a military or civil officer), and wliose 
intermediate ancestors during the War for Independence 
adhered as patriots to the Amei'ican cause. This Order has 
a membership of about 500. In 1897, a similar society was 
formed under the name of America's Foundei's and Defenders. 
Passing now to the more purely non-military societies, one 
is impressed at once with a new set of ideas, reminding liim 
more particularly of the moral forces which brought our 
ancestors hither and impelled and sustained them in their 
tremendous struggles in the formative years of the Nation's 
existence. The first to deserve mention in this connection is 
the New England Society, which dates back to 1805. It is 
not generally classified as a .patriotic society, but, composed 
of natives or descendants of natives of New England, and 
devoting itself to the commemoration of New England his- 
tory and the cherishing of New England principles, it is, in 
effect, one of the most influential of the patriotic societies of 
the country. It also has a benevolent feature in its constitu- 
tion which is suggestive of the old Cincinnati constitution. 
Its membership is about 1500. While the New England 
Society serves to keep alive the memory of the Puritans in 
general, a more exclusive idea is represented by the Society 
of Mayflower Descendants, organized in 1894, composed, as 
its title indicates, of the descendants of those who came over 
in the Mayflower on her first trip in 1620. These and similar 
societies have recently directed the attention of scholars and 
students to the character of the Puritan in a way which has 
given them a new insight into his animating principles and 
a new realization of his inestimable contribution to the civi- 
lization of the West. 



558 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

In like manner the Hollander is represented by suet 
societies as the St. Nicholas Society of New York, organized 
in 1841 for benevolent purposes and for the preservation of 
the early liistoiy of the City of New York. Membership 
therein is confined to descendants of residents of New York 
City and State prior to 1785. Washington Irving, whose 
apocryphal history of the world in general and of New York 
ill particular once roused the ire of sensitive Dutchmen, was 
tirst Secretary of the Society. The St. Nicholas Club of 
New York was formed in 1875, also for the purpose of pre- 
serving the early traditions of the City and State. It has 
a membership limited to 500, based on descent from a 
resident of any of the Colonies prior to November 30, 1783. 
The Holland Society of New York, however, formed in 1885, 
is perha[)s the organization devoted the most singly to the 
memory of the Hollander. Its membership, now about 900, 
is confined to descendants in the male line from Dutch- 
men, either native or resident in any of the Colonies of 
America prior to 1675, or from those who found refuge in 
Holland or possessed the right of Dutch citizenship within 
Dutch settlements prior to 1675. 

The Huguenot influence in American life finds its repre- 
sentative in the Huguenot Society of America, formed in 
1883, and now possessing a membership of about 350. It is 
composed of descendants of Huguenots who emigrated to 
America, or who left France for other countries prior to the 
the Edict of Toleration, November 28, 1687. 

The Cavalier is represented in several of the military and 
semi-military societies, and in such general societies as the 
Colonial Order, formed in 1894, composed of descendants 
from residents of the Colonies prior to 1776 ; the Colonial 
Society, formed in 1895, of descendants of settlers prior to 
17<M); and the Order of Descendants of Colonial Governors, 
formed in 1896. 

It is not surprising that in America, Avhere womankind 




I 



.I//r. .l/./v M'rif;lit Scwall. 
Mrs. //finy Saiiffer Show. 
.Wrs. I. C. Manchester. 



Mrs. Mary Loive Dickinson. 

Mrs. Daniel Manninjr. 

Mrs. Le Roy Sunderland Smith. 



A GROUP OF PRO.MIXIvXT REPRESENTATIVES OP PATRIOTIC WOMANHOOD. 



Poioers to Protect American Institutions. 559 

has reached so high a degree of social and political eufian- 
chisement, that women should exert a great power for tlie 
uplifting of the republic, and that they should participate 
with great zeal in the patriotic movement here under dis- 
cussion. The evidence of their effective work in this direc- 
tion appears in numerous organizations wherein they have 
marched })ari ^;ri^6'.S7^ with their masculine counterparts. 
Among them may be mentioned the following, in the order 
of their formation, their titles sufficiently indicating the 
periods which they represent : 

Daughters of the American Revolution (1890). 

Colonial Dames of America (a) (1890). 

Daughters of the Revolution (1891). 

United States Daughters of lYTG-lSlS (1892). 

Colonial Dames of America (b) (1893). 

Daughters of the Cincinnati (1894). 

Patriotic Daughters of America (1894). 

Daughters of Holland Dames (1895). 

Society of New England Women (1895). 

Dames of the Revolution (1896). 

Colonial Daughters of the Seventeenth Century (1896). 

Holland Dames of New Netherlands (1896). 

The patriotic spirit has also extended to the rising genera- 
tion in such organizations as the Children of the American 
Revolution, organized in 1895 on an hereditary basis, with a 
present membership of about 5000 ; the League of the Red, 
White, and Blue, a non-hereditary society of school chil- 
dren formed in 1896 ; and similar organizations. 

The societies here mentioned represent an aggregate mem- 
bership of about 60,000 men, women, and children ; and yet 
there are others, such as the American Flag Association, com- 
posed of delegates from all the leading hereditary and 
patriotic societies and devoted to the protection of the flag 
from desecration; the Daughters of Liberty, the Patriotic 
League of the Revolution, the George Washington Memorial 
Association, and the multitudes of local historical, genealogi- 



560 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

cal, and anti(inarian societies, which, while too numerous to 
mention in detail, are essentially patriotic, because the study 
of national history lies at the basis of rational patriotism. 

And now, it may be asked, what have these societies 
accon4>lislied toward the working out of the destiny of the 
nation, by the study wliich they have devoted to its annals, 
by the monuments which they have built, by the memorial 
tablets which they have erected, by the portraits of statesmen 
and soldiers and the flags which they have presented to the 
pnblic schools, by the relics which they have collected, by the 
landmarks which they have preserved, and by the multitude 
of other things which they have done to exalt the national 
pride? If one will consider for a moment the marvelous 
secpience in which the great historic events of this continent 
have moved, he can hardly fail to see in these societies one of 
the instruments in the hands of the God of Nations for the 
accomplishment of his purposes. All history is of necessity 
logical, l)ut rarely does the beauty of order in human events 
appear so clearly as in the contemplation of American history. 
The white people who came to the Western Hemisphere 
represented two irreconcilable branches of the Aryan race, 
and a struggle between them for supremacy was inevitable. 
It began in armed conflict in April, 1755, at the junction of 
the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers, and ended in the 
Anglo-Saxon triumph. The next question in order Avas, 
whether the continent should be ruled by the resident or 
non-resident portion of the superior race. That case went to 
the court of arms at Lexington, in April, 1775, and the verdict 
was in favor of democratic home rule. The political and 
social situation still remained such that it needed further 
specialization, and in April, 1861, began the determination of 
tiie (piestion whether this resident people should govern as a 
unitec] wliole, on a general platform of fundamental principles, 
<»r whether they should break up into a number of petty 
sovereignties, each one regulating itself by such principles as 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 561 

seemed most congenial to it. The world knows liow the 
disputants decided it. It will be noticed that these three 
great wars came in no capricious order, but proceeded grandly 
from the general to the special in a sublimely logical sequence 
and could not have come in any other relation to each other. 
If any disinterested observer were asked what now remained 
to consummate the great creative work of the Nation, he would 
have said undoubtedly the complete reunion of the people 
after their fratricidal war. And it was in this great work, of 
raising the national efficiency to its highest point, that the 
patriotic societies performed so important a part, by diverting 
the thoughts of both Northerners and Southerners from the 
issues of the Civil War, and directing them to the great body 
of traditions and principles which they held in common. 
The test of the efficacy of the influences which had been 
operating within and without these societies during the past 
quarter of a century for the restoration of national unity came 
in April, 1898 — that same month of April which had been 
so pregnant with meaning to the American people in the 
past — when the Government found itself reluctantly forced 
into war with Spain. To the surprise and confusion of our 
enemies, who had not counted on the knitting together that 
had quietly taken place, Nationality asserted itself. 

The country may well contemplate, as one of the powers 
for the assured protection of American institutions, the 
societies which have been such potent factors in developing 
the unifying force of a common national spirit. 

ORGANIZATION'S BASED UPON CONSCIOUSlSrESS OF PRESENT PERILS 
FROM ECCLESIASTICISM. 

The creation in late years of multiplied patriotic organiza- 
tions based upon revolutionary ancestry is due, as we have 
seen, to a desire to revive historic memories of what our liber- 
ties and institutions cost and what were their sources, and to 
familiarize the rising generation of Americans with these 



502 Facing ike Tioentieth Oentury. 

facts. The Gmiul Aiiny of the Kepublic, " with malice toward 
none, with cluirity for all," keeps fresli the memories of what 
nationality cost. Then there are secret and opjn patriotic 
orders, which sprang from a consciousness of peril in times 
of peace from politico-ecclesiasticism, and from a purpose of 
concerted action for exposing and resisting this and other 
kindred perils. 

Then there are numerous secret organizations with co- 
operative and benevolent purposes, which also incorporate 
the patriotic feature of protection for American institutions 
against politico-ecclesiasticism and other foes, and whose 
members can always be depended upon to act and vote as 
patriotic Americans. 

All these organizations in the different national conven- 
tions, where they have been represented for co-operation, have 
agreed to stand before the public upon a common platform 
of principles, the following platform, of 1894, being fairly 
representative of the principles agreed upon both before and 
since that date : 

"In convention assembled in the city of Washington, 
August 28, 1894, the delegates of the different American 
patriotic organizations of every State in the Union put forth 
the following statement of principles and purposes upon which 
they propose to stand and act politically, and they submit 
that all genuinely patriotic Americans ought to unite on them : 

" (1) The integrity of the funds and the fair and impartial 
character of the American free public-school system must be 
preserved, and all private educational and other institutions 
must be subject to civil inspection. 

" (2) Essential separation of church and state must be 
secured, and the intimidating power of ecclesiasticism over 
both citizens and law-makei'S must be destroyed Vjy absolute 
constitutional prohibitions, both by the Nation and by the 
States, against appropriations of public money for the sup- 
port of sectarian or private institutions. 



I 



Powers to Protect Ainerican Institutions. 563 

" (3) Stringent immigration laws must be enacted to pre- 
serve the character of our citizenship, give dignity to honest 
toil, and avert the perils of an unrestricted immigration, which 
permits foreign governments to transfer to our shores the 
dregs of their populations, representing the lowest forms of 
illiteracy, beggary, superstition, and crime; imposing new 
burdens on our laboring classes, and serving unscrupulous 
politicians for the most unworthy purposes. 

" (4) The attitude of all candidates for elective offices in 
Nation and States on these vital questions concerning Ameri- 
can institutions must be ascertained as furnishing the basis 
for the voter's intelligent action, and in case none of the candi- 
dates are uncompromisingly loyal and outspoken in their ad- 
hesion to these principles, put nominees in the field that are. 

" (5) A just, fair, and equitable readjustment and distribu- 
tion of appointive Federal offices and emoluments among the 
various States, Ten-itories, and District of Columbia in pro- 
portion to the various populations thereof." 

American mechanics half a century ago began forming 
themselves into organizations for mutual help and protection. 
The original purposes of these organizations were to place 
the mechanics upon their rightful plane of dignity in their 
relations to their fellow-citizens, and to protect themselves 
from the unfair and often degrading competition of immi- 
grant labor. They have struggled manfully to solve, on the 
basis of self-respect, the difficult problems of the relations of 
laborers to each other and the relations of labor to capital. 

The United American Mechanics as an organization came 
into existence in Philadelphia, July 8, 1845. 

Objects : Patriotic, social, secret, fraternal, and benevolent. 

Membership: Native-born male Americans over eighteen 
years of age. 

Numbers : Nearly 60,000. 

In order " to connect their families more closely with their 
work," the members of this society organized, in 1875, "The 



5tU Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

Daiif^hters of Liberty," who co-operate with them in all 
appropriate methods. 

Xunihers: 12,000. 

The Junior Order United American Mechanics was insti- 
tuted on May 17, 1853, in Philadelphia. 

Objects: Patriotic, political, but non-partisan and non- 
sectarian. Fraternal and beneficial. 

jMembership : American-born white males over sixteen 
years of age. 

Numbers: About 200,000 distributed through all the 
States. 

The Patriotic Order Sons of America, organized in Phila- 
delphia December 10, 1847. 

Objects : Patriotic, non-partisan, non-sectarian, fraternal, 
and ])eneficial. 

Membership: American-born males over sixteen years of 
age. 

Numbers : About 100,000. 

American Protective Association, organized March 13, 1887, 
in Clinton, la. 

Objects: Patriotic, political, "Loyalty to true American- 
ism, which knows neither birthplace, race, creed, or party." 
Unsectarian and anti-ecclesiastical. 

Membership : Acceptance of the objects of the Association. 

Numbers : The chief national officer puts the membership 
at about 1,400,000. 

Loyal Orange Institution of the United States of America. 
Organized about 1865. 

Objects: Protestant, patriotic, and beneficial. 

Membership: Protestant in religious belief and affiliations, 
a citizen or one who has declared his intentions to become 
such, and over eighteen years of age. 

Numbers: About 250,000. 

Loyal AVomen of American Liberty. Organized in Boston, 
June G, 1888. 




H. F. Bowers. 
E. W. Samuel. 
J. C. Hardetibergh. 



Edward S. Deemer. 

John Server. 

S. Lansing Reeve. 



A GROUP OF PROMINENT REPRESENTATIVES OF PATRIOTIC ORGANIZATIONS, 

BASED UPON THE RECOGNITION OF PERIL TO OUR INSTITUTIONS 

FROM POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICISM. 



Powers to Protect American Institutimis. 565 

Objects : Patriotic aud Protestant. 

Membership : Protestant in religious belief and over eight- 
een years of age. 

American Patriotic League. Founded September 7, 1885. 

Objects : Patriotic, beneficial, and co-operative. 

Membership : White native Americans over eighteen years 
of age. 

Knights of Malta. Chartered in America in 1889. 

Objects : Patriotic, Protestant and non-sectarian, fraternal 
and beneficial. 

Membership : White males over eighteen years of age. 

Numbers: 25,000. 

The American Flao; Protectors. Orsranized in Boston, 
September, 1894. 

Objects : To protect the American Flag and prohibit the 
raising of foreign flags over public buildings. 

Numbers: 2000. 

Mention has here been made only of some of the leading 
organizations based upon the recognition of present peril 
to our institutions as one of the chief causes for their exist- 
ence. The number of organizations similar in purpose, of 
varying strength and numbers, might be extended into scores. 

Patriotic sentiment to the front is concededly the great 
fact in our present national experience. It manifests itself in 
the resuscitation of old and in the birth of new patriotic 
organizations ; in the legislative action of the highest repre- 
sentative bodies of the great religious denominations ; in the 
numerous appeals to Congress and to State legislatures for 
Constitutional changes ; in the extension of patriotic instruc- 
tion in the public schools, and in raising the national flag over 
the school buildings; in the indignant protest against the 
hoisting of any foreign flag on public buildings; in the 
changed tone of treatment of patriotic movements by many 
influential newspapers; in the surprising results of elections in 
many sections of the country ; in the exceedingly circumspect 



566 Facing the Ttoentieth Century. 

autl almost obsequious behavior of office-seekers, and in the fre- 
quently compromising attitude, but sometimes indiscreetly vio- 
lent temper of the foes of our cherished American institutions. 

The fatal weakness, too often, of patriotic movements 
heretofore has been that they have been simply spasmodic, 
; nd they have sometimes degenerated into sectarian religious 
controversy, which in a republic can never issue in permanent 
benefit. Tlie enemy have said, we will wait a little in hiding, 
and the spasm will soon pass off, and then we will come out 
into tlie open again. Is it not time that the occasional spasm 
should change to a normal and healthful permanence of pur- 
pose and action ? 

Cannot all patriotic orders, and individuals, and associations 
now present an undivided front, and, sinking unessential 
differences, agree upon some common platform of essentials, 
upon which they will all stand and for which they will all 
contend until they conquer? Our opponents do not waste 
their strength by magnifying their differences; why should 
we ? Let us learn wisdom from them. 

Cannot the different regiments and army corps contending 
for distinctively American institutions be mobilized — consoli- 
dated into one army ? If this can be done, we can determine 
the future weal of the republic and intrench our institutions 
with constitutional safeguards, and dictate honest terms to 
parties and politicians and put to rout all enemies. In the 
name of patriotism and common sense, and enlightened pru- 
dence, let us get together, and consent to be held together, by 
the centripetal force of love for country, which will overcome 
the centrifugal force of narrow selfishness and conceit of per- 
sonal opinion. 

Whether our alliances are with secret or open organizations, 
can \ve not disarm and confound our enemies by showing 
them that in the defense of our American institutions we 
have no differences, but face them with a unity amounting to 
an uncompromising and gigantic personality? 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 567 

THE SAFE AND RATIONAL RESTEICTION OF IMMIGRATION. 

We do not consider a movement for the absolute exclusion 
of immigrants from tliis country to be either practicable or 
desirable. We do consider action for a strict regulation of 
immigration based upon character and standards of fitness for 
citizenship absolutely indispensable to the safety of the repub- 
lic. Elements capable of ready assimilation are safe. Ele- 
ments requiring transformation before they can be assimilated 
I are unsafe. Some educational test is indispensable. Paupers, 

criminals, and those who hold political principles antagonistic 
to society organized for the promotion of constitutional lib- 
erty, or who persist in maintaining their allegiance to any 
foreign power or ruler, ought to be excluded. 

Since the foundation of our Government over seventeen 
millions of immigrants have entered our country. 

The departure of the Spanish army from the Western 
Hemisphere under compulsion by the United States Govern- 
ment is the only illustration in our history of any extended 
emigration of Europeans to oifset the multitudinous immigra- 
tion from those parts, much of which has not contributed a 
desirable element of our population. 

Mr. Depew said, in his " Columbian Oration " at Chicago, 
in 1892: 

" Unwatched and unhealthy immigration can no longer be 
permitted to our shores. We must have a national quarantine 
against disease, pauperism, and crime. AVe do not want can- 
didates for our hospitals, our poorhouses, or our jails. We 
cannot admit those who come to undermine our institutions 
and subvert our laws. But we will gladly throw wide our 
gates for, and receive with open arms, those who by intelli- 
gence and virtue, by thrift and loyalty, are worthy of i-eceiv- 
ing the equal advantages of the priceless gift of American 
citizenship." 

James Russell Lowell, in 1885, said : 



568 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

" The problem before us is to make a wliole of our many 
discordant parts, our many foreign elements. It is certain 
that whatever we do or leave undone, those discordant parts 
and foreign elements are to be, whether we will or no, bone 
of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, for good or ill. I am 
liappy in believing that democracy has enough vigor of con- 
stiuition to assimilate these seemingly indigestible morsels, 
and to transmute them into strength of muscle and symmetry 
of lind)." 

The body politic has experienced some severe convulsions 
in attempting to digest some of the " seemingly indigestible 
morsels" to which Mr. Lowell refers. Let us look at a few 
of the latest reliable returns concerning criminals, paupers, 
insane, and illiterates among our native and foreign-born white 
po[)ulations. To each 100,000 of the native whites there are 
88 adult criminals, and of foreign-born whites 174 adult crimi- 
nals. To each 100,000 of the native whites there are 80 
almshouse paupers, and of foreign-born whites there are 300. 
To each 100,000 of the native whites there are 140 insane, 
and of foreign-born there are 387. Six and two-tenths per 
cent, of native whites, 10 years of age and upward, are illiter- 
ates, and 13iVper cent, of foreign-born whites, 10 years of age 
and upward, are illiterates. 

If immigration had been rationally restricted in our past 
history most of these criminals, paupers, insane, and illiter- 
ates would not have burdened the taxpayers and corrupted 
oiii' civilization. 

Knliglitened statesmanship and intelligent patriotism de- 
mand the erection of legislative safeguards at the gateway 
of entrance to our national privileges, that only those shall be 
permitted to enter who can contribute something to the aggre- 
gate worthy character of our citizenship, and who can be 
assimilated by the body politic without clogging digestion or 
impeding healthy growth. 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 569 

SAFEGUAEDING THE BALLOT. 

Great advance has been made in the United States in late 
years in the method of voting for the pnrpose of secui'iug the 
independence of electors by the official ballot and by secret 
voting. Henry George did much toward informing the popu- 
lar mind and quickening the citizen conscience upon the I'ight 
of the elector to cast his vote without the possibility of in- 
timidation. The iniquitous and treasonable cheapening of 
citizen sovereignty, by fraud in voting and in counting the 
votes, reached its climax of wickedness in the commei'cial 
metropolis and in other large cities in the Empire State. 
New York State having the largest population of any State 
in the Union, and its vote frequently being necessary to deter- 
mine the results in the Electoral College, the entire nation has 
a vital interest in the conduct and character of its electorate. 
Political dishonesty there degrades or dignifies the republic to 
a greater extent than a similar course pursued by any other 
commonwealth could. 

The honest citizens of the State of New York and of the 
nation owe a debt of gratitude to the Hon. Charles T. Saxton, 
for his untiring, persistent, and intelligent statesmanship in 
the interests of ballot reform. On June 17, 1888, Mr. Saxton 
introduced a bill entitled : "An Act to secure more fully the 
independence of electors and the secrecy of the ballot " in the 
Assembly of the New York Legislature. This was the first 
measure of the kind, with a possible single exception, ever 
presented to an American legislature. At first legislators 
and politicians were amused at eiforts to reform the elective 
system, but their amusement soon turned to fright before an 
honest leadership backed by an intelligent following. The 
opposition to the measui-e was marshaled under the shrewd 
and unscrupulous leadership of Governor David B. Hill. 
Having reached the conclusion that his pai'ty had nothing to 
gain, and perhaps much to lose, by the enactment of a ballot- 



570 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

reform law, tlie question of its justice and necessity, or of its 
beneficent effect upon our institutions, Avas to him of little 
conse(iueuce. The bill passed both Houses of the Legislature 
and went to the Govei-nor, where, after the adjournment of 
the Legislature at a hearing, Mr. Saxtou, Henry George, Di-. 
McGlynii, and other friends of the bill appeared in its support. 
Two iv[)resentatives of Tammany Hall appeared in opposi- 
tion, which was a work of supererogation, as Governor Hill 
could be trusted to allow the worthy measure to die in his 
haiiils, while he thought it incumbent upon him to justify his 
course in a statement of excuses which amounted to a confes- 
sion that any reform in the ballot laws would cloud the politi- 
cal future of his party. The next measure was presented to 
the Legislature in 1889. Republican politicians were luke- 
warm concerning the measure, and the Democrats unani- 
mously opposed it. This bill passed both Houses, was sent 
to Governor Hill, and by him promptly vetoed. By public 
speech and printed documents Mr. Saxton kept the question 
of ballot reform before the citizens of the State and country. 
Li the fall of 1889 Mr. Saxtou was transferred by his con- 
stituents from the Assembly to the State Senate. His own 
party leaders had now become enthusiastic, but, as events 
proved, their desire was for a ballot-reform issue rather than 
f(jr a ballot-reform law. In 1890 Mr. Saxton introduced his 
improved ballot-reform law and a Corrupt Practices Bill. 
The Governor's messasfe was a virtual veto of these reform 
measures in advance. The ballot measure was nevertheless 
passed by both Houses, went to the Governor, and was again 
vetoed. The Corrupt Practices Bill w^as passed and signed 
l)y the Governor, and it was the first act of the kind ever 
placed upon an American statute book. 

A compromise and cumbersome ballot law, possessing some 
desirable features, was passed and signed by the Governor 
in 1890, and remained in force for five years. Despite the 
defects of this law, the whole election system gained in 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 571 

dignity and impressiveness. The act of voting seemed to 
have a deeper significance. The pnblic conscience was 
quickened, and the people of the entire country gained a 
higher conception of the sacredness and importance of the 
elective franchise. The reform administration in all the great 
cities of the State of New York, and the punishment of at- 
tempts at fraud at the polls were rendered possible by this 
enactment, and other States, inspired by this exanqjle, pro- 
ceeded in their legislation on these same lines. 

Mr. Saxton continued to introduce important ballot meas- 
ures in the Legislature, one of which was vetoed by Gov- 
ernor Flower before it reached the Executive Chamber. In 
1894 Mr. Saxton was elected Lieutenant Governor of the 
State, but continued his active interest and advice in the pro- 
motion of ballot reform. In 1895 the blanket ballot bill was 
passed, and became a law by the approval of Governor Morton. 

In all movements for an honest and untrammeled ballot, 
the workingmen and the decent press of the country have 
co-operated. We are convinced that an intelligence qualifica- 
tion ought to be uniformly required as a condition for voting 
and also some moderate but substantial evidence of thrift by 
way of property qualification. Suffrage is not a right, but a 
privilege. 

Either the Australian Ballot Law, or some modification of 
it, is in force in every State in the Union excepting Georgia, 
North Carolina, and South Carolina. 

The registration of voters is required in the following 
States, viz. : 

Alabama, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, 
Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Louisiana, Maryland, Mas- 
sachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Montana, 
Nevada, New Jersey, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South 
Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, and Wyoming 
— 26 States; and also in the Territories of Arizona and New 
Mexico. 



572 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

The registration of voters is required in Iowa in cities hav- 
incr 3500 iuLabitants ; in Kansas in cities of the first and 
second class ; in Kentucky in cities and towns Laving a popu- 
lation of 5000 or more ; in Maine in all cities and towns liav- 
iii"- 500 or more voters; in Missouri in cities of 100,000 
inhabitants and over; in Nebraska in cities of over 7000 in- 
hiibitauts; in New York in cities and villages containing 
u[)\vard of 5000 population ; in North Dakota in cities and 
villasfes of 1000 inhabitants and over; in Ohio in cities Lav- 
iug a population of 10,000 and over; in Rhode Island uou- 
taxpa}'ers are required to register yeai'ly before December 
31 ; ill SoutL Dakota in cities, but not in country precincts; 
ill Texas in cities of 10,000 inliabitants or over; in WasLing- 
ton in all cities and towns and all voting precincts Laving a 
voting population of 250 and over ; in Wisconsin in cities of 
2000 inLabitants or more, and in townsLips of 3000 inLabit- 
ants or more. In tLe Territory of OklaLoina in cities of tlie 
first class. 

No registration of voters is required in Indiana, New 
HampsLire, and Oregon. 

In Arkansas and West Virginia registration of voters is 
proLibited by constitutional provision. 

A PERFECTED CIVIL SEEVICE. 

For tLe elevation of tLe cLaracter and efficiency of tLe 
persons in tLe employment of cities. States, and municipalities 
tLe merit system in civil service is indispensable. It removes 
temptations to corrupt practices from tLe patL of politicians, 
ullice-Lolders, and office-seekers. It furnisLes tLe cLief element 
of stability in tlie administration of a repuljlican form of 
government. TLe gi'eat progress tLat civil service reform Las 
made in tLis republic is cLiefly due to tLe coui'age and states- 
mansliip of Hon. Dorman B. Eaton. He is known among 
reputable citizens as tLe " FatLer of Civil Service Reform." 
His brain Las devised and Lis Land Las written most of tLe 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 573 

civil service laws upon our statute books, and his executive 
fidelity has made them effective. The warfare he has waged 
against the spoilsmen has provoked their vindictive wi-ath, 
but has won for him the praises of the patriotic and the per- 
sonal consciousness that he has rendered firmer the essential 
foundations of our civic structure. 

THE SPOILS SYSTEM AND THE MERIT SYSTEM. 

In considering the great religious, moral, and political forces 
which have affected American institutions and seem likely to 
powerfully affect them in the future, we must give some at- 
tention to those which have caused the spoils system in our 
politics, and also those opposing forces that have developed 
the civil service reform movement, ^vhich seeks to arrest the 
evils of that system. We have space for no more than very 
general statements on the subject. The main characteristics 
of the spoils system are that it perverts and prostitutes the 
exercise of political and oflicial authority for j)arty and per- 
sonal advantages. It extorts vast sums of money — from one 
to five per cent. — from the salaries of those in the public serv- 
ice, — national, State, and municipal alike, — and uses it for 
paying party expenses, bribing voters, and gaining offices for 
unworthy politicians and party and official favorites. It en- 
forces party tests for office and public employments where party 
opinions are immaterial. It thus secures a party monopoly of 
official patronage appointment and all incidental spoils to the 
party managers. It brings unworthy persons into the public 
service, and prevents the most competent applicants from en- 
tering it. It removes worthy public servants without good 
cause, and makes them servile to party managers and bosses. 
It vastly increases the despotic organization and power of the 
unworthy men w^ho devote themselves to the trade of politics 
and makes this trade profitable. It greatly increases the diffi- 
ciTlty of the most worthy men securing office by reason of 
their good character and capacity. It makes party and selfish 



574 Facing th^ Tiuentieth Century. 

influence the most effective force for securing office, and thus 
ile"-r:ules the public service in the estimation of the peo])le. 
It makes the party boss possible, and intrenches his power. 
These ao-o-regate effects of the spoils system greatly impair the 
moral tone of official life and party politics. They have re- 
sulted in the political corruption and despotism which have so 
much alarmed and disgusted the better classes of the people 
and liave caused a wider and wider separation between them 
and the politicians. 

The civil service reform movement seeks the correction of 
these evils. It has in proper cases caused their prohibition ly 
law. It has constantly and powerfully set forth the piinciple 
of justice, wisdom, and duty applicable for the suppression of 
these evils. It has also caused the establishment and enforce- 
ment of salutary practical methods in administration, under 
which offices and employment by the public can be secured 
on the basis of character and capacity, irrespective of party or 
religious opinions. The many reform organizations which 
this movement supports have worked effectively in the way of 
exposing the evils of the spoils system and in aid of enforcing 
the laws and civil service rules for its suppression. The re- 
form system thus established, because it regards only the 
merits and not the politics or religion of applicants, has nat- 
urally been designated the Merit System. The Merit System 
stands in iri'econcilable antagonism to the spoils system, and 
is the abhorrence of all mere politicians and spoilsmen. Every 
place which the Merit System fills, on the basis of the supe- 
rior character and capacity shown in the examination it pro- 
vides, and every dollar it prevents being extorted by party 
assessments, by so nuich diminishes the illegitimate patron- 
age, income, and spoils whicli corrupt and despotic politicians 
and party managers might have secured. They are, therefore, 
tlie natural enemies of the Merit System, and have labored 
constantly and vigorously to arrest its progress. * 

It would be a great mistake to suppose that there is any nee- 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 575 

essary antagonism between the Merit System and true, useful, 
or legitimate political parties. On the contrary, the ])ufcting 
of persons into the administrative departments of the Gov- 
ernment by reason of their superior merit, as shown by such ex- 
aminations, would largely prevent the moral degradation of 
parties, and would leave them more at liberty to regard the pub- 
lic interests and to deal with the great questions of principle 
and policy which are within their proper sphere of action. It 
would, to a great extent, eliminate the mercenary and cor- 
rupting elements of our politics. The more parties contend 
about principle and the less about patronage and spoils, the 
more useful and honest they are likely to be. 

The party sphere is mainly in the domain of legislation and 
of the elections of Presidents, Governoi's, the members of leg- 
islatures and of Congress. As Presidents and Governors have 
a part in legislation, their political opinions are material, and 
people will divide into parties concerning them. So also it 
may be said that the party views of the heads of some of the 
great departments are also material, and may be made a mat- 
ter of legitimate contest between political parties. 

There should be no party divisions as to mere city and vil- 
lage government and affairs which relate to business methods 
and mere administration. These involve no party principles 
or issues. There is no Republican and no Democratic Avay of 
doing city work or of conducting city administration. Politi- 
cal opinions are no part of the qualification for holding city 
office or working for the city. Adherents of different parties 
should as naturally work side by side in carrying on the 
affairs of municipal corporations as they do in carrying on the 
affairs of the other business corporations. Parties for city 
management are, therefore, needless and absurd. It is merely 
party ambition, hate, and jealousy which cause any questions 
to be asked as to the political or religious opinions of those in 
the official service or labor service of cities. Yet it is in cities 
that parties and bosses enforce the spoils system and that 



576 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

politics and official life Lave become most despotic and 

coriiipt. 

For the same reasons that party views on political affilia- 
tions should not be regarded in mere city affairs, they should 
not be ref^•\rded in doing the administrative work of the great 
departments of the national government or in the management 
of its customs or postal service. There are nearly two hun- 
dred thousand persons in these branches of the national ad- 
ministration. Members of Congress and politicians make 
tlieir appointment and removal a sul)ject of endless bargains, 
intrigue, and contention which cause mucli neglect of their 
hio-h official duties, and demoralize and degrade botb politics 
an<l tlie public service. Many unscrupulous politicians get 
into Congress by compelling the postmasters, the postal clerks, 
and the other officials of their districts to use their exertions 
and influence in favor of their elections. 

It is plain, also, that party opinions should be disregarded 
in appointing, promoting, and removing those officials and 
laborers who serve the State in its prisons, asylums, and busi- 
ness departments, or in its schools and institutions of charity 
and benevolence. Yet the supporters of the spoils system and 
many of the managers of parties make constant and vicious 
contentions for the patronage and spoils of these branches of 
State administration. Our school system has especially been 
debased by vicious intermeddling on the part of politicians 
for party advantage. 

In the early periods of aclministering the national gov- 
ernment, the views here expressed concerning it prevailed. 
There were very few persons appointed or removed — hardly 
two liundred in all — for party reasons in the whole time from 
the administration of Washington to that of Jackson. Jack- 
son put into practice the partisan theory of the spoils system, 
that all official positions must be filled for party advantage, 
whicli led oil to the rule proclaimed by a Senator of New 
\ oik ill ls;J3, who declared that "to the victors belong the 



Poivers to Protect American Institutions. 511 

spoils." The growth of tlie spoils system was from that time 
very rapid and alarming. Attempts were first made to arrest 
it by acts of Congress in 1853 and in 1854. These attempts, 
as well as several subsequently made, were inadequate. It 
was not until the passage of the national Civil Service Reform 
Law of January 16, 1883, tliat any adequate foundation was 
laid for an effective and abiding merit system. This law 
provided for a national civil service commission to take charge 
of the examination which it required for entering the civil 
service. This commission has since continued active and 
efficient. 

The law also prohibited the extortion of political assessments, 
which it has in large measure suppressed. The examinations 
under the law extended first to only about fourteen thousand 
places, but the law wisely provided for their extension, if they 
should be found useful. They have now by reason of their 
great utility been extended to nearly eighty thousand places, 
and there is every prospect that before long they Avill be ex- 
tended to all the places for which they are appropriate. 

The people are more and more clearly seeing that every 
man's claim upon office is strong and just in the degree that 
his character is upright and his capacity is great. The people 
have a right to the best qualifications in office which are 
offered for the salaries they pay, and those qualifications the 
civil service examinations fairly test and certify. 

The law of 1883 has remained unchanged, having been 
found adequate for its great purpose. It has established 
higher standards in the official service of the nation. It has 
closed many vicious ways of entering its public service. It 
has opened new ways of entering this service on the basis of 
superior character and capacity and without the aid of party 
or sectarian influence. The many thousands of officers who 
have thus been brought into the public service through these 
examinations have such superior capacity for their duties that 
they can do a third more than the same number of officers 



0< 



J^aeing the Twentieth Century. 



who enter the service through spoils system methods. It is 
notorious that the public offices— for example the Post Office, 
Xaval OtHce, and Custom House at New York City — are 
far better managed since the Merit System and the civil serv- 
ice examination controlled admission to their service, and the 
spoils system has been excluded. 

Tlie civil service examinations, of which there are nearly a 
hundred grades, fitly test the qualifications needed in the par- 
ticular positions the applicants seek to enter. No questions 
concerning party politics or religion are asked. No influence 
is needed for entering them. The examinations are free and 
open to all. Those examined are graded according to merit, 
and the most competent are earliest appointed. Such exam- 
inations have given a new value to good character and to 
superior knowledge of the kind which is taught in our public 
schools. There is a small proportion of the places being filled 
tJH-ough examinations for which a college education is needed, 
but for the great bulk of them a good common-school educa- 
tion is sufficient. Among those appointed from the civil 
service examination in Massachusetts, for example, hardly 
40 appointees among 3600 had had a college education. 
They have in corresponding degrees diminished the effect- 
iveness of partisan influence and official and political favorit- 
ism and bribery. The men thus brought into the public 
service will neither pay party assessments, nor do servile or 
dirty party w^ork, at the bidding of bosses or party leaders. 
Their own superior merits gave them their places, and they 
are not afraid to serve their country rather than any party or 
party manager. It cannot, we think, be doubted that the 
Merit System, as it is being extended from office to office, and 
from State to State, will steadily improve tlie public service 
and elevate the moral tone of American politics. It cannot 
fail to strengthen and honor the public-school system of the 
country. These effects are already apparent in Massachusetts, 
where the Merit System has been longest and most completely 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 579 

enforced. The Merit System may justly be said to lionor tlie 
common-school system of the country, and to reward those 
who excel in the studies which it supports. To tliose wIjo 
thus excel, and whose characters are unstained, it (►pens the 
official places in the service of the people. The civil service 
reform movement, like the other great reform movements we 
have described, seeks restoration and perpetuity of the sound 
and original principles of American Institutions. 

THE PRINCIPLES OF UNSECTARIAN CHRISTIANITY THE BASIS OF 
OUR CIVILIZATION AND THE GUARANTEE FOR 
ITS PERPETUITY. 

The God of nations seems to have looked with protecting 
favor upon our fathers and upon us in all of our history. The 
character of the men who settled the country is indicated by 
the opening words of the political compact signed on the 
Mayflower : "In the name of God, Amen." The principles 
established and the liberties secured by the Revolution ; vic- 
tories on sea and land unbroken by a defeat in all our history; 
the abolition of human slaveiy and the preservation of the 
Union ; and the banishment of the power of a mediaeval civi- 
lization from the AVestern Hemisphere ; are facts and achiev- 
ments beyond the strength and wisdom of unaided humanity. 

A divine Providence in the history of nations is recognized 
by most thoughtful students of history, but republics even, 
which seem to have recognized the dignity and sovereignty of 
man, have fallen in their procession through the centuries, 
and what a procession ! The Netherlands, Venice, Rome, 
Carthage, Greece, Palestine. The Providence who had been 
unmistakably in their history did not arrest their fall. The 
conditions of divine help for nations and individuals are glad 
obedience without presumption, and intelligent recognition of 
dependence without lethargy. 

High intellectual attainments alone among the people will 
not perpetuate the life of this republic, inspire patriotism. 



5S0 Fcwing the Twentieth Century. 

inculcate morality, or lessen crime. The farewell address of 
Wasliiu<'-to!i states this caution: "Let us with caution in- 
AnWe the supposition that morality can be maintained 
without religion. Reason and experience both forbid us to 
expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of 
religions principles." 

AVhile sectarianism cannot become, and ought not to ask 
to Ix'come, the molder and conservator of our civilization, 
sectarian controversies ought not to be allowed to crowd out m 

universal instruction in the unsectarian tenets and moral and fl 

religious principles of Christianity. V 

The American civilization and free institutions rest upon 
unrestricted Christianity. A Hindoo writer puts it thus: 
"The religion of Christ represents all that is noble in 
Western civilization, Western morality, science, or faith." 

The Christian Church with us means the various voluntary 
organizations of believers in Christianity, and the church in 
normal activity must mold the character of the citizenship 
which is to perfect and perpetuate our liberties, by raising 
men to high and broad and righteous planes of thought and 
action. 

Our Christian civilization must be a structure erected upon 
moral and spiritual foundations. Physical forces and material 
advantages are essential in the structure, but they do not fur- 
nish the elements of permanency. " Things which are seen 
are temporal, but the things that are not seen are eternal," is 
as true of the national structure as of the spiritual. 

Dr. Storrs says: "Governments themselves, so long as 
tliey serve their proper ends, do not oppress the personal con- 
science, and do not antagonize the advance of Christianity, 
liave now, therefore, a permanence which in earlier times 
they did not equally command. That permanence depends, 
more and more obviously, on their coincidence with the deep 
impulse of the prevalent religion. If they collide with this, 
they have to go down, not always as the walls of Athens 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 581 

were said to go down, before the music of Dorian flutes, but 
sometimes with resounding clamor and crash. But as long 
as they serve the public welfare, and give free course to the 
training of men by the teaching of Christianity, govei-nments 
are now more secure than of old. The religion wliich has 
impressed the institutions and invigorated the life of Europe 
and America conserves and consecrates, it does not assail the 
beneficent commonwealth. 

" If peoples and governments were left to no other guid- 
ance and control in their moral relations than those which 
preceded the advent of Christ— I see no guarantee that the 
old chaos of jealous and contending nations might not return, 
in fiercer fight, with bloodier weapons, a more terrible tyranny 
of the stronger powers over the weak." 

The Christian resources of our country rightfully claim all 
there is of Christ and the Bible in our history, government, 
laws, institutions, homes, and hearts. And this embraces all 
that gives permanency to justice and efficacy to mercy, and 
dignity to man and glory to God. We have the cumulative 
resources of the education and Christian teachinoj of the near 
as well as of the remote past. We are the heirs of modern as 
well as of ancient history. We have the powers at our dis- 
posal to dictate what the immediate, and, with that, what the 
remote future of our country shall be. 

De Tocqueville said of us : " The new States must be reli- 
gious in order to be free. Society must be destroyed unless 
the Christian moral tie be strengthened in proportion as the 
political tie is relaxed ; and \vhat can be done Avith a people 
who are their own masters, if they be not submissive to the 
Deity ? It cannot be doubted that in the United States the 
instruction of the people powerfully contributes to the sup- 
port of the democratic republic." 

The distinctive Christian ideas and teachings of the Word 
of God belong to our invoice: individual liberty and the in- 
creased value set upon human life, honor to womanhood, and 



582 Facing Ike Twentieth Century. 

her elevation and emaucipation, and the consequent elevation 
of mail as this is recognized. From the moral necessities 
of \\\v case the benevolence of the country is chiefly in Chris- 
tian hands; it is the offspring of Christian thought. Only 
Christianity is benevolent. Modern legal beneficence had its 
l^irtli in Christ. 

All beneficent conceptions of the fatherhood of God and 
the brotherhood of man had their origin in the Christian 
religion. 

The Christian conception of God, of man, of man's duty to 
God, of man's duty to man in politics and society, and the du- 
ties of nations toward each other, are the germs from which 
spring all the beneficent powers of the highest civilization. 

Dr. Storrs writes : " In Virgil's fourth eclogue, written, per- 
haps, forty years before Christ, he hails with song the birth 
of a child who is to restore the Golden Age. His figures 
seem caught from the prophecies of Isaiah. The boy of 
wlu.ni Virgil is supposed to have written was imprisoned by 
Tiberius, and starved to death in his solitary dungeon. The 
child of whom Isaiah wrote now leads in triumph towai'd un- 
reached ages the inspiring and hopeful civilization of the 
world. In his name is the hope of mankind. In the sign of 
his cross Christendom conquers. 

"This Christianity has shown in itself the power to rec- 
oncile, to liberate, and to set forward nations, with a steadi- 
ness and a strength which has certainly before been unknown 
ill tlie world." 

We have the Sabliath with its sanctions protected by law 
in almost all of the States. The civil Sunday could not stand 
a decade without its Christian sanction by the consciences of 
tin- ( J"(l-fearing, whose power placed tke legal safeguards on 
the statute books. It is a physical boon ; it enhances social 
and family life; it saves many from incessant groveling in 
low and depressing employment ; it breaks in upon the anxious, 
restless ambitious and rivalries of life ; it tones down distinc- 



Powers to Protect American Institutions. 583 

tions between rich and poor, capitalists and laborers ; it gives 
breatliiug-time, wliicli, at the least, may be used aright. It is 
used by multitudes as an opportunity for religious duties. 
As a witness for God, a memorial of bliss, and a promise of 
enduring rest provided by the heavenly Father, the day itself 
possesses power for good. 

Christianized Anglo-Saxon blood, with its love of liberty, 
its thrift, its intense and persistent energy and personal in- 
dependence, is the regnant force in this country ; and that is a 
most pregnant fact, because the concededly most important 
lesson in the history of modern civilization is that God is 
using the Anglo-Saxon to conquer the world for Christ by 
dispossessing feebler races and assimilating and molding 
others. 

It has been said that "The English language, saturated 
with Christian ideas, gathering up into itself the best thought 
of all tlie ages, is the great agent of Christian civilization 
throughout the world, at this moment affecting the destinies 
and molding the character of half the human race." 

AN INVOICE OF SOME LESSONS FKOM OUR HISTORY. 

(1) We have learned that the history of nations is only 
worth writing or reading as it records events which have been 
shaped by obedience to the word and will of God. 

(2) That Christianity accomplishes its saving mission best 
when independent of temporal and civil powers, and that the 
true church consists of the faithful followers of Christ in all 
lands and in all denominations. 

(3) That the church of Christ has a responsible steward- 
ship for the salvation of the race. 

(4) That civil liberty and religious liberty may attain their 
most perfect realization when they are legally independent of 
each other and only allies for mutual defense. 

(5) That national self-government and safety are only 
compatible when intelligence and virtue characterize the 



5S4 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

citizenship, and that sucli government dignifies and exalts 
individual man. 

(G) That a uniform, free system of rudimentary education 
fur the childhood and youth of a nation will transmute dan- 
gerously heterogeneous human elements into a safely homo- 
geneous citizenship. 

(7) That the inventive genius of free minds can make men 
masters of nature where they were once its slaves. 

(8) That Science, utilizing steam and electricity^, can au- 
nihihite distance and make every civilized man the center of 
the universe. 

(9) That all real Science is harnessed to Jehovah's trium- 
phal car in its way among the nations. 

Resources of history, character, money, machinery, edu- 
cation, numbers, the press, a chosen race, and the divine 
promises are all necessaiy intruments, but they are strength- 
less and useless for good, either singly, or in combination, 
until baptized by the Divine Spirit ; then, singly, they take 
on strength, and, massed, they become as omnipotent as God. 
These human appliances, thus wielded, shall become like their 
Author, sweet in sympathy, pure in holiness, vital with love. 
If from this time forth in this favored laud, the emancipated 
sons of men would put on the whole armor of righteousness ; 
if all the daughters of Zion would clothe themselves with the 
Ijeautiful garments of salvation, and would move together for 
the renovation of a heritage once uncursed with sin — no pen 
or pencil could picture the result. Godless temples would 
tumble ; incense burning to unknown gods would be 
quenched ; air polluted with blasphemy would be purified ; 
ignorance would flee away ; the flood-gates of intemperance 
would ])e closed ; the fires of passion would be quenched ; and 
the fountains of bitter tears would be dried up. Every hill-top 
would glimmer with the light of truth, and every valley show 
the temple of our God, and a free and law-abiding people 
would count themselves the subjects of the Prince of Peace. 



PART VZ 
MANIFEST DESTINY. 

With one more circuit of tlie earth around the sun the 
Republic will face the twentieth century of the Christian 
era. With every revolution of the earth upon its axis some 
portion of the republic's possessions is now in the sunshine. 

We now occupy a new place among the nations, with a 
power never sought nor employed, with a duty incumbent 
upon us to share in the mastery of the world, and with the 
assurance of recompense if we meet our obligations. A¥e are 
no longer self-centered. We have by the lever power of 
events, which we have helped to shape but could not stay, 
been lifted out of our isolation. We were sununoned to do 
one unselfish act for an oppressed insular people near our 
coasts, and millions in far-off islands soon looked upon our 
victorious ensign as their tii'st and only hope for release from 
the tyranny of centuries. We have a trust on our hands. 
It is no longer a question whether we will accept the trust, 
but how we will administer it. Fidelity to the entirety of our 
trust will measure our capacity for self-government at home 
and determine our place in the divine plan for civilizing the 

human race. 

The original principles embodied in our national govern- 
ment remain, but the field for their application is immensely 
extended. With gradual expansion of territory and incident 
responsibility, and with the incoming multitudes of foreign 
peoples requiring assimilation, the nation has stdl sub- 
stantially maintained its homogeneity. 

For 115 years we have been expanding in territory and 
growing in most of the elements which constitute national 

585 



586 Facing the Tiventietli Century. 

8trent5-tb. We Lave solved many of the problems wliich 
seemed to involve peril aud threaten our dissolution, and to- 
day we are concededly in the front rank of the family of 
uatious. 

There will always be problems to solve and policies to 
work out, which a growing nation must meet if it has a right 
to live. In fact a living nation must always be experiment- 
ing as the condition of living, and when it ceases to advance 
by experimental stages it begins to decay, and to arrest decay 
is a proldem that fe^v nations have ever successfully solved. 

Every territorial accession to the i-epublic has furnished 
new fields for enterpi'ise, by developing industries, by inspir- 
ing thought, by increasing wealth, and by augmenting the 
nation's strength. Commerce and means of communication 
and transportation have kept pace with territorial expansion 
and have been inspired by it, and as the nation has grown in 
domain and developed in strength it has pi'oduced an increas- 
ingly beneficent eifect upon other nations. 

Professor McGee says : " Just as the Louisiana purchase in 
1803 made America a steamboat nation, and just as the 
acquisition of California in 1845 made America a raihvay and 
a telegraph nation, so the acquisition of Hawaii and Porto 
Kico, and, above all, the Philippines in 1898 must make 
America the naval nation of the earth, for the problem born 
of the accession would be the problem of navigation, which 
needs American genius for its final solution, while America 
needs the incentive to strengthen that element in which alone 
it is weak." 

The much-lauded Monroe doctrine promotes and does not 
retard manifest destiny. While it is intrenched in the 
national sentiment, it does not stand in the way of the gospel 
docti-iue of love for humanity, and the nations of the earth 
are Ijeginning to recognize that Havana, Porto Rico, Hono- 
lulu, (hiam, and Manila are the outposts for the defense of 
(jui' .Moiui^e doctrine. 



Manifest Destiny. 587 

Some professed statesmen have more reverence for tlie 
Monroe doctrine than they have for the Ten Commandments 
and the Sermon on the Mount. National obligation based 
upon historic origin and providential o2)portunity must 
create new legislation, and not be restricted by the narrow- 
conceptions based upon the national outlook in its infant 
days. 

Mr. Depew said at Buffalo in December, 1898: "Destiny 
knows no logic. Providence, in the ^vise purposes which it 
has for nations, makes the precedents and conditions fjom 
which alone the logic of those conditions can be argued." 

Much is said, by the citizens who claim that our govern- 
ment has no duty to meet in extending the benefits of a free 
government and of a Christian civilization in our newly 
acquired possessions, of the difficulties of the problem be- 
cause of the character of the people in tropical climes. We 
are meeting more difficult problems right at home, where we 
have committed the blunder of admitting to the right of 
suffrage the most dangerous foreign elements which have 
landed upon our shores. The old problem in the new [)os- 
sessions will enable us to use better judgment there and safe- 
guard the suffrage, and will perhaps make the American 
people, for safety in the home land, put some wholesome 
restraints on suffrage here, and erect some barriers against 
the increasing of the dangerous elements from foreign 
governments, thus upholding the dignity of American 
citizenship. 

The continent of Africa has recently been partitioned be- 
tween the civilized nations, bringing a better hope to un- 
counted millions. 

The colossal populations of China, representing the oldest 
civilization, are now being dissolved and the great European 
nations are dividing up the tei'ritoiy to the prejudice of our 
commercial interests. In the face of these facts the posses- 
sion of the Philippines may prove to be an enlightened move 



588 Facing the Tiventieth Century. 

as a matter of necessary self-defense, and a commercial and 
humanitarian benefaction to the dissolving nations. 

AVe enjoy in this republic the most perfect religious 
liljerty known in the world. Aside from the persistent and 
continuous efforts of Romanism, and the occasional and spas- 
modic efforts of Pi'otestantism, under the claims of education 
aud charity to secure public money for sectai'ian propagation ; 
and aside from the questionable exemption of Church prop- 
erty from taxation, the separation of the church from the 
state is safe and normal. There is really no ground for 
debate as to the relation the United States Government 
should sustain toward any religion and any Church found 
in the new territory brought under its control. 

All religions must have absolute liberty, restrained only 
when they antagonize the principles of our Christian civili- 
zation. All churches must have equal protection and depend 
for their support upon the voluntary contributions from their 
adherents, whose first citizen loyalty is given to the civic gov- 
ei-nment Avhich guarantees their civil and religious liberty. 
Existing church organizations and religious orders, largely 
responsible for the past oppression of the people, must adjust 
themselves to American principles and institutions, and not 
expect the republic to compromise with a corrupt and cruel 
civilization styling itself the church. 

Is it not more than probable that a part of our privileged 
destiny shall be to stand side by side with the English-speak- 
ing Anglo-Saxon civilizations and dictate the permanent peace 
of the world, and in the historic contest between prerogative 
and privilege secure the triumphs of privilege for man against 
the oppressions of the prerogative of tyranny? 

The demands of humanity are upon us. In view of our 
own origin, and of the liberties we have partly inhei'ited and 
j)artly achieved, do we owe any duty and service to others 
Jess favored who come within the sphere of our influence? 

Do not the highest developments of our own national 



Mail if est Destiny. 589 

character demand that we attempt to meet the obligations 
seemingly thrust npon us by Providence? Do we not need 
an outlet for our expanding connnerce since the geographical 
commercial center of the world has been shifted to the Pacific ? 

A New York Tribune editorial, February 13, 1890, said: 
" President McKinley's message about a Pacific cable line 
marks an era in human history," This is because the chief 
of the republic, which has become a World-Power with an 
immense Pacific coast line, recognizes the strategic and com- 
mercial importance of independent means of communication 
both in war and in peace with our Eastern possessions. A 
Pacific cable and a Nicaragua canal are to become the hand- 
maids of manifest destiny. 

Will not a serious attempt to give a free and stable govern- 
ment to the degraded and oppressed peoples of our tiopical 
possessions necessitate an improved civil service at home 
and abroad? 

Have we a right to get out of line with the march of 
Anglo-Saxon civilization, which betters the condition of every 
race it conquers, rules, or touches ? 

Trafalgar and Manila in the same century lifted the world 
up into a better hope for a higher civilization, and neither of 
the Anglo-Saxon nations which burned these names into 
history can evade the responsibility for their work. 

What shall we do with our new possessions on both sides 
of the globe ? This question, from varied motives, is often 
asked in melancholy tones. There can be but one response 
by a people which fears God and loves righteousness. Give 
them the benefits of a fruitful civilization. If we are not 
able to do this, the sooner Ave learn the fact the better, foi- it 
will prove that we are unworthy of the civilization we enjoy 
and cannot be trusted to perpetuate it. The richest and most 
powerful nation in the Avorld, claiming to possess the best 
civilization, ought to be able to confront any duties, and 
especially if these duties possess an element of unselfishness. 



590 Facing the Twentieth Century. 

At Atlanta, Ga., December 15, 1808, President McKinley 
said : " Without abandoning past limitations, traditions, and 
principles, but by meeting present opportunites and obli- 
gations, we shall show ourselves worthy of the great trust 
wliich civilization has imposed upon us. Thus far we have 
done our supreme duty. Shall we now, when the victory 
won in war is written in the treaty of peace and the civilized 
world applauds and waits in expectation, turn timidly away 
from the duties imposed upon the country by its own great 
deeds ? And when the mists fade and we see with clearer 
vision, may we not go forth rejoicing in a strength which has 
Ijeen employed solely for humanity and always been tempered 
with justice and mercy, confident of our ability to meet the 
exigencies which await us, because confident that our course is 
one of duty and our cause that of right? " 

Contending armies are no longer to determine the destiny 
of nations nor the march of commerce. The nations in the 
future which are masters of the seas, and whose sovereignty is 
borne on armored floating forts and on peaceful merchant 
vessels, will close or open the ports of trade at the gateways 
of all the continents and islands, and determine the character 
of human civilization and dictate the discord or the peace of 
nations. The banner of this republic now has the right of 
way in all waters and commands the homage of all peoples. 

Once we took our reckoning for national duty from 
Lexington and Yorktown ; now we must reckon from 
Honolulu, Santiago, and Manila. The center of gravity for 
national moral responsibility has shifted. 

We have expanded, and, so long as the nation grows in 
wealth, population, and power, we cannot contract, and it 
matters not whether we attribute the fact of expansion to 
the forces of national evolution or to the law of civilization 
which determines national destiny. 

All uni'ecognized by us, certain causes during a recent 
historic period have been working a development in the 



Manifest Destiny. 591 

relation of nations, which has forced upon tlie United States 
international responsibilities. Among these causes are indus- 
trial development propelling by steam power and inventive 
energy to doubled production; new systems of highways on 
land and sea, creating half a million miles of railroads and 
raising the marine tonnage in less than fifty years from 
twelve million tons to fifty-two million ; electricity furnishing 
light, heat, power, and instantaneous connnunication ; and 
while machinery has displaced muscle, wages have increased 
while prices have on the average varied little. 

As the effect of these causes, the demands of our industrial 
position force us to look into the only remaining field of com- 
mercial expansion, for our industrial over-production exceeds 
our capacity of consumption. Our commercial future, and 
therefore our national prosperity, demands a defensive posi- 
tion in the Pacific. We now hold such a position, and we 
misjudge the American people if they do not demand its 
permanent possession. We believe this to be a fortress for 
intrenching our manifest destiny. 

Mr. W. Dodsworth, an able editor of the Journal of 
Commerce^ New York, after discussing the commercial ques- 
tions involved in the retention of the Philippines, says : 

" Some of our citizens shrink from a destiny so full of high 
responsibilities, confessedly because they have no confidence in 
the governing capacity and the official morals of the republic 
for its achievement. For my own part, I know of no adequate 
warrant for such bold depreciatory judgments on American 
citizens and American institutions. Great responsibilities 
are inseparable from national greatness. Power without 
responsibility breeds license; and license begets weakness. 
I have yet to learn what the American people lack, whether 
of honor, intelligence, or power, for winning the highest 
prizes of civilization, or for elevating the neglected races of 
mankind. I say for elevating the uncultured races ; foi- this 
opportunity calls for something larger than commercialization. 



592 Facing the Tioentieth Century. 

Fraiuliilently iuvert tlie use of language and call this 'imperi- 
alism,' if you will; yet, judged upon its true purposes, this 
mission offers the most positive challenge to modern imperi- 
alism that has yet been presented, and affords the only pos- 
sible pacific solution of the dangers with which imperialism is 
now threatening civilization." 

We have no patiiotic shudder over the cry of imperialism, 
because with us it means the retreat of barbarism before the 
>narch of civilization, the substitution among millions of 
,ieople of republican institutions in the place of a reign of 
oiuelty and rapacity. 

When the war with Spain began debate among us ceased. 
Criticism was silenced by the roar of cannon. When cannon 
silenced the enemy, we first heard only exultant shouts of 
victory, and when these sounds died away, and we began to 
realize the extent of our victories, criticism, which requires 
neither courage nor capacity, loudly roared again, and, while 
the sound was harsh and discordant, it did not arrest the 
mighty melody of the people's anthem of gratitude, faith, 
and courage. 

Two races and three nations rule the world to-day. The 
races are the Anglo-Saxon and the Slavic. The nations are 
Great Britain, the United States, and Kussia. Great Britain 
has been in the East for an hundred years, the United States 
liolds the Philippines, and Russia has finally reached the 
open sea at Port Arthur. The future of nations, the condi- 
tion of commerce, the character of extending civilizations, are 
held in the grasp of these two races and three nations. 
Recognition of identity of interests and purposes and prin- 
ciples for humanity, on the part of the Anglo-Saxon nations, 
will write the histoiy of the future. 

As a great nation, heretofore isolated, we have suddenly 
and unexpectedly burst our shell and found ourselves a 
niciiibcr of the family of nations, with all the incident oj^por- 
tunities and responsibilities. We have, by the Providence of 



Manifest Destiny. 593 

an all-wise God, come to be an important factor in the exten- 
sion of the liberties and institutions and Anglo-Saxon civil- 
ization which we possess as an inheritance from our ancestors. 
We cannot evade the responsibility, and the thoughtful 
character of our citizenship is not disposed to. Manifest 
destiny, divinely ordered, is upon us. Let us be careful. 

Anglo-Saxon Christian civilization in its perfect work 
would put an end to war by bringing in the i-eign of univer- 
sal peace, curb selfish competition by charity, banish poverty 
with plenty, prevent crime by the prevalence of justice and 
righteousness, destroy pestilence with purity, and prolong life 
by obedience to natural and moral law. 

We shall soon pass over the dividing line from the greatest 
century, save the first, in the history of the world into the 
greater twentieth century. The generations beyond will be 
crying for the message we shall bring to them. The momen- 
tum attained by a Christian civilization which it has taken 
nineteen centuries to create, will enable it to march with 
omnipotent tread in the dawn of the morning of the new 
century. 

" Here tlie free spirit of mankind <it length 

Throws its last fetters off; and who shall place 
A limit to the giant's unchained strength, 
Or curb his swiftness in the forward race ?" 



PART VIL 
APPENDIX. 

THE GENESIS OF MODERN CIVILIZATION, 

John Gutenburg printed the first copy of the Bible from cut metal movable tvnes 
in 1460. 

Memorable Events in American History, 1492-1899. 

The Continent of America is generally conceded to have been first visited by the 
Norsemen or the Vikings in the tenth or eleventh centuries. 

1492. Columbus lands on San Salvador, one of the Bahama Islands, Friday, October 

12. He discovers Cuba and Hay ti. 

1493. Columbus on his second voyage discovers the Caribbee Isles, Dominica, Gau- 

daloupe, Antigua, and in 

1494. Jamaica and the Isle of Pines. 

1497. Cabot (sent out by Henry VIII. of England) discovered Labrador on the coast 

of North America. 

1498. Columbus on his third voyage discovers Trinidad. Lands on Terra Firma 

without being aware that it is the mainland of South America. 

1499. Amerigo Vespucci, after whom the continent was named, claims to have 

reached the mainland of America. 

1500. Pinzon discovers Brazil and the river Amazon. Cabral, a Portuguese, lands in 

Brazil. 
1502-3. Columbus on his fourth voyage discovers various islands on the coast of 

Honduras. Discovers and names Porto Bello. Negro slaves imported into 

Hayti. 
1506. Death of Columbus, May 20. Yucatan discovered by Solis and Pinzon. 

1511. Velasquez subjugates Cuba. 

1512. Ponce de Leon discovers the coast of Florida. 

1513. Vasco de Balboa crosses the Isthmus of Darien and discovers the Pacific Ocean. 
1520. Magellan passes through the straits called by his name. 

1519-21. Fernando Cortez conquers Mexico. 

1526. Pizarro discovers the coast of Quito, and 

1532-35. Invades and conquers Peru. 

1534-35. Cartier enters the Gulf of St. Lawrence and reaches Montreal. California 

discovered by Grijalva, acting for Cortez. Buenos Ayres founded by Sleu- 

doza. 
1541. Chili conquered by Valdivia. Louisiana conquered by De Soto. 
1585. Raleigh establishes the first English settlement at Roanoke, Va. 
1604. First French settlement in Acadia (Nova Scotia). 

595 



596 Appendix. 

1607. First permanent English settlement on the mainland of North America at 

Jamestown, Va. 

1608. Quebec founded by the French. 

1614. Manhattan Island (New York), settled by the Dutch, also New Jersey. 

1620. The Mayflower Pilgrims arrive in New England, December 11. 

1622. The Scotch settle in Nova Scotia. 

1634. Maryland settled by English Roman Catholics. 

1635. Connecticut settled by the Engli.sli, and Rhode Island by Roger Williams and 

his followers from Massachusetts. 

1664. New York captured by the English. 

1669. Tiie English settle in the Carolinas. 

1682. William Penn and his colonists settle Pennsylvania. The French settle Lou- 
isiana. 

1732. Georgia settled by General Oglethorpe. 

1754. Kentucky settled by Colonel Boone. 

1763. Canada, after being conquered by the English, was ceded to Great Britain. 

1764. British Parliament imposes heavy duties on the American Colonies. 

1765. Passes the Stamp Act. First American Congress held in New York. The 

Stamp Act resisted. 

1766. The Stamp Act repealed. 

1767. Great Britain levies duties on tea, paper, painted glass, etc. 

1768. General Gates in command of the colonists at Boston. 

1773. Eight hundred and forty chests of tea destroyed at Boston and seventeen at 

New York. 

1774. Deputies from the States meet at Philadelphia. Declaration of Rights passed. 

1775. First action between British and Americans at Lexington, April 19. Act of 

perpetual union between the States. Washington appointed Commander-in- 
Chief. Battle at Bunker's Hill, June 16. 

1776. Declaration of Independence adopted July 4. General Howe takes Long 

Island, August 27; New York, September 15; and is victor at White Plains, 
October 29, and in Rhode Island, December 8. 

1777. Lafayette and other French officers join the Americans. Washington defeated 

at Brandywine. Cornwallis takes Philadelphia. Burgoyne is surrounded 
and capitulates at Saratoga, October 17. A federal government adopted by 
Congress. 

1778. The States recognized by France. 

1780. Cornwallis defeats Gates at Camden. Major Andre hanged as a spy Octo- 

ber 2. 

1781. The federal government accepted by all States. The Americans defeated by 

Cornwallis at Guildford, March 16, and by Arnold at Eutaw. Cornwallis 
surrenders with his army of seven thousand men to Washington at York- 
town, October 29. 

1782. Provisional articles of peace signed at Paris. November 30. 

1783. Definitive treaty of peace signed at Paris, September 3. 

1784. Treaty of peace ratified by Congress, January 4. 

1786. The cotton plant introduced into Georgia. 

1787. Constitution of the United States signed by a convention of States, Septem 

ber 17. 

1788. The Constitution ratified, May 23. 



Appendix. SOiT 

1789. The Government of the United States organized Marcli 4. Wa»liingtou de- 

clared President, April 6. 

1790. Benjamin Franklin dies, April 17. Rhode Island, the last of the original Slates, 

ratifies the Constitution. 

1791. United States Bank instituted. Vermont admitted to the Union. 

1792. City of Washington chosen as the Capital of the United Slates. Kentucky- 

admitted to the Union. 

1793. Eli Whitney invents the cotton-gin. Washington re-elected T'rcsideiit. 

1796. Washington resigns the Presidency. Tennessee admitted to the Union. 

1797. John Adams inaugurated President. 

1799. Washington dies, December 14. 

1800. The seat of government established at Washington. 

1801. Thomas Jefferson inaugurated President, and for a second term, 1805. 
1803. Ohio admitted to the Union. 

1803. Louisiana purchased for United States by Jefferson. 

1807. Robert Fulton starts the first steamboat on the Hudson. 

1809. James Madison inaugurated President. 

1813. War declared between the United States and Great Britain. The ship United 

States captures the British ship Macedonian. Louisiana admitted to the 

Union. 

1813. The American frigate Chesapeake cix^i\WQ([ by the Shannon, June 1. 

1814. The city of Washington taken by the British and public edifices burnt. The 

British squadron on Lake Champlain captured. Treaty of peace with Great 
Britain signed at Ghent, December 34, and ratified February 17, 1815. 

1816. Indiana admitted to the Union. 

1817. James Monroe inaugurated President. Mississippi admitted to the Union. 

1818. Foundation laid of the Capitol at Washington. Illinois admitted to the Union. 

1819. Alabama admitted to the Union. 

1820. Florida ceded to the United States by Spain. Maine admitted to the Union. 

1821. The "Missouri Compromise" enacted, and Missouri admitted to the Union. 
1825. John Quincy Adams inaugurated President. 

1836. Death of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. 
1829. Andrew Jackson inaugurated President. 
1833. New Tariff laws enacted. Commercial panic. 

1835. Great fire in New York; loss estimated at $20,000,000. 

1836. The National Debt paid off. Arkansas admitted to the Union. 

1837. Martin Van Buren inaugurated President. Rebellion in Canada. Victoria 

became Queen of Great Britain. Financial panic and suspension of specie 
payments. Michigan admitted to the Union. 

1841. William Henry Harrison inaugurated President; dies in the same year, and is 

succeeded bj^ John Tyler. 

1842. Tlie Ashburton Treaty concluded, adjusting the northeastern boundary of the 

United States. 

1845. War with Mexico. Florida and Texas admitted to the Union. James K. Polk 

inaugurated President. 

1846. Iowa and Wi.scousin admitted to the Union. New Mexico annexed. 

1849. Zachary Taylor inaugurated President. 

1850. President Taylor dies, and is succeeded by Millard Fillmore. John C. Calhoun 

dies. California admitted to the Union. Fugitive-Slave Law passed. 



598 Appeiidwc. 



ISjI Heiirv Cliiy dies, also James Fenimore Cooper. Louis Kossuth visits the United 
States. 

1S02. '• Uncle Tom's Cabin " published. Daniel Webster dies. 

lso3. Franklin Pierce inaugurated President. 

lS>t. Astor Library. New York, opened to the public. Repeal of the Missouri Com- 
promise Act. 

l!S56. Senator Charles Sumner assaulted by Preston S. Brooks. John C. Fremont 
nominated for the Presidency by the " Republican Party." 

ls.-)7. James Buchanan inaugurated President. Financial panic. Dred Scott 
Decision by the Supreme Court. 

ls:)S. Minnesota admitted to the Union. Telegraphic communication established 
between America and Great Britain. 

ls,V.». Oregon admitted to the Union. Insurrection at Harper's Ferry and John 
Brown executed. Washington Irving dies. 

IbGO. Abraham Lincoln elected President, receiving 180 of the 303 electoral votes. 
South Carolina secedes from the Union. Steamship Great Eastern arrives at 
New York. 

1S6L Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas secede from the 
Union. Kansas admitted to the Union. Jefferson Davis chosen President 
of the Southern Confederacy, February 18. Abraham Lincoln inaugurated 
President, March 4. Fort Sumter tired upon, April 12; evacuated, April 13. 
Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Tennessee secede from the Union, 
Battle of Bull Run, July 21. Jefferson Davis elected President of the Con- 
federate States for a term of six years. The Civil War extended from the 
firing on Fort Sumter, April 12, 1861, to the surrender at Appomattox Court 
Court House, April 9, 1865. 

1^62 Slavery abolished in the District of Columbia, April 4. Treaty between Great 
Britain and the United States for the suppression of the Slave Trade, ratified 
May 20. France propo.ses the joint mediation of England and Russia, and 
both Governments decline. 

1863. President Lincoln issues the "Emancipation Proclamation," January 2. West 
Virginia admitted to the Union. 

1804. Nevada admitted to the Union. President Lincoln re-elected, November 8. 

1M65 Slavery in the United States abolished by Congress, February 1. President 
Lincoln meets Confederate Peace Commissioners at Fortress Monroe, with- 
out results, February 3 General Lee, commander of the Confederate 
forces, surrenders with the Army of Northern Virginia to General Grant, at 
Appomattox Court House, April 9. President Lincoln shot by J. Wilkes 
Booth, at Ford's Theater, Washington, April 14, and dies April 15. William 
H. Seward, Secretary of State, wounded by an assassin about the same 
hour, but recovers. Andrew Johnson sworn in as President, April 15. 
Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, abolishing slavery, 
declared ratified, December 18. 

1866. The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, defining 
Civil Rights, passed by Congress. Atlantic telegraph cable successfully 
laid. 

1867 Nebra.ska admitted to the Union. Russian America ceded to the United 
States. Execution of Maximilian iu Mexico. Tenure of Office Act passed 
by Congress. 



1868 
1869 



Appendix. 699 

President Andrew Johnson impeaclied, tried, and acquitted. Fourteenth 

Amendment ratified. 
Ulysses S. Grant inaugurated President. Telegraph cal.le hiid between the 

United States and France. Union Pacific and Centra! Pacitic Kailioads 

joined. 

1870. General Robert E. Lee dies. Fifteenth Amendment ratified, giving right of 

suffrage to citizens of the United States, regardless of "race, color, or 
previous condition of servitude." 

1871. Treaty of Washington, between the United States and Great Britain, made 

and ratified. All the States again represented in both Houses of Congress. 
The Force Act for the protection of the negro passed by Congress. Great 
fire in Chicago. 

1872. Horace Greeley, nominated for President, is defeated by General Grant, and 

dies within a month. Arbitration Commission on "Alabama Claims," at 
Geneva, gives large award to the United States. Great fire in Boston. 

1873. General Grant inaugurated President (second term). Serious and widespread 

financial panic. 

1874. Rival State governments in Louisiana. Serious political disturbance and loss 

of life in New Orleans. Charles Sumner dies. 

1875. Hoosac Tunnel completed. Electricity profitably used for lighting. New 

telegraph cable laid between the United States and Great Britain. 

1876. Telephone invented by Professor Graham Bell. Centennial Exposition at 

Philadelphia. Colorado admitted to the Union. 

1877. Electoral Commission of Fifteen decides contested Presidential election in favor 

of Rutherford B. Hayes, who is inaugurated. J. Lothrop Motley dies. 

1878. Bland Legal Tender Silver Bill passed over President Hayes' veto. Death of 

William Cullen Bryant and Bayard Taylor. 

1879. President Hayes vetoes bill to restrict Chinese Immigration. William Lloyd 

Garrison dies. Specie payments resumed. 

1880. Treaty concluded between the United States and China, restricting immigra- 

tion. 

1881. James A. Garfield Inaugurated President. Shot in Washington, July 2, by 

C. J. Guiteau. Dies September 19. Chester A. Arthur formally sworn 
in as President, September 22. 

1882. Death of Henry W. Longfellow and Ralph Waldo Emerson. Guiteau, the 

assassin of President Garfield, executed. Seven hundred and eighty-eight 
thousand nine hundred and ninety-two immigrants arrived; highest record 
for any one year. Anti-Polygamy Law passed. 

1883. Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia dies. Peter Cooper dies. New York and 

Brooklyn Bridge opened. Civil Service Reform goes into effect under a 
commission; Dorman B. Eaton, Chairman. Letter postage reduced to two 
cents. 

1884. Territorial government established in Alaska. World's Fair at New Or- 

leans, La. 

1885. Grover Cleveland inaugurated President. General Grant dies. Passage of the 

Contract Labor Act. 

1886. Anarchist Riots in Chicago. Earthquake at Charleston, S. C. Passage of the 

Act regulating the Presidential succession. 

1887. Interstate Commerce Bill becomes a law. Henry Ward Beecher dies. 



000 Appendix. 



1888. Bill prohibiting Chinese immigration for twenty years becomes a law. Death 

of Henry Bergh and Koscoe Coukling. 

1889. Benjamin Harrison inaugurated President. North Dakota, South Dakota, 

Montana, and Washington admitted to the Union. New York State Centen- 
nial Celebration and Civic Parade. 

1890. Idaho and Wyoming admitted to the Union. McKinley TarifE Bill becomes a 

law. 

1891. George Bancroft, General W. T. Sherman, and James Russell Lowell die. 

Territory of Oklahoma declared open to settlement. 
189'3. Corner stone of Grant Monument, New York, laid by President Harrison. 
Strike and riots at Homestead, Pa. Cyrus W. Field dies. 

1893. First Roman Catholic Apostolic Delegate sent to the United States. Death of 

Kutherford B. Hayes and James G. Blaine. Grover Cleveland inaugurated 
President (second term). World's Columbian Exposition at Chicago. 

1894. Bland Seniorage Bill passed and vetoed by President Cleveland. Great Na- 

tional strike of Coal Miners and of the Pullman Car Company's employees. 
George W. Childs dies. 

1895. Supreme Court declares the Income Tax law null and void. Cotton States 

and International Exposition at Atlanta, Ga. 

1896. Utah admitted to the Union. Martinelli succeeds Satolli as Papal Legate at 

Washington. Arbitration agreed upon by Great Britain and the United 
States on Venezuela Boundary dispute. 

1897. William McKinley inaugurated President. Greater New York Charter passed. 

Dedication of General Grant's tomb at New York. Tennessee Centennial 
Plxposition at Nashville. New Tariff Bill passed and signed. 

1898. Destruction af the battleship Maine in the harbor of Havana, Cuba, February 

15. United States Congress unanimously votes $50,000,000 for defense. 
President McKinley 's Cuban Message to Congress, April 11. Joint resolu- 
tions passed by Congress April 18, and signed by the President April 20, 
for the expulsion of Spanish rule from Cuba. The President calls for 125,- 
000 volunteers April 23. Commodore Dewey destroys Spanish fleet of eleven 
vessels in Manila Bay, May 1. Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera re- 
ported in Santiago harbor. Naval Constructor Hobson, with a crew of 
seven men, sinks the collier Merrimac at the mouth of Santiago harbor, and 
all are taken prisoners June 4. American forces land near Santiago, Cuba, 
June 23. Destruction of Admiral Cervera's fleet off Santiago harbor July 3. 
Resolutions annexing Hawaii passed by Congress and signed by the Presi- 
dent, July 7. Santiago surrendered to the United States forces July 14, and 
the American flag raised July 17. Peace protocol between the United States 
and Spain signed at Washington, August 12.; M. Cambon, French Ambas- 
sador, representing Spain. Manila surrendered to Admiral Dewey, August 
13. American and Spanish Peace Commissioners meet at Paris, October 1. 
Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain signed at Paris, De- 
cember 10. 

1899. Formal cession of Spanish sovereignty in Cuba to the United States made at 

Havana, January 1. Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain 
ratified by the United States Senate February 6, Signed by President 
McKiuh-y February 11, and by the Queen Regent of Spain March 17. 



SOME ECCLESIASTICAL DEFINITIONS. 

An intelligent understanding of the autlioritative deiinitiun and mean- 
ing of terms and phrases employed in political and ecclesiastical dis- 
cussion is vital to an intelligent compreliension of tlie facts stated and the 
claims presented. In the study of the workings and claims of politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism, comparativelj^ few readers have access to 
authentic and official sources of information, and therefore become con- 
fused in reading discussions in which terms are used concerning which 
they have a verj^ vague understanding of their meaning. We therefore 
believe that the reader will be gratified to be able to study the extended 
literal quotations which we here give, bearing upon terms employed and 
subjects treated in our discussion, from autliors having the sanction of 
papal authorities. 

Among these definitions and subjects we mention: Canon Law, its 
source and authority all finally traceable to the Sovereign Pontiff; en- 
cyclicals; American canon law; Plenary Council; the Church a sover- 
eign state, and its jurisdiction; hierarchy; appeal to civil power; 
different opinions as to when the Roman Pontiff speaks ex-cathedra; the 
temporal power of the Pope; Apostolic legates, nuncios, and delegates 
and their powers; Protestant errors concerning the powers of the 
Cliurch; Inquisitors and the Inquisition of the Holy Office; marriage 
and divorce and ecclesiastical power; summary judicial proceedings 
in matrimonial causes; administering oaths to officials and witnesses; 
causes and varieties of divorces; involuntary divorces; the Church can 
inflict temporal and physical punishments; retreat and imprisonment; 
exiles; baptized heretics can be punished by the Church; the Pope can- 
not be punished; and the excommunicated must be shunned in social 

and civil life. 

The claims and assumptions of the Roman Catholic Church and the 
Papacy here officially and authoritatively set forth will be seen in many 
instances to conflict with the individual sovereignty of the citizen and 
with the laws of the land, and to be antagonistic to the spirit and 
genius of American institutions, virtually constituting a sovereign state 
within the state, an iirqjeriutn in irnjyerio. 

601 



GO 2 Appe7idix. 



"elements of ecclesiastical law." 

By Rev. S. B. Smith, D. D., formerly Professor of Canon Law. Vol. I. 
" Ecclesiastical Persons." 

Benziger Brothers, Printers to the Holy Apostolic See. 

CANON LAW. 

" Canon hue (jus canonicum, jus ecclesiasticum, jus sacrum, jus divinum, jus pon- 
tiriciuni) is so named because it is made up of rules or canons, which the Church pro- 
poses and establishes in order to direct the faithful to eternal happiness. Canon law, 
in the strict sense of the term, comprises those laws only which emanate from an 
ecclesiastical authority hd^viug supreme &i\(\ universal jurisdiction, and in this sense it 
isdetined: Complexio legum auctoritate Papte firmatarum, quibus tideles ad tiuem 
Ecclesiie proprium diriguntur " (Vol. I. p. 9). 

SOURCES OF CANON LAW. 

" There are eight sources of canon law, in the strict sense of the term — that is, 
as forming the common and not the particular law of the Church. These sources are: 
1, S. Scripture; 2, divine tradition; 8, laws made by the Apostles; 4, teachings of the 
Fathers; 5, decrees of sovereign Pontiffs; 6, Ecumenical councils; 7, Roman Congre- 
gations of cardinals; and 8, custom " (Vol. I. p. 11). 

ULTIMATE SOURCE OP CANON LAW. 

" All these sources may ultimately be reduced to one — theauthority of the sovereign 
Pontiff. For S. Scripture and divine tradition are not, properly speaking, sources 
of canon law, save when their prescriptions are promulgated by the Holy See. 
Again, the laws established by the Apostles and the teachings of the Fathers could 
not become binding on alllhe faithful, or be accounted as common laws of the Church, 
except by the consent and authority of Peter and his successors" (Vol. L p. 12). 

•' God himself, therefore, is the primary source of ecclesiastical law^ though He is 
but mediately exercising this authority through the Popes, who are the proximate 
and immediate source of canon law " (Vol. I. p. 12). 

" The decrees of the Roman Pontiffs constitute the chief source of canon law; naj', 
more, the entire canon law, in the strict sense of the term, is based upon their legislative 
authority. Hence it is that heretics have ever sought to destroy, or at least to weaken, 
this legislative power" (Vol. I. p. 17). 

" Ihe Sovereign Pontiff can, if he chooses, enact laics obligatory on the entire Church, 
indtpemlently of any acceptation " (Vol. L p. 19). 

THE POPE AND FREE-WILL. 

"Now, if the Pope could bind those persons only who of their own free-will ac- 
cepted his laws, he would evidently be possessed of no power to enact laws. In fact, 
the Pontiff, in such an hypothesis, would have no greater authority than any simple 
layman, or even woman, to whom anybody could be subject if he so chose He 
cutHd, at most, propose laws, and would, therefore, in this respect, be placed on a 
level with the President of the United States " (Vol. I. pp. 19-20). 



Appemlix. 603 

ENCYCLICALS. 

" Encyclicals are [the above-mentioned] constitutions or decretals when addressed 
to the bishops of the whole world or of some country. Encyclicals are generally 
made use of by Popes in order to determine some point of doctrine, or abolish abuses, 
as also to introduce uniformity of discipline " (Vol. I. p. 27). 

THE POPE AND NATIONAL CANON LAW. 

"All national canon law is more or less a derogation from the common law of the 
Church; hence it cannot become lawful unless sanctioned by tlie Pope. We say. by 
the Pope ; for no other power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, can dispense from' or 
repeal in part the universal law of the Church. Not the civil power, as is evident; 
nor an ecclesiastical power inferior to the Pope, such as councils, whether ecumeni- 
cal, national, or provisional, for no council is ecumenical save when approved by the 
Sovereign Pontiff " (Vol. I. p. 52). 

AMERICAN CANON LAW. 

" Q. What is meant by American canon law? 

"A. By the national ecclesiastical law of this country we understand the various 
derogations from the ' jus commune,' or the different customs that exist among the 
churches in the United States, and are sanctioned or tolerated by the Roman Pontiff. 
We say, ' are sanctioned or tolerated by the Roman Pontiff'; for, as was seen, no na- 
tional law can become legitimate except by at least the tacit or legal consent of the 
Pope. Again, the ' jus particulare ' of a nation always remains subject to the author- 
ity of the Holy See, in such manner as to be repealable at any time by it. Hence, the 
jus nationale, or the exceptional ecclesiastical laws prevalent in the United States, may 
be abolished at any time by the Sovereign Pontiff " (Vol. I. pp. 53-54). 

THE CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES. 

" The missionary condition of the Church in the United States is fast passing 
away, except so far as concerns some few dioceses of the far West and extreme South. 
In the greater portion of this country magnificent churches, capacious schools, and 
fine parochial houses have sprung up on all sides. These parishes have, as a rule, an 
abundant income in the shape of pew-rents and collections or donations. It is, indeed, 
no exaggeration to say that our parishes are, generally speaking, in a more flourishing 
condition than in the Catholic countries of Europe " (Vol. I. p. 55). 

PLENARY COUNCIL. 

" The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, which is perhaps the most important of 
all our councils, was solemnly opened on the 9th of November, 1884, and closed De- 
cember 7 of the same year. It was attended by fourteen archbishops, and sixty-tsvo 
bishops or their procurators. It was revi.sed by decree of the S. C. de Prop. Fide, 
dated September 21, 1885, and was promulgated by His Eminence Card. Gibbons, 
Archbishop of Baltimore and Apostolic Delegate, on the Feast of the Epiphany, 1886. 
Its decrees became obligatory all over the United States, on and from the day of this 
promulgation" (Vol. I. p. 75). 

THE CHURCH A SOVEREIGN STATE. 

" The Church is not merely a corporation (collegium) or part of civil society. 
Hence, the maxim is false, ' Ecclesia est in statu," or the Church is placed under the 
power of the state. The Church is rightly named a Sovereign State" (Vol. I. p. 82). 



G04 Appendix. 



IIIEUARCIIT. 

'•The word hierarcliy, therefore, comprises three things : 1, sacred power or eccle- 
siastical autliority; 2, a uuniber of persons possessing it; 3, rank and gradation 
uinoug these persons. Tlie hierarchy, therefore, whether of order or jurisdiction, is 
vested ill an organized body of ecclesiastics; the Roman Pontiff is the head of this 
organization " (Vol. I. p. 83). 

LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE POWER OF THE CHURCH. 

" Protestants contend that the entire power of the Church consists in the right to 
teach and exhort, but not in the right to command, rule, or govern; whence they 
infer that she is not a perfect society or sovereign state. This theory is false; for the 
Ciiurch, as was seen, is vested ^'wre divino with power, 1, to make Jaws ; 2, to define 
and apply them {potestasjudicialis); 3, to punish those who violate her laws (potestas 
coercitiva)." 

PUNISHMENTS AND DEATH PENALTY. 

" The punishments inflicted by the Church, in the exercise of her coercive author- 
ity, are chiefly spiritual (pieiuc spirituales), e. g., excommunication, suspension, and 
interdict. We say cldejfy, for tlie Church can inflict temporal and even corporal 
punishments. 

'• Has the Church power to inflict the penalty of death? Card. Tarquini thus 
answers: 1. Inferior ecclesiastics are forbidden, though only by ecclesiastical law, to 
exercise this power directly. 2. It is certain that the Pope and ecumenical councils 
have this power at least mediately— that is, they can, if the necessity of the Church 
demands, require a Catholic ruler to impose this penalty. 3. That they cannot directly 
exercise this power cannot be proved " (Vol. I. p. 90). 

RESTRICTION CONFESSED. 

" Things, moreover, may come within the jurisdiction of the Church not only by 
reason of their nature or character, as we have just seen, but also because of the per- 
sons to which they refer. Thus, according to the common law of the Church, eccle- 
siastics are not amenable to the jurisdiction of civil courts; the bishop is the only 
competent judge in all their causes. We say, according to the common law of the 
Church; for, at present, this privilege is almost everywhere greatly restricted. Eccle- 
siastics may also implead and be impleaded in many instances in civil courts, especially 
in non-Catholic countries" (Vol. I. p. 92). 

APPEAL TO CIVIL POWER PROHIBITED. 

" Q. Is it allowed to appeal to the civil power or seek redress in the civil courts 
against wrongs inflicted by ecclesiastical superiors? 

" A. Such appeals are, as a rule, not only unlawful, but null and void. For the 
Church, being a perfect and supreme society, is necessarily the supreme, and there- 
fore, sole and ultimate judge in matters pertaining to her jurisdiction, i. <?., in ecclesi- 
astical and spiritual things. The civil power, so far from having any authority over 
the Church in this respect, is itself subject to her. Persons, therefore, who have 
reason to believe themselves in any way unjustly treated by their ecclesiastical 
suiKTJors, can seek redress only in the Church herself— namely, by appealing to the 
proper ecclesiastical superior, and. in the last resort, to the Sovereign Pontifl'. The 
Holy See is the supreme tribunal in the Church; its decisions are unappealable, as is 
tlius stated by the Vatican Council. In no case, therefore, is it allowed to appeal to 
civil courts from the decisions of the Holy See " (Vol. I. p. 227). 



Appendix. 605 

" Having seen how it is forbidden to sue bishops in secular courts, we may he per- 
mitted to digress somewhat from our subject, and to ask: Can priest's and ecclesinsti- 
cal persons in general sue otlicr ecclesiastical persons, inferior to bin/tops, in secular 
courts? We answer: 1. They certainly cannot, in matters strictly ecclesiastical. Tliis 
is manifest from what has been said above. 2. They can, in temporal matters; but 
before doing so, they must obtain permission from the bishop " (Vol. 1. p. 229). ' 

RIGHTS OF PAPAL SUPREMACY. 

"Now, the immediate rights of the Papal supremacy are these two: infallibihty 
and supreme legislative authority " (Vol. I. p. 242). 

EX-CATHEDRA. 

" Q. When does the Roman Pontiff speak ex-cathedraf 

" A. He speaks ex-cathedra, and is infallible of himself, i. e., independently of the 
consent of the Church, 1, when as Pastor and Head of the Churcli, and by virtue of 
his supreme apostolical authority; 2, he proposes to the entire Chm(jh, \], any doctrine 
concerning faith and morals, 4, to be believed under pain of heresy. These condi- 
tions are required only for the validity of Pontifical decisions ex-cathedra. Others 
are requisite for the licitness of such definitions; thus, the Pope, before giving an 
ex-cathedra definition, should maturely examine into tlie question to be defined and 
consult with the cardinals; for he is merely assisted, not inspired, by the Holy Ghost 
when giving a definition ex-cathedra. Catholics are bound to assent to these defini- 
tions, not only externally, but also internally or mentally " (Vol. I. pp. 243-244). 

POWER OF POPES IN TEMPORAL THINGS. 

" There are four different opinions respecting the power of the Popes in temporal 
things: 1. The first holds that the Sovereign Pontiff, as such, \v<\^,jnredivino, absolute 
power over the whole world, in political as well as ecclesiastical affairs. 2. The second, 
held by Calvinists and other heretics, runs in the opposite extreme, and pretends (a) 
that the Sovereign Pontiff has no temporal power whatever; (b) that neither Popes 
nor bishops had any right to accept of dominion over cities or states, the temporal 
and spiritual power being, /ure divino, not unitablc in the same person. 3. The third, 
advanced by Bellarmine and others, maintains that the Pope has, jwre divino, only 
spiritual, but no direct or immediate temporal power; that, however, by virtue of 
his spiritual authority, he is possessed of power, indirect, indeed, but nevertheless 
supreme, in the temporal concerns of Christian rulers and peoples; that he may, 
therefore, depose Christian sovereigns, should the spiritual welfare of a nation so 
demand. Thus, as a matter of fact. Pope Innocent IV., in pronouncing sentence of 
deposition against Frederic II., explicitly says that he deposes the emperor auctori- 
tate apostolica et vi clavium. 4. The fourth opinion holds that the Sovereign Pontiff 
has full spiritual authority over princes no less than over the faithful; that therefore 
he has the right to teach and instruct them in their respective duties, to correct and 
inflict spiritual punishments upon both rulers and peoples; hniihai, jure divino, he 
has no power, as asserted by Bellarmine, whether direct or indirect, in the temporal 
affairs of Catholic sovereigns or peoples. We say, as asserted by Bellarmine; for the 
advocates of this opinion, by giving the Pope full power to correct princes and 
peoples, necessarily attribute to him an indirect power in temporal things; they deny, 
however, that this potestas indirecta in temporalia includes the deposing power, as 
maintained by Bellarmine. The first opinion is untenable, and is refuted by Bellar- 
mine himself; the second is heretical; the third and fourth seem to differ chiefly as to 



606 Appendix. 

the deposing power of the Popes, but agree in granting that the Roman Pontiff has 
an indirect power in temporal things; both may be lawfully held " (Vol. I. pp. 251- 
252). 

PROOFS OF TEMPORAL POWER. 

" We next prove our thesis from autlwrity. We refer to the famous bull Unam 
Sancfam, issued by Pope Boniface VIII. in 1302. This bull declares that there is but 
one true Cinirch, and therefore but one head of the Church — the Roman Pontiff; that 
tliere are two swords — t. e., two powers— the spiritual and the temporal; the latter 
must be subject to the former. The bull finally winds up with this definition: ' And 
this we declare, affirm, defiie {defuimus), and pronounce that it is necessary for the sal- 
vation of every human creature that he should be subject to the Roman Pontiff.' This 
is undoubtedl}' a defide definition — i. e., an utterance ex cathedra. In fact, the bull, 
though occasioned by and published during the contest between Boniface VIII. and 
Philip the Fair, King of France — who held that he was in no sense subject to the 
Roman Pontiff — had for its object, as is evident from its whole tenor and wording, 
tliis; to define dogmatically the relation of the Church to the State i?i general ; that is, 
universally, not merely the relations between the Church and the particular state or 
nation — France. Now, what is the meaning of this de fide definition? There are two 
interpretations: One, given by the enemies of the Papacy, is that the Pope, in tliis 
bull, claims, not merely an indirect, but a direct and absolute, power over the slate, 
thus completely subordinating it to the Church; that is, subjecting it to the Church, 
even in purely temporal things. This explanation, given formerly by the partisans of 
Philip the Fair, by the Regalists in the reign of Louis XIV., and at present by Janus, 
Dr. Schulte, the Old Catholics, and the opponents of the Papal infallibility in gen- 
eral, is designed to throw odium upon the Holy See and arouse the passions of men, 
especially of governments, against the lawful authority of the Sovereign Pontiffs. 
The second or Catholic interpretation is that the Church, and therefore the Pope, has 
indirect authority over the state; that therefore the state is subject to the Church in 
temporal things, so far as they relate to eternal salvation or involve sin " (Vol. I. pp. 
255-56). 

" Pope Pius IX. himself, in one of his discourses, says, ' that the right of depos- 
ing princes has nothing to do with the Pontifical infallibility; neither does it flow 
from the infallibility but from the authority of the Pontiff " (Vol. I. p. 259). 

ORIGIN OF TEMPORAL POWER. 

" This temporal dominion, it is true, was not bestowed by God upon the Pope in 
the beginning; for, even toward the close of the sixth century, the Pontiffs were not 
as yet independent rulers of temporal dominions. But when the Roman Empire was 
overthrown and divided into several kingdoms, then it was that the Sovereign Pon- 
tiffs obtained their temporal principality, divinm jrrovid^intim consilio. The civil 
duininion of the Pope, whether acquired by the munificence of princes or the volun- 
tary submission of peoples, though not essential to the primacy, is nevertheless very 
useful, nay, in the present state of things, in a measure necessary to the free exercise 
of the prerogatives of the Pope as head of the Church. Princes, in fact, would 
scarcely be willing to obey a pontiff placed under the civil power of another ruler " 
(Vol. I. p. 260). 

AGE OF TEMPORAL POWER. 

"The temporal principality of the Popes has existed already eleven centuries, and 
thus precedes by a long lapse of time every existing sovereignty. There is, it is true, 



Appendix. 607 

no divine guarantee that this power shall continue; it has been treacherously wrested 
from the present Pontiff by the Italian government. That, however, it will revert to 
the Popes we have no doubt. Napoleon I., too, took these po.ssessioiis from the aged 
Pius VII. Yet Napoleon's empire has since vanished like a dream, while the patri- 
mony of St, Peter passed again into the hands of the Pontiff " (Vol. I. p. 280-61). 

APOSTOLIC LEGATES, NUNCIOS, AND DELEOATEB. 

" Apostolic legates, nuncios, and delegates, speaking in general, arc persons ap- 
pointed or sent by the Holy See to the different countries or parts of Christendom 
for the purpose of representing and acting for the supreme Poutiff cither in the exer- 
cise of Papnl jurisdiction or in a non-jurisdictional capacity. 

"These ambassadors, therefore, are the representatives of the Roman Pontiff in 
the exercise of the supreme, ordinary, and immediate jurisdiction vested in him over 
the whole Christian world " (Vol. I. p. 297). 

DELEGATE IN THE UNITED STATES. 

"The Holy See has, at present, its nuncios at Paris, Vienna, Madrid, Lisbon, 
Munich, etc. There are also in a number of missionary countries, e. rj., at Constan- 
tinople, in Egypt, in Greece, etc., apostolic delegations or legateships permanently 
established and depending upon the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda. Recently, by 
a brief of Pope Leo XIII. issued on the 24th of January, 1893, a permanent apostolic 
delegation has been established in the United States, with the learned and able Arch- 
bishop SatoUi as its first incumbent " (Vol. I. p. 301). 

POWERS OP PAPAL ENVOYS. 

" According to the law and discipline of the Church as now in force, these apos- 
tolic envoys have by virtue of their appointment as apostolic nuncios or delegates, 
the right to exercise, in the name and in the stead of the Pope himself, ordinary 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the laity, clergy, and episcopate of the country to 
which they are sent. The country to which they are sent is called their province 
because they resemble the old Roman governors and proconsuls. For as the latter 
were sent by the Roman emperor to govern the various provinces of the empire in his 
name and with his authority, so apostolic delegates and nuncios are sent by the Pope 
to govern in his name, spiritually and ecclesiastically, certain countries of Chris- 
tendom. 

" We say in the name of the Pope himself. For these apostolic envoys take the place, 
of the Roman Pontiff himself , represent his powers and his person, and have therefore 
in principle the same jurisdiction as the Pope himself. They are sent by the Roman 
Pontiff, with his own power, in order to act in his stead and in his name, in all mat- 
ters falling under his jurisdiction as the head of the Church. Consequently their 
jurisdiction is, like that of the Pope himself, immediate, not merely appellate, save 
with regard to the causes specified by the Council of Trent " (Vol. 1. pp. 307-08). 

AMBASSADORS AND THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

" Q. What are the laws of the United States in relation to ambassadors? 

"A. 1. Ambassadors are exempted absolutely from all allegiance and responsibil- 
ity to the laws of the country to which they are deputed. 2. Their persons are 
deemed inviolable. 3. An ambassador, while he resides in the foreign state, is con- 
sidered as a member of his own country; and the government he represents has ex- 
clusive cognizance of his conduct and control of his person. 4. The attendants of 



(^Og Apjyendix. 

the ambassador and the effects in his use are equally exempt from foreign jurisdic- 
tion 5. A person who offers violence to ambassadors, or is concerned in prosecutmg 
or arresting them, is liable to imprisonment for three years and to a fine at the discre- 
lioii of the court. 

■• Q. Are these laws applicable to Papal legates? 

'•A. A Papal legate may be sent to represent the Holy See, either in a diplomatic 
capacity only or in matters purely ecclesiastical. In the latter case he would be con- 
sidered as an ordinary resident of the country; in the former he would rank with 
other ambassadors, and be entitled to equal rights with them " (Vol. I. p. 318). 

PROTESTANT ERRORS, 

" Protestants contend that the Church is but a corporation or imperfect society, 
not a perfect society or Sovereign State; that she has only the power of suasion, not 
of external jiirLsdiction, and is therefore possessed of no judiciary powers proper. It 
is moreover falsely asserted by many that what judiciary power the Church has ever 
exercised, she has done so only by consent of the secular power." 

JUDICIAL POWERS OF THE CHURCH. 

" Against these and other errors of a similar kind we lay down the following proposi- 
tion: 'The Church is possessed of an external forum for the exercise of judicial 
power, properly so called.' ' The Church can establish courts or tribunals of its own, 
where judges appointed by it have power to try and pass sentences upon certain 
ecclesiastical causes in such a manner that persons accused or sued are bound 
even in conscience to appear before them (if properly cited), and may be compelled 
by the judge, both by censure and temporal penalties, to appear and undergo the 
sentence pronounced against them ' " (Vol., II. p. 14). 

" From what has been said, we infer: 1. The Church is clothed with judicial power 
proper; that is, she can have tribunals of her own, to hear or try causes, before giving 
decisions or inflicting punishments. 2. Consequently, she can compel persons, 
even by penalties, to appear before her tribunals and obey the sentence of her courts. 
Otherwise her judicial power would be useless. 3. This judicial power was given 
her, not by secular rulers, but by God himself " (Vol. II. p. 17). 

INQUISITORS AND THE INQUISITION. 

"Although, as we have seen, the Holy See no longer sends special inquisitors 
tlirough the various parts of Christendom for the purpose of trying and sentencing 
heretics, as was done formerly, yet it were incorrect to imagine that the discussion of 
the mode of procedure against heretics, peculiar to the tribunals of the Inquisition, is 
altogether useless at the present day. For bishops are still in their respective dio- 
ceses, the inquisitors ex officio (inquisitores nati) in matters of heresy, and are bound, 
in tlicir procedure against heretics, to observe the peculiar formalities or special form 
of procedure prescribed by the law of the Church for the punishment of crimes against 
the Catholic faitli. 

"Moreover, a study of the subject will dispel the false and erroneous impressions 
current among non-Catholics, in regard to the working of the tribunals of the Inquisi- 
tion, so much abused and perhaps so little understood by them. The peculiar mode of 
jirocedun; against heretics is called inqnidfioii ; and the tribunals established for the 
purpose of proceeding against them are called by the same name, or also tribunals of 
the Holy Uflice " (Vol. II. pp. 384-35). 



Appendix, . 009 

MARRIAGE AND ECCLESIASTICAL POWER. 

" Among those matters which fall under the jurisdiction of the ecclesinslirai forum 
by their very nature, marriage holds u prominent place. The Council <.f 'rrcni has 
expressly defined that matrimonial causes belong to ecclesiastical, n«t t., .secular 
judges. However, as Pope Benedict XIV. well explains, not everything that relates 
to marriage pertains, by that very fact, to the ecclesiastical forum. For there are 
three kinds of matrimonial causes or questions. First, some have reference to the 
validity of the marriage contracted. That these questions belong e.xchisiveiy to the 
ecclesiastical forum no Catholic can deny. Thus the Churcii has the sole right to 
declare whether an impediment exists or not. In like manner, it is her province to 
pronounce upon the legitimacy or illegitimacy of the children, because questions of 
this kind depend upon the validity or nullity of the marriage. Hence, as it helonK.<» 
to the Church to declare whether a marriage is valid or not, so also is it her right to 
pronounce children either legitimate or illegitimate, at least so far as the ecclesiastical 
effects are concerned. 

DIVORCE AND ECCLESIASTICAL POWER. 

" Secondly, others regard either the validity of betrothments or the right of having a 
divorce from bed and board. These, in like manner, because of their relation to the 
sacrament of matrimony, pertain solely to the ecclesiastical forum. We say, because 
of their relation, etc. ; for it is evident that betrothments are a preliminary step to mar- 
riage, and divorces destroy the rights arising from marriage. 

" Thirdly, there are those which are connected indeed with matrimony, but yet have 
a direct bearing only on temporal or secular matters, such as the marriage dower or 
gifts, the inheritance, alimony, and the like. These belong to the secular fonun, and 
not, at least directly, to the ecclesiastical judge. We say, not, at least directli/: for 
when they come up before the ecclesiastical judge incidentally, i. e.,m connection 
with and during the trial or hearing of matrimonial ciuestions concerning the validity 
of a marriage, betrothment, or the right to a divorce a thoro et viensa, they can be 
decided by him " (Vol. II. pp. 369-70). 

SUMMARY JUDICIAL PROCEEDING IN MATRIMONIAL CAUSES. 

" By the law ot the Church as enacted by Pope Clement V., the trial, or jutiicial 
proceedings in all matrimonial causes whatever, whether they relate to divorces from 
bed and board, betrothments, or even to the validity of a marriage already contracted, 
can be summary {j)rocessus stnnmarius), and therefore need not be conducted with all 
the formalities of the ordinary trial, ox processus or dinarius. 

" This law is still in force, at least, with regard to all matrimonial causes, where 
there is no question of the nullity of a marriage already contracted " (Vol. II. p. 378). 

ADMINISTERING OATHS TO OFFICIALS AND WITNESSES. 

" Here it may be asked whether the swearing in of the officials of the court and of 
the witnesses is feasible, or even obligatory, in matrimonial causes in the United 
States? 

" We now answer. That it is feasible, with us, to administer the oath to the officials 
and witnesses under consideration, there can scarcely be any doubt. The only objec- 
tion that could be urged would be that our civil law considered such oaths illegal, 
which, as we have seen, is not the case. Our civil law simply holds itself neutral 
with regard to such oaths, neither recognizing nor forbidding them " (Vol. II. p. 380). 



(i^lO Apjyendix. 

CAtrSES AND VARIETIES OF DIVORCES. 

" By irhose nuthoriiy and far what causes separation from bed and board can take 
place. Divorces are of two kinds, as we have shown elsewhese, namely, (a) a vinculo 
from the boud of matrimony, wliich totally severs the marriage tie; (b) and a mensa 
et thoro, from bed and board, which merely separates the parties without dissolving 
the marriage bond. While the Church teaches on the one hand that a marriage 
wliich 1ms once been validly contracted and also consummated by the faithful can 
never be dissolved as to the vinculum, except by the death of one of the married 
couple, she also affirms on the other that a divorce or separation from bed and board 
may be allowed for various reasons and in various cases" (Vol. II. p. 383). 

•' As the heading of this article indicates, we shall here confine ourselves to tbe 
latter kind of divorce— namely, that from bed and board. It can take place, and 
that either for life or only for a time, (a) by the mutual consent of the married 
couple— f. jr., where both agree to embrace the religious state, even after they have 
consummated the marriage, or where the party guilty of adultery, cruelty, etc., vol- 
untarily assents to the separation demanded by the innocent party, without oblig- 
ing the latter to have recourse to the ecclesiastical judge to obtain the divorce, (b) or 
even against the will of one of the married couple. Of this latter separation we here 
speak." 

INVOLUNTARY DIVORCES. 

" Q. What are the causes or reasons that render a divorce or separation from bed 
and board against the will of either of the married couple lawful in the eyes of the 
law of the Church? 

' ' A. We premise : The divorce in question can take place only for grave causes, 
expressed in or approved by the sacred canons. These causes are chiefly the follow- 
ing: 1. Adultery. 2. The falling into heresy or infidelity of the husband or wife. 
3. Danger of soul's salvation. 4. Cruelty or bodily danger in general. We observe, 
however, that only in one of these cases, namely, in the case of adultery— is this 
divorce or separation perpetual or for life. In the other case it is;)«r se but temporary, 
lasting only as long as the reason for which it was granted continues to exist. 

" We observe secondly, that, as a rule, the separation should be made by authority 
of the proper ecclesiastical judge (namely, the bishop to whom the couple is subject), 
or tribunal, but not the parties themselves. For nobody is a competent judge in his 
own aiuse. We say, by authority of the proper ecclesiastical judge ; for it is not per- 
mitted, at least per se, to have recourse to the civil or secular courts for a divorce, 
whether quoad vinculum or only quoad thorum. Yet, as we have shown in our 
' Notes on the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore,' from Kenrick, whose opinion 
is indorsed by the illustrious Feije, Catholics, not only in the United States but also 
in Europe, may at times apply to the secular authorities for a divorce, not indeed as 
though they recognized in the civil power any authority to grant divorces, but simply 
and solely for the purpose of obtaining certain civil effects, which have been fully 
described in our above ' Notes' " (Vol. II. pp. 384-85). 

THE CHURCH A SOVEREIGN STATE, PERFECT AND SUPREME. 

" As we have already shown, the Church is a Sovereign State, that is, a perfect 
and supreme society, established by our Lord for the purpose of leading men to 
lieavcn. We say, a society; now what is a society? Speaking in general, it is a 
number of persons associated together, in order to attain, by united efforts, some 
common end. We say, perfect; because she is complete of herself, and therefore has 



Appendix. 611 

within her own bosom all the means sufficient to enable her to attain her end. We 
say .vipreme; because she is subject to no other society on cartii. Like every society, 
the Church is an external organization. For sJie is composed of human beings, wlid 
have a body as well as a soul. Slie is, in fact, by the will of her divine Founder, a 
community, an association of men, governed by men." 

THE CHURCH CAN INFLICT TEMPOK.VL AND PHYSICAL PUNISHMKNTS. 

I' That the Church can punish her members for such infractions of her laws, is 
evident from her very character as a society, and is, moreover, apparent from divine 
revelation, as we have already shown. St. Paul the Apostle writes to the Corinthians: 
'And having in readiness to avenge all disobedience.' We have also .seen tliat the 
Church can inflict temporal and physical as well as spiritual punishments " (Vol. 111. 
pp. 7-8). 

TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL PUNISHMENTS. 

" Finally, it should be observed that the punishments of the Cliurch may produce 
not only spiritual, but also temporal effects, and accordingly they may be either 
temporal or spiritual. The temporal punishments of the Church are those which 
chiefly affect the temporal or worldly interests of the delinquent. They may be such 
as more directly affect (a) the soul, such as the loss of good name ; or (b) the body, 
such as whipping, exile, detention in a monastery ; (c) or also the property or posses- 
sions of the offender, as pecuniary fines. Spiritual punishmeitts are those which 
deprive the culprit, either temporarily or permanently, of a spiritual office or privilrgp, 
or of the exercise of sacred Orders, such as dismissal from benefice or office, privation 
of ecclesiastical burial, of active and passive vote in ecclesiastical elections, etc." (Vol. 
III. p. 33). 

RETREAT AND IMPRISONMENT. 

" In former times there were ecclesiastical prisons, properly speaking, and the 
law of the Church authorized ecclesiastical judges to decree imprisonment, against 
ecclesiastics and laics, for grave crimes, proven juridically, z.". e., by a formal trial. 
At the present day, imprisonment proper is no longer, at least generally speaking, 
inflicted by ecclesiastical judges. Ecclesiastics who have been proved guilty of crime, 
instead of being imprisoned by the Bishop, are, also in the United States, sometimes 
sent to religious houses or other places of retreat, to do penance " (Vol. III. p. 141). 

EXILE. 

" Exile, in the ecclesiastical sense of the term, consists in this, that an ecclesiastic 
or laic who is guilty of crime is expelled from the diocese, and forbidden to return. 
Sometimes a person is banished merely from a particular city or locality, but not from 
the entire diocese " (Vol. III. p. 142). 

BAPTIZED HERETICS CAN BE PUNISHED. 

"No person can become liable to the punishments of the Church correctional or 
punitive, unless lie is a memher of the Church by baptism. For infidels, that is, all 
those who are unbaptized, do not fall under the power of the Church. The case is 
different with heretics, schismatics, and apostates. For although they have fallen 
away from the Church, they nevertheless remain in a certain sense members of her 
pale, by reason of their baptism, and are subject to her laws and authority. Hence. 
per se, they also fall under her punishments, correctional or punitive " (Vol. 111. 
p. 161). 



gl2 Appendix. 

THE POPE CANNOT BE PUNISHED. 

•From the principle just laid down it follows that the Pope cannot incur any 
reformative punishments whatever, not even tliose lat(^ senientm inflicted by the 
general law of the Church. For he has no superior on earth, and hence there is no 
one who can e.xerci.se jurisdiction over him. Again the highest law giver is not, in 
the ordinary sen.se, bound by his own laws, since no one can be his own Superior. 
Now the PonlilT is the highest law-giver in the Church, and from him all the general 
laws of the Church emanate, either directly or indirectly " (Vol. III. p. 164). 

THE EXCOMMUNICATED TO BE SHUNNED. 

" But the Church goes still farther. In order to inspire the excommunicate with 
salutary feelings of rci^entance, and also to preserve the faithful from contagion by 
contact with him. the Church strictly commands the faithful to shun and avoid him 
or his society and company, even in the ordinary social and civil relations and inter- 
course of daily life" (Vol. III. p. 310). 

GLADSTONE ON THE VATICAN DECREES. 

FROM " THE VATICAN DECREES IN THEIR BEARING ON CIVIL ALLEGIANCE," 
HARPER & BROS., 1875. 

"All other Christian bodies are content with freedom in their own religious 
domain. Orientals, Lutherans, Calvinists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Noncon- 
formists, one and all in the present day, contentedly and thankfully accept the 
benefits of civil order ; never pretend that the State is not its own master ; make no 
religious claims to temporal possessions or advantages ; and, consequently, never are 
in perilous colli-sion with the State. Nay, more, even so I believe it is with the mass 
of Roman Catholics individually. But not so with the leaders of their Church, or 
Willi those who take pride in "following the leaders. Indeed, this has been made 
nialter of boa.st : 

'"There is not another Church so called [than the Roman], nor any community 
professing to be a Church, which does not submit, or obey, or hold its peace when the 
civil governors of the world command.'— 77/c Present Crisis of the Holy Sec. By 
H. E. Manning, D. D., London, 1861, p. 75. 

"The Rome of the Middle Ages claimed universal monarchy. The modern 
Church of Rome has abandoned nothing, retracted nothing " (p. 12). 

" I will state in the fewest possible words and with references, a few propositions, 
all the holders of which liave been condemned by the See of Rome during my own 
generation, and especially within the last twelve or fifteen years. And, in order that 
I may do nothing toward importing passion into what is matter of pure argument, 
I will avoid citing any of the fearfully energetic epithets in which the condemnations 
are sometimes clothed. 

"1. Those who maintain the liberty of the Press. Encyclical Letter of Pope 
Gregory XVI., in 1831 ; and of Pope Pius IX., in 1864. 

"2. Or the liberty of conscience and of worship. Encyclical of Pius IX. , Decem- 
ber 8, 1864. 

"3. Or the liberty of speech. 'Syllabus' of March 18, 1861. Prop. Ixxix. 
Encyclical of Pope Pius IX., December 8, 1864. 

"4. Ov who contend that Papal judgments and decrees may, without sin, be dis- 
obeyed or difl"ered from, unless they treat of the rules of faith or morals. Ibid. 



Appendix. 613 

" 5. Or who assign to the State the power of defining the civil rights and province 
of the Church. ' Syllabus' of Pope Pius IX., INFarch 8, 1861. Ibid. Prop. xix. 

" 6. Or who hold that Roman Poutitfs and Ecumenical Councils have transgressed 
the limits of their power, and usurped the rights of princes. Ibid. Prop, xxiii. 

" 7. Or that the Church may not employ force. ' Syllabus.' Prop. xxiv. 

"8. Or that power, not inherent in the office of the Episcopate, but grunted to it 
by the civil authority, may be withdrawn from it at the discrelion of that authority. 
Ibid. Prop. XXV. 

"9. Or that the civil immunity of the Church and its ministers depends upon civil 
right. Ibid. Prop. xxx. 

"10. Or that in the conflict of laws, civil and ecclesiastical, the civil law should 
prevail. Ibid. Prop. xlii. 

" 11. Or that any method of intruction of youth, solely secular, may be approved. 
Ibid. Prop, xlviii. 

" 12. Or that knowledge of things philosophical and civil may and should decline 
to be guided by divine and ecclesiastical authority. Ibid. Prop. Ivii. 

" 13. Or that marriage is not in its essence a sacrament. Ibid. Prop. Ixvi. 

" 14. Or that marriage not sacramentally contracted has a binding force. Ibid. 
Prop. Ixxiii. 

"15. Or that the abolition of the temporal power of the Popedom would be 
highly advantageous to the Church. Ibid. Prop. Ixxvi. Also Prop. Ixx. 

" 16. Or that any other religion than the Roman religion may be established by 
a State. Ibid. Prop. Ixxvii. 

"17. Or that in ' countries called Catholic ' the free exercise of other religions may 
laudably be allowed. ' Syllabus.' Prop. Ixxviii. 

" 18. Or that the Roman Pontiff ought to come to terms with progress, nberaliam. 
and modern civilization. Ibid. Prop. Ixxx" (pp. 15-16). 

"The Pope's infallibility, when he speaks ex cathedra on faith and morals, has 
been declared, with the assent of the Bishops of the Roman Church, to be an article 
of faith, binding on the conscience of every Christian ; his claim to the obedience of 
his spiritual subjects has been declared in like manner without any practical limit or 
reserve ; and his supremacy, without any reserve of civil rights, has been similarly 
afHrmed to include everything which relates to the discipline and government of the 
Church throughout the world. And these doctrines, we now know on the highest 
authority, it is of necessity for salvation to believe " (p. 25). 

" Individual servitude, however abject, will not satisfy the party now dominant in 
the Latin Church ; the State must also be a slave. 

"Our Saviour had recognized as distinct the two provinces of the civil rule iind the 
Church ; had nowhere intimated that the spiritual authority was to claim the disposal 
of physical force, and to control in its own domain the authority which is alone 
responsible for external peace, order, and safety among civilized communities of 

men " (p. 29). ..^ , j • .-.i i 

" I submit then, that my fourth proposition is true ; and that England is entitled 
to ask and to know, in what way the obedience required by the Pope and the 
Council of the Vatican is to be reconciled with the integrity of civil allegiance 

(P- 31). . „ , . 

[Is not America also entitled to a response to this question from Rome, and not 
be put off by responses from political prelates who state one thing for American 
consumption and then proceed to make humble apologies to Rome V]. 



^14 Appendix. 

• lu tlie absence of explicit assurances, we should appear to be led, nay. driven, 
by just reasoning upon documentary evidence, to the conclusions : 

"•• 1 Thai the Pope, authorized by his Council, claims for himself the domain (a) 
of faith, (b) of morals, (c) of all that concerns the government and discipline of the 

CliurclJ. 
•• 3. That he in like manner claims the power of determining the limits of those 

liuuiains. 

•• 3. That he does not sever them, by any acknowledged or intelligible line, from 
I lie ilomains of civil duty and allegiance. 

••4. That he therefore claims, and claims fnmi the month of July, 1870, onward, 
with plenary authority, from every convert and member of his Church, that he shall 
• place his loyalty and civil duty at the mercy of another ' ; that other being himself " 
(pp. 32-33). 



SOME CHRONOLOGICAL RECORDS OF THE POPE'S RELA- 
TIONS TO THE SPANISH AMERICAN WAR. 

" Rome, March 10.— Cardinal Rampollasays : ' His Holiness, the Pope, desires the 
cessation of thecontiict, and he will never cease to give advice to Spain in the interests 
uf Spaniards, Cubans, and civilization. All Catholics are .sons of the Church, and all 
liave a right to the equal treatment of their common father ' " {New York Journal, 
March 11, 1898). 

"Madrid, April 4.— The correspondent of the Associated Press has just had an 
interview with a high personage of great authority, who shows just how the Papal 
intervention occurred. 

" ' The Spanish Ambassador at the Vatican,' he said, ' was approached by Cardinal 
Kampolla (Papal Secretary of State), who told him that the President of the United 
States had allowed it to be understood that Papal intervention would be acceptable 
{XeiB York Herald, April o, 1898). 

" London, April 5.— The Rome correspondent of the Daily Neics says : ' Although 
representations made through Archbishop Ireland, and also Cardinal Gibbons, to 
President ]\IcKinley have received an evasive answer, at the Vatican the Presi- 
dent's indisposition is regarded as of a political nature, and is considered to indi- 
cate a triumph of their policy, and it is affirmed that it was after the papal action 
tliat the President became indisposed and proposed his message which all indications 
show would have meant war. 

" ' I now learn from the best source that besides his action through the American 
prelates in the United States, the Pope worked especially through France, inducing 
M. Hanolaux to send to M. Cambon, the French Minister at Washington, most 
precise and urgent instructions to do his best to prevent war. 

" ' T am assured also that the Pontiff induced France to take the initiative for col- 
lective European action, to take effect at Washington and also at Madrid, but at the 
latter only nominally. However, the project had to be abandoned, as while Spain 
liii-s kept the difl'eront cabinets informed of her proceedings, the United States on the 
contrary has maintained a complete silence ' " {New York Herald, April 5, 1898). 

" Madrid, April 3. —The Pope, through arepresentative at Washington, asked Presi- 
dent McKiuley whether it would be agreeable if he should advise the Queen Regent 



Appendix. 615 

to grant an armistice, and it is understood the President expressed willingness that 
the Pope sliould do anything in his power. 

What happened was that the Spanish Ambassador at the Vatican was approached 
by Cardinal RampoUa, the Papal Secretary of State, who told him the President of 
the United States had allowed it to be understood that papal intervention would be 
acceptable. The Spanish Ambassador telegraphed here to that effect, and thereupon 
we indicated that, though we had sent a categorical reply to President McKinky. the 
terms having previously been conceded to the last point consistent with Spain's 
honor, we were certain the Pope would respect the rights and honor of Spain, and 
agree to his intervention ' " {Nexo York Tribune, April 5, 1898). 

" London, April 4.— Count de Rascon, the Spanish Ambassador to Great Britain, 
made the following statement in an interview to-day: 'I am able to assure you that 
the mediation of the Pope was proposed to His Holiness by the American Govern- 
ment. The Pope agreed to undertake it, and the offer was telegraphed to Spain." " 

" Rome, April 4.— It is believed in Vatican circles that the acceptance of the Pope's 
mediation by the United States is assured. Mgr. O'Connell, ex-rector of the Ameri- 
can College in Rome, had a conversation on the subject this morning with Cardinal 
Rampolla, Papal Secretary of State, and United States Ambassador Draper, and au 
answer from Washington is expected to-day. 

"Paris, April 4.— The current version, both from Rome and Madrid, of the Pope's 
projected intervention is that he proposes, at President McKinley's invitation, to 
intercede between Spain and the Cuban insurgents, stipulating the immediate ce.ssa- 
tion of hostilities in Cuba as a condition of his intervention. This proposal is under- 
stood to have been accepted in Spain " {New York Sun, April 5, 1898). 

" If there is to be mediation by the Pope it will undoubtedly be between Spain and 
the Cubans fighting for their independence. Obviously, the Pope could not be a 
mediator between the United States and Spain or in any international question. So 
far as his relations to us are concerned he is a spiritual sovereign only, and not in 
any respect a temporal sovereign " {NeioYork Sun. Editorial, April 5, 1898). 

" Most of the reconcentrados, now dead and sleeping in unmarked graves, were 
of the Catholic faith, but the Pope did not offer to stand between them and Spain, to 
which the United States would have urged no objection. 

" Spain must now deal with the United States. Intermediaries should be warned 
off " {Evening Sun, Editorial, April 5, 1898). 

" There can be no such thing as papal mediation between Spain and the United 
States. The authority of the Pope is spiritual and is not recognized by the United 
States. 

" As a mediator in the literal sense, the Pope can deal only with Spain and the 
Cuban insurgents. If he can bring them to agreement on terms of peace, on what- 
ever authority, spiritual or secular, he will render large service to civilization " {New 
York Commercial Advertiser, Editorial, April 5, 1898). 

" Unwarranted and sensational ' news' has done some harm again in connection 
with the proposed mediation of the Pope between Spain and Ctiba. The statement 
has been put forth that President McKiuley asked the Pope to mediate and arbitrate 
between the United States and Spain. There was never any ground for that state- 
ment, and every thoughtful man must have known it from the beginning. 

" It is not supposable that the Pope would undertake such a task. It is certain the 
United States Government would never ask him to do so, nor agree to having his per- 
formance of it imposed upon this country. 



QIC) Ai^iy^ndix. 

" Tlie arbitrator between two nations must be their peer. It must be a power equal 
to themselves in independent sovereignty. And such this Government does not 
recognize llie Pope to be. Spain does " {Neio York j?Vti«/i<?, Editorial, April 6, 1898). 

" London, April 5. — A special dispatch from Rome, published here this afternoon, 
says a telegram received at the Vatican from the United States has announced the 
failure of the Pope's intervention. It says that President McKinley showed himself 
e.vtremely sensible of the initiative taken by the Pontiff, but it was impossible for him 
to overcome the prejudice, even though it may be unjust, entertained by a majority 
of the American people against the Vatican's intervention in political affairs. 

" Washington, April 5. — Archbishop Ireland came to the State Department at 
12.30 r. M. to-daj'. He had evidently arranged for the call beforehand and was 
expected, for he was shown at once into Assistant Secretary Day's room. To reporters 
wlio asked his mission Archbishop Ireland was evasive and said he came simply to 
pay his respects" {New York Journal, April 6, 1898). 

"London, April 7. — Tiie Rome correspondent of the Daily News, describing the 
origin of tiie .statement that America sought the Pope's mediation, says : ' This " lie 
from Madrid," as they openly call it in the Vatican, has upset the calculations of the 
Pope, and may cause thee ntire ruin of the good offices of the Pontiff, because of 
the dislike among Americans of intervention by the Pope, not only as the head of the 
Catholics, but as a European Prince, as he wishes to be considered, his action thus 
being opposed to the Monroe Doctrine.' 

" The Ituliii says that Mgr. Martinelli, the Apostolic Delegate at Washington, has 
cabled to the Vatican that President McKinley expresses his best wishes for the suc- 
cess of tlie Pope in obtaining an armistice in Cuba, but that the President considers 
the question one between Spain and Cuba, while there is a question between Spain 
and the United States, and the two have nothing to do with each other. 

" The Rome correspondent of the Daily Chronicle says : ' Archbishop Ireland has 
cabled tlie Pope that mediation is almost impossible in consequence of public opinion. 
His Holiness is much grieved by this check to his good intentions ' " {New York 
Tribune, April 7. 1898). 

" Such activity as is now prevailing at the Vatican has not occurred since the last 
Papal Conclave. It might be thought that the whole Spanish-American difficulty 
was being .solved there. The courtyard of San Damaso, from which a staircase 
leads to the apartments of the Pope and Cardinal Rampolla, the Papal Secretary of 
State, was to-day thronged with the carriages of diplomats, cardinals, and prelates " 
{New York Sun, April 7, 1898). 

A correspondent of the Roman Catholic Freeman's Journal writes from Rome on 
March 22, 1808, illuminatively concerning the infallible Pope's relation to Spanish 
and Cuban affairs. He says : " The Pontifical Nuncio at Madrid was present recently 
at the departure of Spanish troops for Cuba and solemnly blessed them and their 
arms, but if there are any chaplains among the Cuban forces they, too, have doubt- 
less offered up prayers and called down blessings on the insurgents, and in neither 
case is Pope Leo involved. 

" What, however, is certain, is this: 1st.— Pope Leo takes the kindliest interest in 
tiie Queen Regent of Spain, who is a pious Catholic, a devoted mother, and a good 
queen A few years ago he conferred on her the Golden Rose for her maternal 
virtues; and 2d, the official attitude of the Vatican is necessarily one of recognition 
of the legitinmcy of the war undertaken by Spain in Cuba. 

" Rumors having been circulated that the failure of the Pope's efforts was owing 



Appendix. 617 

to the attitude of the United States, the Nunciature hero has issued the followiug 
note: ' Tlie Nunciature has to-day higher hopes than ever of the successor papal 
intervention. It is not true that President McKinley lias rejected the I'ope's inter- 
vention in favor of peace. Such impoliteness would be the more imiH)litic n<.t only 
because it would display a barbarous intolerance, but bccau e. however much any 
person might be the Pope's enemy, it would be impossil)le to misinterpret llie voice 
of the venerable old man who recommends the preservation of peace. On llie other 
hand the Catholics of North America would never pardon such a disregard of the 
Vicar General of their Church.' 

"Washington, April 9.— Word that the armistice had been granted by Spain sj.read 
rapidly through all official and diplomatic quarters, and aroused great interest and 
activity throughout the evening. The first word as to Spain's concession came to 
Monsignor Martinelli, the papal Delegate, at 6.30 p. m., and announced from the 
Vatican that the papal Nuncio at Madrid had been advised that an armistice was 
granted. Monsignor Martinelli sent for Archbishop Ireland, and shortly after the 
message from the Vatican was repeated by telephone to the White House. About 
the same time the dispatch from Minister Woodford was received " {New York Tiib- 
une, April 9, 1898). 

The official Red Book of the Spanish Government, giving its diplomatic history for 
many months preceding the declaration of war, contains some interesting history. 
The following digest is worth perusing: 

Under the date of April 2, 1898, appears a message from Spain's Minister at the 
Vatican, stating that he had conferred with Cardinal RampoUa. The President was 
declared to be very desirous of having the help of the Pope, and Ilis Holiness was 
desirous of lending his aid, but wanted to know if the intervention of His Holiness 
would preserve the national honor, and if this intervention was agreeable to 
Spain. 

Senor Polo on April 4 reported that he had received a call from Archbishop 
Ireland, who stated that he saw President McKinley, and that the President was de- 
sirous of peace, but that there was little doubt that Congress would vote intervention 
or war if Spain did not assist the President and the friends of peace. He insisted 
that Spain should accede to the proposition of the United States. Senor Polo stated 
that he informed him that Spain had done all in her power to maintain peace. 

In acknowledging the receipt of the message from Madrid, notifying him of the 
suspension of hostilities in Cuba, Senor Polo reports on April 10 that he had con- 
ferred with an influential Senator, whose name he does not give, and that the Senator 
had gone to the President, and after an interview had succeeded in inducing the 
President materially to modify his message to Congress. 

" London, April 25.— The Rome correspondent of the Standard says: ' The Queen 
Regent asked the blessing of the Pope upon Spanish arms. His Holiness replied that 
lie sent it from his heart, and hoped to see a vindication of Spain's rights, which had 
been trampled upon.' 

"London, April 30.— The Rome correspondent of The Daily Chronicle says: 
'Archbishop Martinelli, Papal Delegate to the Roman Catholic Church in the 
United States, has cabled the Vatican to abstain from all demonstrations of sympathy 
with Spain which would incite the Protestant sentiment of the United States against 
the Roman Catholics ' " (Ne'w York Tribune). 

" The only unanswered question is, why the Pope had not intervened on behalf 
of his suffering subjects in Cuba. 



61 g Appendix. 

"Then came the Pope's urgent request that we should at least abstain from armed 
intervention until we had allowed a certain number of days to elapse in which the 
Vatican, with the co-operation of certain European governments, should bring moral 
pressure upon Spain to see what concessions might be secured at Madrid in the 
interests of peace. It was this effort of the Pope, undoubtedly, that led to the post- 
ponement of President McKinley's message from Wednesday to Monday. 

"It is simply to be remarked here that it would have been safe enough to have 
allowed tiie country to know the facts. It was a mistake to countenance the news 
reports that the message was withheld on account of some possible danger that its 
delivery to Congress might inflict upon Americans in Cuba " {Review of Reviews, May, 

i«9y). 

" London.— The Madrid correspondent of the Standard says: ' The Church and the 
Catholics are very anxious as to the fall of the Philippines, on account of these 
religions orders, which, they consider, have been the best auxiliaries of Spanish rule 
since the discovery of the islands by Magellan. The Spaniards resent the idea of 
Protestant powers like the United States, Germany, or England harboring designs 
against their archipelagoes ' " (New York Herald, May 17, 1898). 

" London.— The Rome correspondent of the Standard says: ' Owing to the serious 
news from the Philippines, the Pope wired the Queen Regent of Spain, placing his 
services at her disposal if she considered that the time had arrived for the interven- 
tion of the Powers in favor of Spain. The Queen Regent in reply telegraphed her 
thanks, saying that at an opportune moment she would feel the Pope's offer to be 
very precious ' " {New York Herald, June 13, 1898). 

"It was through the Pope even more than through her royal relations that the 
Queen of Spain labored to avert war without yielding to the just demands of the 
United States. None can have forgotten the earnest efforts made at Washington by 
Catholic clergymen of high authority, nor the incessant endeavors of the Pope to 
bring about influential action by other European Powers. Men who cannot conceive 
(jf action tliat has no selfish motive saw that all the colonies of Spain were intensely 
Catholic, that they contributed enormously to the revenues of the Church, and that 
through contracts and grants from the colonial authorities the Catholic institutiona 
and clergy received advantages almost incalculable. War with a nation not Catholic 
and the possible conquest of any of these colonies by such a nation would inevitably 
affect the material resources of the Church and all its institutions and organizations " 
{New York Tribune, Editorial, August 3, 1898). 

" Rome, August 10.— The Tribuna says that the Vatican is in constant communi- 
cation with Archbishop Ireland, Monsignor Martinelli, Apostolic Delegate in the 
L'uited States, and Duke Almodovar de Rio, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
endeavoring to secm-e clauses in the treaty of peace that will safeguard the religious 
interests of Catholic residents in countries to be ceded by Spain to the United States " 
(New York Tribune, August 11, 1898). 

"Justice White's familiarity with the historical and legal facts of the Louisiana 
purchase, his knowledge of the legal customs growing out of the practice of the 
Napoleonic code in Louisiana, his acquaintance with the French language, and the fact 
that he is the candidate whose appointment has been urged by Archbishop Ireland, 
representing the Catholic ("hurch, were facts that had weight with the President in 
deciiling to ai^ppoint him " (The Sun, August 30, 1898). 

" Washington, November 19.— The immense interests of the Roman Catholic 
Church in the Philippines and Porto Rico will likely prove one of the most difficult 



Appendix. ()19 

problems which this Government will have to face when the treaty of peace with 
Spain is signed. 

" Rome, November 30.— It is stated here that the Pope intends to establish a Pupal 
Nuncio in the Philippines and has summoned Archbishop Ireland to Home to olTer 
him the office " {Evening Sun, November 30, 1898). 



VATICAN AND PAPAL AUrHORITIES FRIENDLY TO 
SPAIN AND HOSTILE TO THE UNITED STATES DUR- 
ING THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. 

If there has been a lingering doubt in the mind of any thoughtful American as to 
the sympathies of the Vatican and the Papal authorities with Spain, and of their lios- 
tility to the United States in the late Spanish-American war and in its results, that 
doubt must be dissipated by the following quotations from the Honuui Catholic and 
clerical press of Rome, Milan, and Naples, translated and furnished by an eminent 
scholar residing in Rome. These are only specimens of an unbroken succession in the 
same spirit. There has been no discordant friendly note sounded for this republic in 
the inspired Roman Catholic press at the seat of the Papal power to mar the harmony 
of hatred for the United States. 
From La Voce della Verita, Rome : 

" April 5, 1898.— A telegram affirms that Spain and the United States have 
accepted the mediation of the Pope. The Nunzio at Madrid assmed the Queen 
Regent that the Pope was seeking to influence President McKinley, to avoid the con- 
flict, through Archbishop Ireland." 

" April 6, 1898.— We are assured from Washington that the Government is not 
opposed to the intervention of the Pope. We are assured too that not Spain but 
President McKinley took the first official step for the intervention of the Pope." 

' ' April 15. 1898.— There is nothing more to hope. If the haughty President sliould 
be compelled to state the reasons which induced him to satisfy his ambition and his 
mad desire to inflict ruin and misery on his neighbor, certainly it would not be so 
easy to explain his injustice and violence. The President of the Republic has 
appealed to his convictions of having done all in his power to maintain the peace. 
We are curious to know some of those strong motives which convinced him to act 
to the contrary. The signing of the Ultimatum has rendered America odious, while 
Spain has the sympathy of all." 
From La Vera Roma : 

"July 17, 1898.— For several days we have been witnessing a very sad spectacle 
because of the inertia, or better, the malevolence of old Europe. A haughty nation, 
greedy of conquest, assaults, without any motive in the world, another nation which 
legally, by right of discovery, of well-doing, and of civilization, possesses a most 
fertile Island. The European Powers permit at Cuba that justice be strangled by 
brutal force and they assist impassible, at the sad tragedy, witliout moving a linger, 
without oflfering a syllable for the Latin Sister thus vilely assailed and oppressed. 
To-day these foreigners devour a part of the patrimony of Europe, the Spanish 
Colonies; to-morrow they will want to devour those of other European nations. 
Meanwhile we are as ever the inflexible defenders of the right and admirers of the 
heroism of a nation truly Catholic. 

"After the violent aggression of the United States against poor Spain, which 



G20 ApiJendix. 

possessed Cuba and Porto Rico by indisputable rights and the occupation of those 
two liouiisliing islands, comes the aggression against the Philippines, also Spanish 
possessions. IJut tlie insatiable hunger of the Americans would devour also these 
Islands, thus haughtily dispossessing Spain not only in American waters but even in 
the extreme Orient. In order to render the pill less bitter for the Spaniards they 
say tliat the Government at Washington may oiler forty millions of dollars. But the 
honor of Spain is of too much consequence to accept such terms, and the Powers 
of Europe will not be so indulgent as to allow these American dogs to take this 
bone." 
From La Voce delta Verita, Rome : 

"November 7, 1898. — It is hoped that the elections in the United States, on 
November 8, may be a victory for the Democrats and go against the Republican 
Party, which dominates under the presidency of McKiuley. Then, too, there is some 
opposition in the Republican Party itself against JVIcKinley." [Then it cites the 
speecli of Senator Hoar delivered at Worcester.] 
From La Lega Lombarodia et Milano : 

" December 4, 1898.— It was necessary that America should triumph completely 
against her weak rival, and that she should succeed by the insolence of force to 
trample under foot again the rights which Spain had over the colonial empire left 
her by Cliarles V.; and the very novel attitude of the United States as conqueror was 
also necessary in order that Europe might open its eyes to the importance of the 
victory gained over the exhausted Power while the other Powers did nothing but 
stand and look out of their windows. One of these Powers not only did not help 
Spain, but became the open friend of the United States in her insolent success." 
From La Libert a Cattollica, Naples: 

" December 6, 1898.— The treaty of peace calls for serious consideration by all 
lovers of right and justice. It is too true that title to property, even, the most certain, 
becomes of no account when interest doininates and when selfishness is the rule 
in human affairs. We cannot fail to observe the evolution that has taken place 
in the Americans since the war began. Ambition has been confounded with duty, 
and interest has become the rule of right. At first the Americans declared that they 
simply desired to free Cuba and they have ended with taking as booty all the Spanish 
Colonies." 
From L' Osservatore Cattollica di Milano : 

" December 13, 1898.— As the intervention of the Pope before the Spanish-Ameri- 
can war was not without its beneficial effect for Spain, so his intervention among the 
Peace Commissioners at Paris, in the person of Mons. Chapelle, Archbishop of 
New (Jrleans, has obtained great advantages for the Church in the newly acquired 
American Possessions, tiiat is, the religious orders and Catholic Institutions are to be 
free and are to retain possession of all the property which they now have. These 
rights have been recognized by a clause in the treaty of peace so that the United 
States will guarantee them even in case of a revolution. This great advantage has 
been tiie result of the intervention of the Pope through his representative, Mons, 
Chapelle." 
From Osservatore Romano : 

"December 15, 1898.— Of the treaty of peace between Spain and the United 
States at Paris last Saturday, the general terms are well known since the signing of 
the preliminaries at Washington, except the lioulike interpretation, or better, the 
monstrous sophistication, of the third article of the Protocol on the basis of which 



Appetidix. 621 

America has had the courage to tear with violence from Spain the entire arciiipelago 
of the Philippines. 

" December 18, 1898.— What peace is that just signed in Paris? TIk; stiiitpin^- <>f 
Spain by the same method that was adopted by Piedmont in rcfereiicc to the States 
of the Church in Italy. After having f(miented and supplied with arms and money, 
under the auspices of the Spanish-American Masonry, the insurrection in the Spanish 
colonies, the Government at Washington, protesting its false motives of humanity, 
claimed the independence of Cuba and then turned its humanitarian thought toward 
Porto Rico, the Philippines, etc. Now we hear of an Anglo-Sa.xon Alliance, a new 
triple Alliance, England, United States, and Germany, a triple Protestant Alliance 
which threatens Latin Catholicism." 



THE POPE'S LETTER ON "AMERICANISM"; THE SUB- 
MISSION OF ARCHBISHOP IRELAND AND THE 
PAULIST FATHERS. 

No American citizen of ordinary intelligence and candor can doubt after reading 
the letter of Pope Leo XIIL to Cardinal Gibbons, bearing date of Jamiary 22, 
1899, that Rome never changes; that there is no such thing as libera! Roman Cathol- 
icism; that any liberal and patriotic sentiments uttered in this country by prelates and 
priests have been absolutely without authority; that Father Heckcr of the Paulist 
Fathers, a convert from Protestantism, misrepresented the spirit of Rome when he 
claimed that Romanism was in sympathy with American institutions; that the pres- 
ent Pope is absolutely under the domination of the Jesuits, who have owned him since 
they took his education in charge when he was eight years of age; that politico- 
ecclesiastical Romanism is the abiding peril to civil and religious liberty in this and 
in all lands. 

Extracts from the letter of Leo XIIL: 

" It is known to you, beloved son, that the life of Isaac Thomas Hecker, especially 
as interpreted and translated in a foreign language, has excited not a little contro- 
versy, because therein have been voiced certain opinions concerning the way of lead- 
ing a Christian life." 

The Pope then says that " the underlying principle of these new opinions is that 
the Church should regard the spirit of the age, and relax some of her ancient severity, 
and make some concessions to new opinions." These ideas he condemns and quotes 
the Constitution: 

" For the doctrine of faith which God has revealed has not been proposed, like a 
philosophical invention, to be perfected by human ingenuity, but has been delivered 
as a divine deposit to the Spouse of Christ, to be faithfully kept and infallibly de- 
clared. Hence that meaning of the sacred dogmas is perpetually to be retained which 
our Holy mother, the Church, has once declared, nor is that meaning ever to be 
departed from under the pretense or pretext of a deeper comprehension of them." 
—Constitiitio de Fide Catholica, chapter iv. 

He says that he and his predecessors have continued, and all his successors must, 
" in one and the same doctrine, one and the same sense, and one and the same judg- 
ment." , J .If 

The Pope then says: "From the foregoing it is manifest, beloved son, that we 
are not able to give approval to those views which, in their collective sense, are called 



Roo Appendix. 

bv some ' Americanism.' For it would give rise to the suspicion that there are among 
you some wlio conceive and ^ooald have the Church in America to be different from 
tch4tt it is in the rest of the loorld. 

" But the true Church is one, as by unity of doctrine, so by unity of government, 
and she is Catholic also. Since God has placed the center and foundation of unity 
in the chair of blessed Peter, she is rightly called the Roman Church, for 'where 
Peter is, there is the Cluirch." Wherefore, if anybody wishes to be considered a real 
Catholic, he ought to be able to say from his heart the self-same words which Jerome 
addressed to Pope Damasus: ' I. acknowledging no other leader than Christ, am 
bound in fellowship with your holiness; that is, with the chair of Peter. I know 
that tlie Church was built upon him as its rock, and that whosover gathereth not 
with you, scattereth.' " 

And Americans are expected to believe that the translation of the biography of 
Father Ilecker so absolutely changed the character of his teachings that they merited 
elaborate papal condemnation. 

The following notices appeared in the daily ^ress of Rome, Italy, February 2, 1899: 

" MONS. IRELAND AND THE VATICAN. 

"Specific orders have been given by Cardinal Rampolla to the Catholic press of 
Rome and of Italy that there be no discussion of American Catholicism such as might 
disturb the favorable disposition of the mind of Mons. John Ireland, who has tome 
to Rome already prepared, so it would seem, to declare himself fully submissive to 
the will of the Jesuits and hence to the polic}^ of the Vatican. 

" He will condemn in skillfully worded diplomatic language those American ideas 
which are contrary to papal authority and to the union of Catholicism which the 
Hecker part5% protected by Ireland, threatens. 

" Mons. Keane is charged with the duty of removing all the difficulties in the way 
of the Archbishop of St. Paul in order that he may fully accept the will of the Pope." 

The Osservntore Romano of Rome on February 24, 1899, published the letter 
from Archbishop Ireland to the Pope regarding the Pontiff's letter to Cardinal 
Gibbons on " Americanism," from which we make the following extracts : 

" With all the energy of my soul I repudiate all the opinions the Apostolic letter 
repudiates and condemns— those false and dangerous opinions— whereto, as His 
Holiness, in brief, says certain people give the name of Americanism. 

"Most Holy Father, they are enemies of the Church in America and false inter- 
preters of the faith who imagine there exists, or who desire to establish in the United 
States, a church differing a .single iota from the Holy Universal Church, recognized 
by other nations as the onl}' Church Rome itself recognizes or can recognize as the 
infallible guardian of the revelation of Jesus Christ." 

Archbishop Ireland concludes with begging the Pope to accept his assurances of 
love and devotion, and to give him the Apostolic blessing. 

There can be no doubt that Archbishop Ireland has negatived all his liberal 
utterances in America while at Rome, and that the Pope in his letter to Cardinal 
Gibbons has designed to crush liberality among American Romanists in his condem- 
nation of " Americanism," and has designedly couched the letter in such rhetorical 
verbosity that while prelates and priests will understand its repressive meaning, 
Archbishop Ireland and the Paulist Fathers can still go on claiming to the American 
people that American Romanism is liberal. The Pope's letter indorses and intrenches 
Jesuitism, Corrigauism, and Bourbonism, and condemns and destroys the so-called 



Appendix. 623 

liberalism of Father Hecker, Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop Ireland, and their follow- 
ing. Rome never changes. 

A letter of the infallible Pontiff, pronouncing upon the merits of a heated con- 
troversy where both parties claim a victory, forces infallibility into the po.sition of 
Mohammed's coffin. 

The New York Tribune of February 26, 1899, said of the Popes letter ; '• Tlie Iriilh 
probably is that the sharp and sometimes bitter controversy wliich for .sonie years iios 
rent the American Catholic Church made it necessary for the Pope to say snmetiiing. 

"He took the erroneous views embodied in the translation of Father Meeker's 
' Life,' and out of them constructed a beautiful and symmetrical man of siraw, which 
he then proceeded to demolish. By thus doing he will probably satisfy both parlies 
and allay the controversy. For the conservatives will .say : ' there, you see ; the 
Holy Father has condemned the false Catholics who deny the "faith." ' While the 
liberals will say : 'yes ; and so do we. Where are the impious " wretches " ? ' And 
in the common hunt for the mythical straw man old differences may be forgotten 
and new bonds of unity and sympathy created." 

And this is the infallible Pope, the Vicegerent of God on the earth. For one 
moment imagine Jesus Christ writing such a letter for such purposes. 

The Paulist Fathers have promptly repudiated Father Hecker, whose writings 
and character gave them standing before the world. The daily press of Mnrcii 10, 
1899, gives the following official statement as to the action of the Paulist Fathers on 
the publication of the recent letter of the Pope on Ainericanism, which touched on the 
teachings of the late Father Isaac T. Hecker, the founder of the Congregation of 
Missionary Priests of St. Paul the Apostle: 

" It makes a detailed statement of the absolute obedience of the Paulist Fathers to 
the letter and spirit of the Pope's teachings, quoting their rule as to the thorough 
spirit of obedience and loyalty to Rome prescribed for the Fathers. 

" When a new edition of the ' Life of Father Hecker' is prepared, it will emphasize 
the Pope's teaching and conform to his judgment in every respect." 

"THE TRUE AMERICAN CATHOLIC. 

"Organ of the Roman Committee for the Anti-American Campaign." Dated, 
Rome, February 4, 1899. 

" OUR AIM. 

" The object we have in view in commencing the publication of Tlie True Ameri- 
can Catholic, is to protect the true Catholic faith from the infernal machinations of 
a sect; which under the name of Americanism attacks and attempts to destroy the 
real foundations of Christianity. But the attacks of the above sect, made to forward 
the interests of the enemies of Christ and of His Catholic Church; namely Jews, 
Masons, and International Protestants, will be thoroughly frustrated by our daily 
constant intervention. 

" These new American Catholics have raised the banner of rebellion and treason, 
and in the name of Christ and Paul, with the protection of the millionaire bishop 
without conscience and without religion, attack the true Church of Jesus Christ and 

the Papacy. 

"We tell you at once, oh Monsignor Ireland, that your sacerdotal garb of Archbishop 
of the Holy Roman Catholic Church will never allow you to become unfaithful to 
that pure faith which shines brilliant on the brow of the shepherds intrusted by God 
with the mission of leading the flock of Jesus Christ. 



624 Appendix. 

" The miter tliat you wear renders you incompatible with the place of combat you 
have taken against tiie whole organization of the Church of Rome. 

" Put the mask aside, oh Monsignor Ireland! For, acting as you do is utterly un- 
becoming of a gentleman and a priest. 

" In any ca.se let us remind you that here in Rome, Apostolic seat of Peter and Paul; 
on this soil rendered sacred and venerated by the blood spilled by the first Christian 
martvrs, you \\H)uld bring in vain the sacrilegious echo of an American schism. Here 
in Rome where Clnist himself is Roman, where the old and the new world centers, 
rises sublime and makes it.self felt the only true holy spirit of the man of Nazareth. 
And the mighty voice of this sublime spirit enjoins to you, through the medium of 
his poor and liumble followers, in the name of the Almighty God and of the Arch- 
angel Michael to bow down before the Vicar of Jesus Christ and deny the blasphe- 
mous theories of the heretical sect styled with the name of American Catholicism, 
which is embodied by you. 

" Trying to reconcile the American Catholicism to the aspiration of Protestantism, 
as is dreamed by the Archbishop of St. Paul of Minnesota and by the followers of 
the dictates of the Paulists, of Father Hecker, would mean the destruction of the true 
Catholic faith in America and its substitution by Protestantism. 

" Tins is the true, and only meaning of the great question which is now agitated 
in the United States. 

" It is a real war, much more terrible and disastrous than that recently fought with 
Spain. For that war was waged for worldly ends and material interests, and this is 
carried on for the conquest of souls in the name of religious beliefs ; in a word it is 
naught else but a religious war. 

" It is well known that following the theories of the party of Father Hecker and 
the Paulists, as well as those of Monsiguors Ireland and Klein ; the American or Na- 
tional Catholic should, instead of the orders and counsels of the bishops, in matters 
of religion, follow his own personal inspiration. He, the National Catholic, should 
follow only his inner impulse which he, good or bad, believes in, and says he feels 
within himself, as if he could dispo.se in a permanent way at his pleasure of the 
Divine inspiration of the Holy Ghost. 

" While Monsignor Ireland, Archbishop of St. Paul, Minn., proclaims with great 
daring, the so-called principles of liberty and independence of the American Church 
from the Church of Rome, what is the Cardinal Secretary of State to the Holy See 
doing? Which are the measures taken by Cardinal Rampolla in order to put a stop 
to the spread of the ambitious ideas of the apostate of St. Paul ? 

" The Jesuits, the only ones who have upheld the interests of the Holy See in this 
question of the National Catholicism in America, are looked upon by the Secretary 
of State with diffidence, and everything is done in order to lessen their influence with 
the Pope. 

" Cardinal Rampolla, who is the only one responsible for this sad state of affairs 
cannot and probably will never say to the Archbishop of St. Paul, you lie ! And 
Ireland becomes daily more proud and daring, casting right and left the dollars of 
which he is the fortunate possessor, and the corrupted crowd which is represented by 
Cardinal Rampolla and his .satellites, blinded by this shower of gold, prefer to the 
glory of God and the real interests of the Papacy the .sound of the American yellow 
precious metal." 

Arclibishop Ireland abjectly submitted to the Pope's condemnation of " American- 
ism," and the paper from which we have quoted was satisfied and proceeded to die. 



Appendix. 



625 



STATISTICS OF IMMIGRATION. 
From Dorchester's ''Christianity in the United States." 
[By permission of Eaton & Mains.] 
Arrivals, by Nationalities and by Decades, of Alien Passengers and Immi- 
grants [Alien Passengers from October i, 1S20, to December 31, 1S67, and 
Immigrants from January i, 1868, to June 30, 1892]. (See footnote.) 



Countries 
Whence 
Arrived. 


1821 

to 

1830. 


1831 
to 

1840. 


1841 

to 

1850. 


1851 to 

Dec. 31, 

i860. 


Jan. I, 
1861, to 
June 30, 

1870. 


Fiscal 

years 

1871 to 

1880. 


Fiscal 

years 

1881 to 

1890. 


Fiscal 

years 

1891 and 

1893. 


Total. 


Austria-Hungary . 
Belgium 










7,800 

6,734 
17,094 

35,984 

787,468 

11,728 

9,102 

109,298 
4,536 
8,493 
23,286 


72,069 
7,221 
31,771 
72,206 
718,182 

55,759 
16,541 

211,245 

52,254 

9,893 

28,293 


353.719 
20,177 
88,132 
50,464 
1,452,970 
307,309 
53,701 

568,362 

265,088 

6.535 

81,988 


151.178 

7.340 

21.252 

13.29' 

244,3'2 

138,191 

12,466 

107.157 

192,615 

5.657 

14.219 


585.666 

51.333 
163.769 

379.637 

4,748.440 

526,749 

113.340 

1,032.188 

49.266 
185,488 


27 

169 

8,497 

6,761 

408 

1,078 

91 

91 

2,622 

3,226 


22 

1,063 

45,575 

152,454 

2,253 

1,412 

1,201 

646 

2,954 

4,821 


5,074 

539 

77,262 

434,626 

1,870 

8,251 

13,903 

656 

2,759 

4,644 


4,738 
3,749 
76,358 
951,667 
9,231 
10,789 

20,931 

1,621 

10,353 

25,011 






Italy 


Netherlands 

Norway and Swe- 


Russia and Poland 
Spain and Port'gal 
Switzerland 


United Kingdom: 

England rt 

Scotland 


22,167 
2,912 
50,724 


73,143 

2,667 

207,381 


263,332 

3,712 

780,719 


385,643 

38,331 

914,119 


568,128 
38,768 
4?S778 


460,479 

87.564 

436,871 


657.488 
149,869 
655,482 


104,575 
24.077 
111,173 


2.534,955 

347.900 

3,592,247 






Total United 
Kingdom... 


75.803 


283,191 


1.047,763 


1,338,093 


1,042,674 


984,914 


1,462,839 


239.825 


6.475.102 


All other countries 
of Europe 


43 


96 


155 


116 


210 


656 


10,318 


4,954 


16,548 


Total Europe. 

British N. Ameri- 
can Possessions. 


98,816 

2,277 

4,817 

105 

531 

3,834 


495,688 

13,624 

6,599 

44 

856 

12,301 


1,597,502 

41,723 

3,271 

368 

3.579 

13,528 


2,452,657 

59,309 

3,078 

449 

1,224 

10,660 


2,064,407 

153,871 

2,191 

96 

1,396 

9,043 


2,261,904 

383,269 

5,362 

210 

928 

13,957 


4,721,602 

392,802 

1,913 

462 

2,304 

29,042 


41,152,457 

ic) 

(0 

576 
1.344 
5,673 


14.845.033 

1,046,875 
27,231 


Central America. . 
South America . . . 
West Indies 


2,310 
12,162 
98,038 


Total America 


11,564 


33,424 


62,469 


74,720 


166,597 


403,726 


426,523 


7.593 


1,186,616 


Isl'sof the Atlantic 


352 


103 


337 


3,090 


3,446 


10,056 


15.798 


2.484 


35.666 




2 

8 


8 
40 


35 
47 


41,397 
61 


64,301 
308 


123,201 
622 


61,711 
6,669 


5.564 
10,826 


296,219 


All other countries 
of Asia 


18,581 


Total Asia... 


10 


48 


82 


41,458 


64,609 


123,823 


68,380 


16.390 


314.800 


Africa 


16 


52 


55 


210 


312 


229' 437 


382 1.693 


Isl's of the Pacific. 

All other countries 

and islands 


2 
32,679 


9 
69,801 


29 
52,77/ 


158 

25,921 


221 

15,232 


10,913. 12,574 
1,540: 1,299 


3,862 
235 


27,768 
199,484 


Aggregate.... 


143,43? 


599,125 


1,713,251 


2,598,214 


2,314,824 


2,812,1911 5,246,611 


1,183,403 


i6,6n.o6o 



a Includes Wales and Great Britain not specified. 
b Includes 777 from Azores and 5 from Greenland. 
<r Immigrants from British North American Possessions and Mexico are not included since July i. 1^85. 

Note.— The immigrants for years 1820-1892 have been reported at 16,611,060 

The immigrants for year ending June 30, 1893, have been reported at. 497.936 
The immigrants for year ending June 30, 1894, have been repoi ted at. 311 ,404 

17,420,400 

Total 1790 to 1820 '■^•*-°°° 

T O 17,654,400 

Aggregate 1790 to June 30, 1694 



«26 



Appendix. 



QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING IN EACH STATE OP THE UNION. 
frommunlcat«Hl to the " World Almanac "' and corrertod to date by the Attorneys General of the respective States.) 
In all the States except Colorado, Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming the right to vote nt general elections is restricted to 
m«l.H of •'1 V. am of age ajid upward. Women are entitled to vote at school elections iu several States. They are entitled 
ITy law tolfull BUffrage in the States of Colorado, Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming. 



Requlrementa as to Citizenship. 



Alubania.* Citizen of United States or alien 

who has declanii iiit»ntiou. 
Arizona Tr. Citizen of United sinti s la) 
Arkansas.* Citizen of Unit.d Statrs or alien 
who has declared intention 

California ♦ Citizen by nativity, naturaliza- 
tion (90 days prior to election), 
or treaty of O'leretaio. 

Colorado" Citizen or alien, male or female, 
who has declared intention 
4 months in-ior to election 

Conn.* Citizen of I nited States who can 

read Knglish lang-uage, 

Delaware.* Citizen who shall have raid a 
rcCTStration fee of $1, and who 
is duly reg-istered as a Qualified 
voter. 

Dis. of Col. See foot note on foUowing page 

Florida.* . Citizen of the United States. 

Oeorgria.* Citizen of the IT. S. who has paid 

all his taxes since 1877. 
Idaho.* Citizen of the United States, 

male or female 
Illinois.* Citizen of the United States. 



Indiana.* Citizen or aUen who has declared 
intention and resided one year 
in United States. 

Iowa.* Citizen of the United States. 

Kansas.* Citizen of United States or alien 

who has declared intention 
Kentucky.* Citizen of the United States. 

LouiBiana.* Citizen of United States (f) 



Maine.* . Citizen of the United States. 
Maryland.* Citizen of the United States. 



Mass.* Citizen who can read and ^wite 

(b). 

Michig'an.. Citizen or alien who declared iu- 
; tention to become a citizen 
j>rior to May 8, 1892 (b) 
Minnesota.* Citizen of United States who has 
I been such for 3 months preced- 
ing election. 

MissiBsippL* Citizen of the United States who 
can read or understand Consti- 
tution. 

MlBSOuri.* Citizen of Ignited States or alien 
who has declared intention not 
less than 1 year or more than 5 
before election. 

Montana.* Citizen of the United States (b) 



Nebraslu.* Citizen of United States or alien 
who has declared intention 
thirty days before election. 

Nevada.* Citizen of the United States, 

N. Hamp.* Citizen of the United States (b) 



Pbkviocs Residence Required. 



lyr. 



lyr. 
1 yr. 



lyr. 

6 mo, 

1 yr. 
lyr. 

lyr. 
lyr. 
6 mo. 
lyr. 

6 mo. 

6 mo. 
6 mo 
lyr. 
2yrs. 



3 mo. 
1 yr. 



lyr. 



2yrs. 



lyr. 



lyr. 



6 mo. 
6 mo. 



In 
County. 



90 dys. 
6 mo. 



90 dys. 
90dy.s. 



6 mo. 

6 mo. 
30 dys. 
90 dys. 

60 dys. 

TO dys. 
30 dys. 

6 mo. 

lyr. 



3 mo. 
6 mo. 



6 mo. 
20 dys. 



lyr. 

60 dys. 
30 dys. 

40 dys. 

30 dys. 
6 mo. 



30 dys. 30 dys. 



10 dys. 
30 dys. 



10 dys. 
30 dys. 



'30 dys. 

30 dys. 1 10 dys. 



6 mo. 



3 mo. 

30 dys. 



10 dys. 

30 dys. 
6 mo. 



30 dys. 



10 dys. 
30 dys. 



Persons Excluded from Suffrage. 



60 dys. 


30 dys. 


(e) 


(e) 


30 dys. 


30 dys. 


60 dys. 


60 dys. 





6 mo. 


3 mo. 


3 mo. 


6 mo. 


6 mo. 


20 dys. 


20 dys. 




30 dys. 


lyr. 


1 yr. (c) 


60 dys. 


60 dys. 


30 dys. 


30 dys. 



10 dys. 

30 dys. 
6 mo. 



Convicted of treason or other 
felonies, idiots, or insane. 

Indians and ( 'hinamen. 

Idi'its. insane, convicted of fel- 
ony, until pardoned, failure to 
pay poll-tax. 

Chinese, idiots, insane, embez- 
zlers of pubbc moneys, con- 
victed of infamous crime, t 

Convicted of crime, bribery in 
public office. 

Convicted of heinous crime, un- 
less pardoned. 

Insane persons and paupers or 
persons convicted of felony. 



Idiots, duelists, convicted of fel- 
ony or any infamous crime. 

Convicted of felony, unless par- 
doned, idiots, and insane. 

Idiots, insane, convicted of fel- 
ony or treason. 

Convicted of felony or bribery 
in elections, unless restored to 
citizenship, idiots, lunatics. 

United States soldiers, sailors, 
and marines, and persons con- 
victed of infamous crime. 

Idiots, insane, convicted of in- 
famous crime. 

Felons, insane, rebels not re- 
stored to citizenship (d). 

Convicted of felony, idiots, and 
insane. 

Idiots, insane, convicted of fel- 
ony or treason, unless par- 
doned, with express restoration 
of francliise. 

Paupers and Indians not taxed. 

Convicted of felony, unless par- 
doned, lunatics, persons "non 
compos mentis." 

Pauiiers and persons under 
giiardiansliip. 

Indians with tribal relations, 
duelists, and accessories. 

Convicted of treason or felony, 
unless "pardoned, under guar- 
dianship, insane, Indians un- 
taxed. 

Insane, idiots, Indians not taxed, 
felons, persons who have not 
paid taxes. 

Persons in poorhouses or asy- 
lums at public expense, those 
in prison or who have been 
convicted of infamous crimes. 

Convicted of felony, unless par- 
doned, idiots, insane, V. S. 
soldiers, seamen, and marines, 
Indians. 

Convicted of felony, unless re- 
stored to civil rights, persons 
" non compos mentis. 

Idiots, insane, unpardoned con- 
victs, Indians, Chine.se. 

Insane or paupers. 



• Auatralian ballot law or a modification of it in force, t Or a person unaWe to read the Constitution In English and 
. 1'.. •* "'" "'""«• 'a) '>■• citizens of Mexico who shall have elected to become citizens nndof the treaties of 184K and 1854. 
(bi Women can votr- In school elections, (c) r|er(,-vnieM are qualilled after six moiitlis' nsiil.ticc in precinct, (d) Also those 

im'lergimriliniiHliip, public einbezzlcrs, giiiltv of l)rilierv, or ilislionnralilv cliscliarfrod U- the riiitcd SlatcR service, (e) 

<inly actual re8l(leM<-c ief|Uircd. (f) If uimlilc t'l r.'ad anil write as provided bv the ( 'onstiluliou, tlieu he shall be entitled 
to fk'Utcr and vote if he shall, at the time he otTcrs to register, be the bona flde owner of property assessed to him in the 
htal.' ;it a valiinti..n of not Ichs than %■^n^^ on th" as.sessment roll of the current vear in which be offers to register, or on the 
roll of the preci-iling year. If the roll i,f the current vear shall not then have "been completed and tiled, and on which, if 
^uch property bo p«riK>aal only, all taxes due shall have been paid. 



Appendix. 

QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING- C'o/i«m/«rf. 



62: 



N. Jersey." 
N. M. Ter. 
N. York.* 



Requirements as to Citizenship. 



N.Dakota.' 



Ohio.* 
Okla. T. (a) 



Oregon.* 
Penna.* 



Rhode I.* 
S. Carolina. 



S. Dakota.' 

Tenn.» 
Texas* 

Utah.* 

Vermont.* 



Virginia.* 
Wash'n.* 



West Va.» 

Wisconsin.' 

Wyoming.* 



Citizen of the United States. 
Citizen of the United States. 



Citizen who shall have been a 
citizen for ninety days prior to 
election. 



Citizen of the United States. 



Citizen of the United States, 
alien who has declared inten- 
tion one year and not more 
than six years prior to election, 
and civilized Indian. t (a) 

Citizen of United States, (a) 

Citizen of United States or alien 
who has declared intention. 

White male citizen of United 
States or alien who has declared 
intention, (a) 

Citizen of the United States at 
least one month, and if 32year.s 
old or more mnst have paid tax 
within two years. 

Citizen of the United States. 

Citizen of the United States, (e) 



Citizen of the United States or 
alien who has declared inten- 
tion, (a) 

Citizen of the U. S. who has paid 
poll-tax of preceding year. 

Citizen of the U. S. or alien who 
has declared intention six 
months prior to election. 

Citizen of the United States, 
male or female, who has been a 
citizen ninety days. 

Citizen of the United States. 



Citizen of the United States. 
Citizen of the United States. 



Citizen of the State. 



Citizen of United States or alien 
who has declared intention. 



Citizen of the United States, 
male or female. 



PbKVIOUS UkSIDKNCE RKqUlltUD. 



lyr. 
6 mo, 
1 yr. 



1 yr. 



1 yr. 



lyr. 

6 mo. 



1 yr. 



2 yr .(b) 
2 yr. (c) 



6 mo.§ 

lyr. 
1 yr. 

1 yr. 

1 yr. 



lyr. 
1 yr. 



1 yr. 
lyr. 
1 yr. 



In 
County 



5 mo. 

3 mo. 

4 mo. 



90 dys. 



30 dys. 
CO dys. 



30 dys. 



lyr. 

30 dys. 



6 mo. 
6 mo. 



3 mo, 
90 dys. 

60 dys. 

1 yr. 

60 dys. 



In Pre- 
cinct. 



30 dys. 



30 dys. 
30 dys. 



30 dys. 
60 dys. 



SO dys. 



6 mo. 
4 mo. 



10 dys. 



30 dys. 



20 dys. 
30 dys. 



4 mo. 
10 dys. 



3 mo. 

30 dys. 



10 dys. 



(d) 
60 dys. 
30 dys. 



30 dys. 

(d) 
10 dys. 



PorsonR Excludi-d from BufTragc. 



Idiots, patiiH-rx. inBaue. ron- 
victed of crimp, uiiIpiw pai- 
doncd or r.slnred by law. 

Convicted of felony. iinU-KK [lar- 
doncd United Stal.-M Bnl.licr 
orcaiiipfDllowcr, Inilians. <lii 

Convicted ,111,1 HcnI.iK-i-d t<i a 
Stall' piisdii or iHiiitiiitiiiry 
lor felony or othir iiifanioiiH 
orini.-; persons who li,-iv<- re- 
ciivid or ollcrid to ncivi- or 
who have i.aid or proniihiil to 
pay, roiiiiMiisation for tfiving 
or witlilioldJMK votes, or wlio 
have l.iiil aiiv bet or wnK'T 
upi>ii tlie resiift of an (-loction, 

Convicled <if felony or other in- 
famous crime, idiots, lunatics, 
and tliose wliodeuy the being 
of AlmiKhty (lod. 

Under Kuardianshiii. persons 
"noil eoniixiM mentis." or con- 
victed of felony and treanon, 
unless restored to civil rights. 

Idiots, insane, and felons. 
Indians having tribal x-elations. 

Idiots, ins.ane, convicted of fel- 
ony punishable by imprison- 
ment in tlie iK'nitentiary. 

Convicted of jK'rjury and fraud 
as election ofticei-s, or bribery 
of votei-s. 

Paupers, lunatics (g) 

Convicted of felony or briberv 
in elections, tndess pardoned, 
idiots, insane, iiaiipirs. 

Under Kuardiaiisliii), insane, 
convicted of trea.'<ou or felony, 
unless pardoned, II. S. soldiei-s, 
seamen, and marines. 

Convicted of bribery or other in- 
famous oll'ense. 

Idiots, lunatics, paupers, con- 
victed of felony, Inited States 
soldiers, luaiiiies, and seamen. 

Idiots, insane, convirted of 
treason or crime against elec- 
tive franchise, tmless pardoned. 

Those who have not oljtained 
the appiobati<in of the board 
of eixil autliority of the town 
in wliii'h they reside. 

Idiots, lunatics (f) 

Idiots, lunatics, convicted of in- 
famous crimes, Indians not 
taxed. 

Paupers, idiots, lunatics, .con- 
victed of treason, felony, or 
bribery at elections, 

Indians having tribal relations, 
insane, convicted of treason 
or felony. 

Idiots, insane, convicted of in- 
famous crimes, unable to read 
State Constitution. 



* Australian ballot law or a modification of it in force, t Indian must have severed tribal relations. S One year g 
residence in the United States prior to election required, (a) 'Women can vote in school elections. (1)) Ownci-s of real es- 
tate, one year, (c) Ministers in charge of an organized church and teachers of puhlic schools are entitled to vote after six 
months' residence in the State, (d) Actual residence in the precinct or district required, (c) U ho has paid six montns 
liefore election any poll-tax then due, and can read and write any section of the State Constitution, or can show tnnt 
he owns and has paid all taxes due the previous year on property in the State assessed at S^'OO or more. ( f ) Or convicteii 
of bribery at election, embezzlement of public funds, treason, felony, and petty larceny, duelist.s and abettors, unless 
pardoned by legislature, (g) Or persons " non compos mentis," convicted of bribery or infamous crime, until reslorea lo 
right to vote, under guardianship, (h) Except Pueblo Indians if "acequia" officers. „.„„„ 

Residents of the District of Columbia never had the right to vote therein for national olTicers or on othei matters 
of national concern, after it became the seat of the general government. But from 1802 to June 20, W,i. the c tizona or 
VVashini,non, and from January 1, 1790, to said date the citizens of Georgetown were entitled to vote on municipal subjects 
and for certain municipal ofHcers; the citizens of the portion of the district outside of Washington «'»'• Georgetow n vrere 
entitled to the same privilege from April 20, 1871, to June 20, ISri. but that suffrage was abobahed in the District of U>- 
lumbia and was rescinded June 20, 1871, by the Act of Congress of that date. 



go 8 Appendix. 

THE FLAG. 

Washington, during the early days of his Presidenc3% aided by acommittee author- 
ized bv tlie Continental Congress to design a suitable tiag for the nation, presented a 
rough ilrawing to Mrs. Betsy Ross, -nhich, upon her suggestion, was redrawn by 
(ienernl Washington in pencil in her back parlor at her residence, 239 Arch Street, 
Philadolpliia. Pa.; and there Mrs. Ross made the Stars and Stripes under the per- 
sonal supervision and direction of Washington, between the dates of May 23 and 
June 7, 1777. 

The flag thus designated was adopted by Congress, and was the first Stars and 
Stripes to be officially recognized by the thirteen States of the Union. 

The first recorded " Icgi-slative action" by the American Congress in session at 
Philadelphia, Pa., for the adoption of the Stars and Stripes, was in resolution offered 
Saturday, June 14, 1777, as follows : 

" liisolved, That the flag of the thirteen United States be thirteen stripes, alternate 
red and white ; that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a 
new constellation." 

The Stars and Stripes remained unchanged for about eighteen 3'ears after their 
adoption in 1777. By this time two more States (Vermont and Kentucky) had been 
admitted into the Union ; and on January 15, 1794, Congress enacted : 

" Tiuit from and after the first day of May, 1795, the flag of the United States be 
fifteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the Union be fifteen stars, white in a 
blue field." 

This flag was the national banner from 1795 to 1818, during which period occurred 
the War of 1812 with Great Britain. 

Indiana, Ohio, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Mississippi, having been admitted into 
the Union, a further change in the arrangement of the flag seemed necessary. 

After considerable discussion in Congress on the subject, the act of March 24, 1818, 
was pa.ssed and approved by President ]\Ionroe, April 4, 1818, which is as follows : 

" Section 1. Be it enacted, that from and after the fourth day of July next, the flag 
of the United States be thirteen horizontal stripes, alternate red and white ; that the 
Union have tweut}' stars, white in a blue field. 

" Section 2. And be it further enacted, that on the admission of every new State 
into the Union one star be added to the union of the flag, and that such addition shall 
take effect on the fourth day of July next succeeding such admission." 

Since 1818 there has been no act passed bj^ Congress altering the flag. It is the 
same to-day as then adopted, except as to the number and arrangement of the stars. 

By this regulation the thirteen stripes represent the number of States whose valor 
and resource originally effected American independence, and the additional stars will 
mark the increase of the States since the present Constitution. 

The first flag of the present de.s^ign was made by the wife of Captain Samuel Ches- 
ter Ueid, United States Nav}', assisted by several patriotic young ladies, at her resi- 
dence on Cherry Street, New York City, and was first unfurled over the Capitol of 
tlie United States, April 13, 1818. 

November 8, 1867, the Stars and Stripes were first unfurled in Alaska, and in 1898 
on the following islands captured by the United States of America from Spain : ]May 
1, and August 13, Philippines ; May 12 and August 17, Cuba ; and July 25, Porto 
Rico ; officially raised on Hawaii Islands, August 12, 1898. 

[By permission of Cai)tainWallace Foster.] 



INDEX. 



' in connection with a reference directs the reader to the Appendix. 



'^ 



Abbott, Dr. Lyman, on the issnes of the Spanish- 
American War, 161 

Abjuration, Dutch Declaration of Independence 
14 ; date of, 18 

Abjurutiou of Protestantism by Henry IV., 14 

Acadia, Nova Scotia, 46 

" Act of Assembly of State of Maryland," 307 

Act of Toleration U689), to Unitarians (1813), to 
Roman Catholics (1829;, to Jews (1858), 85 

Adams, President, 74 

"Address of the Editor," Father Phelan retracts, 
371 

African Slavery in Cuba, introduced by Spain, 148 

Agricultural Department, religious percentages of 
employees in, 313 

Alarm, reasons for, 499-501 

Albany, 15 ; Bishop Burke of, 239 

Albay, volcano of, 167 

Albigenses, 38 

Aldridge, George W., connection of, with Roman 
political machine, 281 

Alexander VI., decree of, 136 

Alger, Secretary of War Russell A., refers Lamont's 
West Point grant to Catholics to the President, 
305 

Alton, Bishop James Ryan of, 259 

Alva, Duke of, in Netherlands, 127 ; his own descrip- 
tion of his massacres, 128 

Ambassadors, and the laws of the United States, 
607 A ; privileges of, 607 A, 608 A 

Amendment, First, to Constitution of United 
States, 83, 88 

American, Baptist Home Mission Society, resolu- 
tion of, 521 ; Canon Law, 603 A ; Federation of 
Labor, 401; flag as object lesson, 547; Flag Associa- 
tion, 559; Flag Protectors, 565; liistory. Garfield on 
study of, 545 ; memorable events in, 595 A ; insti- 
tutions. Powers to Protect, 518 et seq.; journal- 
ism, Joseph Cook on, 119; legates, nuncios, and 
delegates, 607 A ; Mechanics (Junior Order of 
United) adopt Sixteenth Amendment, 521 ; Patri- 
otic League, 165 ; programme for free common 
schools, 545, 546; Protective Association, 264- 
267, 272, 387, 564 ; allusion of Mr. Minturu to, 
177 : Republican Christian civilization, sources 
of, 13 ; Sabbath, assaults on, 233 

" American Catholic," speech of Mr. Minturn on, 
177 

•'American Citizenship," Archbishop Ireland's 
lecture on, 235 

" American Commonwealth," 517 

"American Ideals," Roosevelt's, quoted, 405, 482 

American Journal of Polilics, 233 

" Americanism," Pope's letter on, 621 A 

Americanism and foreignism, Lyman Beecher on, 
217 

Americanizing, Theodore Roosevelt on, 482 

America's founders and defenders. 557 

Amsterdam. Pilgrims misrrate to, 22 

Andrews, Ex-Chief Judge, on church and state 
91 

Anglo-American Arbitration Treaty, opposition to, 
by Roman Catholic Senators, 516 

Anglo-American unity, essential elements of, 141 ; 
Alliance, 154; grounds and character of opposi- 
tion to, 471 

Anglo-Saxon alliance, 154 ; English Statesman s 
opinion as to, 159 ; grounds for assault on, 144; 
assailants of, ecclesiastically product of Latin 
civilization, 144 

Anglo-Saxon and Latin civilizations, 121 ; races, 
statistics of, as to world-control, 145 

Anglo-Saxon civilization, progress of, 133 ; Roman 



Catholic tribute to, 141 ; theory of, 134; element, 

preponderance of, 140 
Anne, Pilgrim Hliiij, arrival of, at I'lynioulh, 26 
Anniversaries, effect of, in arousing putriutiem, 

550 
Appeal to civil from ecclesiaslical power prohibited. 

604 A 
Aquinas, Thomas, on source of liinnan government, 

209 
" Archbishop Ireland an He Is," 2^8 
"Armada, The Invincible," 128 
Arnold, Matthew, quoted, 59, 134 
Aryan races, contest between irreconcilable 

branches of, 560 
Assassination, conspiracy, 417; of Mgr. Bedini, plot 

for, 192 
Atheists, exclusion of, from oftlce, 88 
Attorney General (McKeuna), opiuiou of, 805 
Audubon, 51 

Australian Ballot Law, 571 
Aztec Club, 555 

Bacon, Dr. Leonard WoolBey, quoted, 49 

Baker, General, 417 

Balance of power, Roman, 490 

Ballot reform law, Mr. Saxtou's advocacy of, 569- 
71 

Ballot, safeguarding, 569 

Ballon, Hosea, 52 

Baltimore (cruiser), 153 

Baltimore, Archbishop Spalding of, quoted, 505; 
circular published at, on school fuii(l>, 331 ; im- 
portant decision at, 332; seat of cuily Itonian 
Catholic Cardiiialate in United States, iiO ; Third 
Plenary Council of, 293; Third Plenary Council 
of, on education, 326 

Baltimore, Lord, colonizes Maryland, 59 

Bancroft, George, quote<l, 88; on relations of 
chui-ch and state, 92 

Baptism, Council of Trent on, 379 ; heretical, valid, 
379 

Baptist declaration (1611), 88 

Baptized heretics, piniishinent of, 611 A 

Barclay, Robert, (Quaker declaration of, 54 

Bartholomew, St , iniissacre of, 41 

Basis of our civilization, 577 

Bayle, 44 

Bedini, Mgr. Cajetaii, papal Nuncio to America, 192 

Beecher, Lyman, on conflict between Americaniein 
and foreii;nism, 217 

Belleville, Bishop John Janssen of, 259 

" Belshazzar's feast," 412 

Benedict XIV. (Pope), Constitution of, 379; his 
theory of baptism, 379 

Berkeley, Sir William, opposes free scLools and 
free press, 114 

Bert, M. Paul, opinion of. regarding Rome's rela- 
tions to French affairs, 212 

Beth Jacob Synagogue, prayer for American 
success in, quoted, 160 

Better element. Catholic, abuse of, 272, 273 

Beza, French author, quoted, 40 

Bible, Tyndale's version of, 110 

Biennial School; Census Bill, Roman Catholic op- 
position to, 349 

Bismarck, on papal election, 254; opinion of, of 
Pope's power, 2.'>4 

Blacklisting, States prohibiting, actually and 
virtually, 408 

Blanco, General Ramon, 162 

Blaine-Cleveland election, remarks on. 411 

Blaine, James G., apprehension of, over effect of 
on poor voters, of bankers' dinner to, 412 ; bear- 



630 



Index. 



in" of Dr. Btirchard's speech on election of, 411 ; 
uimi-lcrx' nu-etins to meet, 4011 .^. . , 

Blair, lion Henry \V., quoted on Jesuit interference 
in United States Senate, 290 

Blanket Biillot Bill, 571 . 

Blifc Colonel tJeorge, honored by Leoxiu.,deo, 
nrepjiri'!' bill to secure State funds for sectarian 
iiii'titutions, 372; presented with loving cup by 
I'littiolic flub, 38(J 

Blue, t'oniiressninn, 538 

Board of Estimate and Apportionment, meetings 
of, described. 448 

Ituu'urdus, first minister, 16 

Hi>li>"ne. Austrians at, 192 

li.Miiface Vlll.. 198 , ^_ , 

Ho-* and boss-ship, Bonrke Cockran on, 405; ae- 
livation of, 403; description of, 408; disquisition 
oil, 403-405 

Bo-ton, 33 

Hoitun (cruiser), l.')3 , ,, ^ „„^ . 

Boniface VIII.. Vnam Sanclam. bull of, GOG A 

Bouquillon, Rev. Tliomar-, discusses source of 
aiilliority to educate, 334 

Bowdoin, .Ihuk's, ,'■)! 

Boycott, Captain, 401 - . • . .„„ 

Boycott, the date and place of invention of . 402 ; 
derivation of, 401 ; definition of, 402 ; menace of, 
n,S7 : Stiites prohibiting, 407 ; States virtually 
prohibit! nu, 408 

Bradford, William, 20 ; elected Governor of Plym- 
outh colonv, 26; his "History of Plymouth 
Plantations,'" 20 ; re-elected Governor, 27 ; Salem 
colonists aided by. 31 

Brainerd, Cephas, 316, 519 

Brazil, Archbishop Bedini, Nuncio to, 192; ex- 
pulsion of Jesuits from, 504 

Brewster, William, 20 ; Post at Scrooby, 21 

Brii'lit, John, quoted. 03 

Brooklyn (cruiser), l.')3 .„ „ , r^ . 

Brooklyn, Bishop McDonnell of, 239 ; Eagle, Hugh 
McLaughlin in, 271 

Brondell, Bishop John B., 293 

Browne, Rabbi, 40 

Brownson. Dr. Orestes A., claims Catholic Church 
brings foreignism to this country, and its adhe- 
rents remain foreigners. 481 ; declares parochial 
schools perpetuate foreignism, 344 ; on relations 
of church and state, 84 ; quoted on " Protestant- 
ism and Infidelity," 413 ; sketch of life of, 201 

Bryce, Professor, 104 ; on American institutions, 
547:'on religious freedom, 89 

Buckle, quoted, 133 

Buffalo, Bishop Quigley of, 239 

Bulkeley, Peter, 37 

Bull L'nam Sanctum. 606 A 

li'dletin de hi Pretse, L«, 364 

Burrhard. Rev. Dr., S. D., exact facts as to "Rum, 
Romanism, and Rebellion" speech of, 410; re- 
fusal of. to publicly retract or explain, 411 

Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, 522 ; General 
.Morgan's victory over, 301 ; relations between, 
and Indian office severed, 297 ; Report of, 261 ; 
sketch of, 292 ; strictures on, 294, 295 ; work of 
schools under, 299 

Bureau of Engravings, promotions in, 313 

Burke (quoted). 66, 211 

Burlington (N. J.), 54 

BusinL'er and Shea, quoted, 101, 202; on Catholic 

relations to Civil War, 417; on Godless schools, 321 

" Bu-iness of the Books, Censures and Index, 

The," :i58 
Butler. Rev. Dr. William, on Jesuitism, 255 ; on the 
attitude of the pajtacy in our Civil War, 415; 
VS'iii. Allen, 316; argues in favor of Sixteenth 
Amendment in Congress. 52r> 
Byron, Thomas F., claims Catholic laymen do not 
want parochial schools, 345 

Cadiz, Drake's work at, allusion to, 159; English 

naval victory at, 128 
('ie«ar, 13 

California, effect of acquisition of, 580 
Ciilviii, 44 ; cliaraeteri/.ation of, :)8 
Cambon. M., Instriiried by M. Hanotaux to prevent 

war with Spain, 614 A 
Canada, clerical intimidation in, 2.36, 2.37 
Canon Law, defined, C02 A ; Eight Bouicee of, and 



ultimate source of, 602 A ; why so named, 602 A: 
Von Scluilte's digest of, 188 
Canonical admonition of Father Dticiy. 432 
Cantor, Senator, punished by Croker f-r disobe- 
dience, 437 
Cape Cod, Pilcrims arrive at, 24 
Capital and labor, relations between, how compli- 
cated, 393 
Carlisle, attack on Indian School at, 349 
Carlyle quoted, 181, 198 

Carroll, Anna Ella, gives history and perversion of 

Tammany, 418; Charles, of Carrollton, 60 ; Henry 

K., LL. D., 93 ; John F.,442 ; Croker's lieutenant 

in his absence, 452 

Carmelites, barefooted, 320 

Caroline Islands, Pope's arbitration between Spain 

and Germany, 472 
Carr, Lieut. J. A., quoted, 130 
Carter, Thomas H., National Committeeman, 314 ; 

Archbishop Ireland's letter to, 265 
Cartier, Jacques, 46 

Carver, John, joins Pilgrims at Leyden, 23 ; made 
Giovernor of Pilgrim colony, 25 ; death of, 26 ; 
secures grant for Pilgrims, 23 

Castile and Aragon, union of, 121 

Catherine de Medici, duplicity of, 40, 41 

"Catholic and Protestant Countries Compared," 
488 

" Catholic Church in the United States, The," 324, 
512 , ^ 

Catholic, Church, State within a State, 287 ; Club, 
fight of, against anti-sectarian amendment to Con- 
stitution, 384; Congress. Columbian Exposition, 
]\Iiss Elder at, quoted, 608; liberalism, condemna- 
tion of. 236. 2.37; majority in America, Froude 
on, 2.57; organization. Rev. D. C. Cunnion on, 
401, 402 ; press, when deserving of canonical 
censure, 367 ; Protectory, 390 ; teachers, political 
duty of, 501 

Catholic Citizen, opinion of, on the public schools, 
345 

" Catholic Directory " (Hoffmann's), quoted, 293 

CathoUc Herald, 366, 367 

Catholic Mirroi', on drink and Catholicism, 414 

Catholic Review, quoted, 238, 261, 363; on Arch- 
bishop Ireland's defeat of Constitutional amend- 
ment in 1896, 267 

Catholic Times, quoted, 507 

Catholic World, quoted, 200, 414 ; on duty of Catho- 
lics in politics. 493 

Cavalier, the characterization of, 58 ; part of, in 
settling America. 57 

Cavite, treachery at, 465 

Cebu. 167 

Censorship of the Press, 114 

Centenary, of R. C. Hierarchy in U. S., 199; ser- 
mon of Archbishop Ireland quoted, 199 

Central News dispatcli, 463 

Century Magazine, Captain Sigsbee in, on jVaine 
funeral, 497 

Cession of Cuba to Pope, 463 

Chameleon, description of, 200 

Chapelle, Archbishop P. L., 293; useful to Rome, 
amongst members of Peace Commission, 620 A 

Chaplaincy, Father Rosen's fight for, 278 

Charles I., 21 

Charles II., 55, 87 

Charles V., 14 ; empire of. Motley on, 126 

Charles X., 71 

Charles, Prince, distrust of, 30 

Cliarlestown, 33 

Charlevoix, County, election, 236 

Chateaubriand (quoted), 64 , a - 

"Chautauqua, Movement," 111; Lit. and Set. 
Circle, object of. 111, 112 

Chester, Justice, upholds Supt. Skinner in Water- 
vliet school appeal, 348 

Chicago, Archbishop Feehan of, 259 ; Peace Jubilee 

in, 157 . , , ,. v.- 

Chidwick, Chaplain, ostentatiously advertises his 

church connections, 484 
Chief Justice of U. S., first, 51 
Children of the American Revolution, 5.59 ; of the 

LiL'ht (Quakers, Friends), ,5:5, 54 ; religious pro- 

visions for " non-parochial," 328 
" Children of the Bible," Huguenots, 44 
Children's Aid Society, 382 



Index. 



631 



Child-study Congress of Paulist Fathers, 339 

Christian Advocate, allusion to 363 

Christian Herald, services of, 147 ; statistics pub- 
lisned by, 148 

"Christianity in the United States," qnoted 512 

Christianity, part of law of the land, 378- the 
national religion (Bryce), 89 ' 

Christmas, a festival with Dutch, 17 

Church and state, State Constitutions on 89 • sepa- 
ration of, Leo XIII. on, 221 ; dangers from' union 
of, 82 ; separation of, 81 ; sphere and function of 
79 ; theories as to, 81 

Church, a Sovereign State, 603 A, 610 A ; can inflict 
temporal, physical, and spiritual punishments, 
611 A; in D. S.,603 A; judicial powers of, 608 A '• 
legislative and executive power of, 604 A- Prot- 
estant errors as to status of, 608 A ; property 
reason for remission of taxes, 96 » •" 

"Church, The, and The Age," Archbishop Ireland's 
sermon on, quoted, 478, 479 

Churches, R. O. and Evangelical, comparative sta- 
tistics of, 513 

Cincinnati, Bishop Purcell of, attitude as to public 
schools, 343; History of the Society of, 551- 
Order of, 420 ' 

Circular letter, Archbishop Kain prepares, 370 

"Civic Interrogations," 238 ; Archbishop Coirigan's 
comments on, 240-243 ; strictures on Archbishop 
Corrigan's answer to, 244, 245 

Civil, and Common law. 65 ; and ecclesiastical 
power; which to prevail, 209; and Religious 
Liberty, relations of, 78 ; liberty, claims of, con- 
demned, 217 ; liberty, essential character of, 208 ; 
Service, 572 ?/ seq.; Service Reform Law and Its 
effects, 577-579; War, attitude of Papacy during, 
415; reason for its hostility, 415; War, disabilities 
of, abolished, 150; War, R. C. Church deprecated, 
417 

Cimtila Cattolica, 228 

Civilizations, Anf,'lo-Saxon and Latin, 121 ; English 
and Latin, vital difference between, 135 ; Latin 
and Anglo-Saxon contrasted, 143 

Clement V. (Pope), enacts church law of summary 
judicial proceeding in matrimonial causes, 609 A 

Clement VII., a foe to Reformers, 40 

Clement XIV., abolishes Jesuits, 198 

Clerical, intimidation in Canada, 236, 237, 496 ; vote 
in Rome, 507 

Clergymen, exclusion of, from office, 88 

Cleveland, President, 316 

Clifton, Mr. Richard, clergyman, 20 

Cloistered nuns, privileges of, as superior to the 
law, 310 

Cockran, Bourke, on the political " boss," 405 

Coligny, 44 ; aids Huguenots in colonizing Brazil 
and North America, 45 

Collegio Romano, restoration of, to Jesuits, 196 

Collum, Senator, 173 

Colonial, Dames of America, 559 ; Daughters of the 
Seventeenth Century, 559 ; Order, 558 ; Society, 
558 

Colonization, Dutch, aristocratic features of, 10 

Columbia, District of, composition of Court of Ap- 
peal, 309 

" Columbian Orations " of Mr. Depew, quoted, 567 

Columbian Order, 395 

Columbus, 45 ; discovers Cuba, 164 ; discovers 
Porto Rico, 166 ; heirs of, lawsuit against, 136 ; 
statue of, stoned at Granada, 162 

"Columbus, Knights of," 395; object of. 396; 
membership, how increased, 396 

Commercial Advertiser, on papal mediation, 615 A 

Commission to Satolli, Pope's, language of, 194 

Commissioner, McCartney, verbal order of, 441 ; 
Morgan, suggested price for confirmation of, 296; 
of Indian Affairs, General Morgan, 260 ; of Indian 
Affairs, General Morgan, attempt to defeat con- 
firmation of, 292 

"Committee of Correspondence, Inter-colonial," 
58 

Committee on Foreign Affairs, report of, 157 

Compact of Pilgrims, 24 

Compulsory school attendance laws. Archbishop 
Spalding on, 505 

Common and civil law, 65 

Common schools, assaults on, 100 ; Dr. McGlynn 
on, 344 ; free, necessity for defense of, 542, et 



seq. ; origin of, 97 ; religious question In conduct 
of, too ; sources of support of, »9 ; system, 90 

Concord, 153 

Concordat, second article of, between Spain and 
Holy See, 320 

Conde, Prince of, 44 

Confessional, abuse of, 123 

CongregatioiiHl Church of Mbshh. hnselts, flrHl 32 

Congrt'K!*, ronoUitionsof, relating to Cuba. 148 

Conkling. Ruscoe, 412 

Connecticut, CK^veland's success in (1892) ex- 
plained, 261 ; settlement of, 35 

Connolly, Richard B., preceptor of ("n.ker. 455 

" Consent of the governed." comment on. 08 
Constitutio de Fide Catliolica." quoted, 021 A 

Constitution, antiseclarian amendment lo how 
defeated, 385 ; result of defeat. ;«6 ; Knglinh. un 
written, 70 ; of U. S.. written. 70 ; of U. S . KIrMt 
Amendment to. 83; Spanish, of 1876, quoted, 219 

Constitutional, amendment of 1896, attempled 
reasons for, 201, 265 ; defeat of, through Arch" 
bishop Ireland, 206; Convention, Mr. Coudert 
before. 330; amendment suggested by Committee 
on Educalion, 3.38 

Contract-school system, question of, to be re- 
opened, 302 

Convent of Mercy, remarks on, 439 

Coogan. James J., 459 

Cook, Captain, discovery of Hawaiian Islands by, 
171 ; Joseph, on American journalism, 119 

Cooley, Judge, quoted. 90; on law and religion, 
100 ; opinion of, on relation of civil law to 
Christianity, 92 

Corcoran. Father, succeeds in establishing sec- 
tarian public school at Stillwater. Minn.. 329 

Corning, assault on school fund at, 348 

Cornwall, Dr. Edward E., in N. Y. Sun. quoted. 
140 

Correspondence between Archbishop Corrigan and 
Father Ducey, 432-4.35 

Corrigan, Archbishop, 177, 293, 301, 343. 426; 
abuses Italian Government. 283; Jubilee of. 428; 
parochial school children at. 484; letter of' 
denying papal interference in American politics, 
240; the letter dissected. 244,245; letter of. i^how- 
ing interference in New Jersey politics, 247; 
threatening letter of, to Catholic Herald, 367 

Corrigan, Father, attempt of, to secure New Jersey 
public funds for school, 328 

Corrupt Practices Bill, 570 

Cortez, characterization of, 126 

Cosgrove, Bishop, compares circulation of Catholic 
and Protestant papers, 363 

Cos77iopolitan, defiance to Crokerism in, 450, 451 

Cotton, John, 37 

Coudert, Hon. Frederic R., criticism of Attorney 
General's opinion on West Point Catholic grunt, 
by, 306; opposes our expansion, 463; presented 
with loving cup by Catholic Club, 386; withdraws 
Catholic opposition to Constitutional Amend- 
ment protecting schools, 336 

Council of Trent. Fourth Canon on Baptism, 379; 
Eighth Canon, 379 

" Council of Troubles," 127 

Court, Antoine, 44 

Crowell, Dr.. on Divine Right, 116 

" Creoles," definition of, 165 

Crimmins, John D., 442 

Cristobal Colon, 162 

Cristobal Colon Cemetery, 498 

Croker, Richard, absolutism of, rests on Catholic 
vote, 400; account of assault committed by. 455; 
announces his determinalion to retain control of 
Tammany. 453; amasses a fortune in politics. 456; 
a pupil of Connolly and Genet. 450; biographical 
sketch of, 454; his control of Manhattan, 428; his 
demands on Judge Daly, and results to latter of 
refusal. 438; is Emperor of New York. 428; leads 
gang of repeaters to Philadelphia. 454; letter to, 
from Sister Mary David, 429; master of Demo- 
cratic party. 275; New York Times on, 459; on 
Tammany's influence on local and national poli- 
tics, 423; orders Tamiuany to subscribe $20,000 to 
the suffering poor. 430; punishes recalcitrant 
Tammanyites. 437; reply of, to Sister Mary 
David, 430; tried for murder, and discharged on 
disagreemant of jury, 456 



632 



Index. 



Crowley! Fflher. assaults Indian schools in appeal 

to Ojibwav Iiidiaiie, 3-19 
Cuba, 147; dVt^triptiou of, 164 

Cuba's liiint,'cr Htntistics, 148 ■ ,• r 

Cuniiioii, Kiv. Uauiel C, advises organization of 

Catholic youii^' men, 399 , ^ , , , , ,■ 
Curry. Dr., on the necessity of schools to safely ot 

the republic, 544 ^.i • oo 

Cushumn, Robert, secures grant for Pilgrims, 23 

Daily Chionide on prospects of papal mediation. 

Daily \ewg, Mr. Gladstone's postcard in, 506 
UMu \'ew.i, on altitude of Pope and President 
before Spanish War, 614 A; on papal mediation, 

016 A . -.1 ,1- 1 

JJaily TtUyraph (London), interviews with Weyler 
publishi'U in, 148 

Ualy, .luiifje Charles P., abused by Catholic lawyers 
on opposing sectarian appropriations, 487; Judge 
Joseph F., 387: defeated by Croker's orders, 
456- New York Ueruld on Croker's ordering 
defeat of, 435; refused renoniination for de- 
clining to submit to Croker's dictation, 438 

Dames of the Revolution, 559 

Daughters of Holland Dames, 559; of Liberty, 559, 
5B4; of the American Revolution, 559; of the 
Cincinnati. 559; of the Revolution, 559 

Davenport, John, 37 

Davis, Jefferson, letter to, from Pius IX., 415; Sena- 
ator, 277 . 

Death for religious opinions, first date of, in Eng- 
land, 21 

Declaration of Independence, 55; quoted, 208; of 
intention of alien, quoted, 208 

De Courcey, 59 

Definitions, ecclesiastical, 601 A 

De Gourgues retaliates on Menendez' garrison, 46 

Delaware, Swedes' colony in, 67 

Delegate i'j>'. Archbishop, 277, 278 

De Leon, Ponce, founds San Juan, Porto Rico, 166 

Delft Haven, first Pilgrim expedition from, 24 

" Democracy and Liberty," quoted, 250, 287 

Democrat, American, Mr. Richards' estimate of, 
274, 275 

" De Moribus EcclesiiE," quoted, 242 

Denominational Colleges, number of, 109; system, 
Cardinal Gibbons recommends, 325; Father Phe- 
laii on, :jC8 

Denominations, table of, 94 

Department of Charities and Corrections, remarks 
on, 438 

Depew, Chauncey M., quoted, 49 ; in opposition to 
promiscuous immigration, 567 ; on Destiny, 587 

Deposition of princes, right of, 606 A 

De Tocqueville, on Christianity and popular educa- 
tion in the United States, 581 

Devare translation of "Syllabus Errorum " of, 
324 

Devery, Chief of Police, career of, in brief, 443 ; 
what his return signalizes, 443 

Dewey, Commodore'(Admiral), 153, 159 

Diocletian, 115 

District of Columbia, Appropriation Bill, 537 ; Court 
of Appeal of, 309 ; final non-sectarian decision of, 
539 ; joint committee on, 538 

Division of the school fund. Dr. McGlynn on, 346 

Divorce and ecclesiastical power, 609 A 

Divorces, causes and varieties of, 610 A, involun- 
tary, 610 A 

Divver Club, migratory member of, 439, 440 

Dockery, f'ongressman, 538 

Dodsworth, W., believes in American ability to 
properly govern Philippines, 592 

Dole. President Sanford B., 173 

DOllinger, Dr., on infallibility dogma, 318 

Dorchester, Dr. Daniel, 292, 520; declares Romanism 
is on the decline, 512 

Doyle, Itev. Alexander P., on power of Catholic 
Church to compel obedience, 234; on the vileness 
of the average saloon, 446 

Draper, lion. Andrew S., on New York's early 
Hchouls, 98 

Dreyfus case, 135 
Dubois, 44 

Pucey, Rev. Thomas J., letter to, from Archbishop 



Corrigan, forbidding attendance at Lexow Inves- 
tigation, 432; opposition of, to Tammany cor- 
ruption, 431 ; response of, denying Archbishop's 
right to forbid such attendance, 433 

Dudley, sails from Southampton for Plymouth, 

33 

Duffy, liieutenant Colonel, 494 

Du Monls, leads Hugiienotexpedition to Port Royal, 
N. S., 46 

Dunn, "Tom " 442 

Dutch, colonization, aristocratic features of, 16 ; 
history an aid to solution of American problems, 
19; religious toleration of, 18; social life of, 17 

Dyer, Rev. E. R., 293 

Dykmaii, Justice, decides Myers voting machine 
unconstitutional, 230 

Eagle, Brooklyn, anonymous R. C. in, quoted, 272 ; 
J. Seton in, quoted, 273 : James M. Richards in, 
274 

Early removals for party reasons, 576 

Eaton, Dornian B., 316, 519 ; " Father of Civil Ser- 
vice Reform." ,572 

" Ecclesia est in Statu," why false, 603 A 

Ecclesiastical Definitions, 601 A ; reasons for giv- 
ing, 601 A 

Ecclesiastics forbidden to sue in civil courts, 605 A 

Edict of Nantes, date of, 89; Revocation of, 42; 
Revocation of, Effects of, 43 

Edict of Toleration, 558 

Editors, R. C, memorial of, to Leo XIII., 361 

Education Bill (1888), Blair on, 290; in U. S., main 
principles recognized in, 103; Leo XIII. reverses 
attitude on, 330; lut of school, 110 

" Education: To whom does it Belong* " 334-336 

Egan, Patrick, 483 

" Eidgenossen," 38 

Eighteen propositions condemned by the Popes, 
612 A-643A 

El Comercio of Madrid, letter of Archbishop of 
Manila in, 468, 469 

Elder, Miss M. T., finds her Catholic co-religionists 
have little to be proud of, 508 

" Elements of Ecclesiastical Canon Law," 602 A- 
612 A 

Eliot, John, Indian apostle, 37 

Elizabeth, Queen, 21; appointment of Puritans to 
church positions by, 29 

Elizabeth's desire for good will of subjects, 28 

Elliott, Father Walter A., confesses that Catholics 
monopolize liquor traffic, 414 

Emancipation Proclamation of the Western Hemi- 
spheres, 149 

Emigration, from Western Hemisphere, only 
insiance of, 567; without license forbidden, 22 

Emmanuel, Victor, 234, 282 

Encyclical letters, referred to as condemning 
modern ideas, 612 A, 613 A; of 1888, quoted, 215, 
of 1S90, extract from, 210; of 1895, on isolation of 
Catholics, 481; of Leo XIII. (November 1, 1885); 
quoted, 263; of Leo XIII., quoted, 209; defined. 
602 A 

Endicott, John, leads Puritan expedition to Salem, 
31; sends party to settle at Charlestown, 33 

Eugiish language, increase in use of, 146 

Essential elements of Anglo-American Unity, 144 

Established religion, U. S. Constitution repudiates, 
1&4 

Evening Sun, 363 

Evening Telegram, on Police Department, 443 

Everett, Edward (quoted), 138 

Examination papers in advance, how to be pro- 
cured, 315 

" Ex Attache," quotation from, as to successoiship 
to Leo XIII ,254 

Ex-Catheilia. detined, C05 A 

Exc(uniiiiiiii( iited to be shunned, 612 A 

Executive deiiarliueiils lit WabhingtOD, Dr. Her- 
shey's aninia<lverHions on, 312, 313 

Exile, ecclesiastical, deliiied. 611 A 

Expurgated school-books, 4,s0 

" Faith of our Fathers," quoted, .^07 

" Familiar Explanation of Catholic Doctrine," Rev. 

M. Muller in, quoted, 213 
Faiieuil Hall, 51 
Fanned, Peter, 51 



I 



Index, 



633 



farel, 44 

Farewell Address of Washington, on instability of 
murality without relij^ion, 580; quoted, 550 

"Faribault plan," 330; Aicbbisliop Ireland's pur- 
pose in, 342; object of, 330, 331 

Faribault, school question at, 329 

" Faribault with fringes," 3(58 

" Father of Civil Service Reform," 572 

Faulkner, Senator, 538 

Ferdinand, of Spain, 121, 122, 124, et seq. 

Field, David Dudley, quoted, 90 

Final conclusions of Mr. Gladstone as to claims of 
the Pope, 614 A 

First, female college graduate in U. S., 109; Re- 
formed Dutch Church, N. Y., 47 

FiizGerald, Bishop, at Havana, 496; Representa- 
tive, deems it necessary to assert R. C. loyalty, 
475 

Five things unlawful under any of the American 
Constitutions (Cooleyj, 101 

Flower, Governor, signs sectarian bill, 373 ; vetoes 
ballot measure, 571 

Foley, Father M. F., claims Catholic squalor and 
vice the result of drink, 415 

" Footprints of the Jesuits," quoted, 503 

Forefathers' Day, 19 

Foreignism in the parochial schools, Brownson 
on, 344 

Foreman, Mr., quoted on Philippines, 169 

Fortifications, erection of, in New England, 33 

Forhiightly Review, M. Paul Bert in, 212 

Fort Orange (Albany), 18 

Fortune, Pilgrim ship, arrival of, at Plymouth, 26 

Forum, 404 

" Four questions," of Professor Bouquillon, 334 

Fox, George, preaches Quakerism, 53 ; visits 
American Colonies, 54 

France, republic of, only so nominally, 160 

Francis I., policy of, toward French Protestants, 
39 ; succeeded by his son Henry II., 40 

Frear, Judge, 173 

Frederic, Harold, 463 

Frederic II., deposed by Innocent IV., 605 A 

Free common schools, American programme for, 
54."i, 546; necessity for defense of, 542 el seq.; 
Talleyrand on, 542 ; Horace Mann, 543 

Freed(jm of Worship, American idea, 374 ; idea of, 
in Syllabus, 374 ; in "countries called Catholic " 
condemned, 613 A ; right of, denied by R. C. 
Church, 380; bill, 371, 524; contest, 375 et seq.: 
Governor Flower passes, 374 ; object of, 373 ; 
text of, 372 ; bills, deserving of defeat, 381 ; who 
favor and who oppose, 381 

Freeman's Journal, on Pope's relation to Spanish 
and (luban affairs, 616 A 

Freemasons, Encyclical against, 397 

Free, press, the, as educator, 112; will and Pope, 602 

" French Catholic Press, The," 364 

French people unfitted for self-government (Lafay- 
ette), 71 

Friends (Children of the Light, Quakers), 53, 54 

Froude. on Catholicism, 201 ; on the assumptions 
of the Holy See, 206 ; on results of a Catholic 
majority in America, 257 

Fuller, Samuel, 31 

Gaddanes, 168 . ^ „„ 

Gainsborough, Pilgrims first worship at, 20 
Gardiner, Asa Bird, peculiar political platform of, 
429 .. , 

Garfield, President James A., 52; on separation of 
church and state, 84; opposes public support of 
sectarian schools, 101 ; would make all study 
American history, 545 
Gear, Senator, 267 

(4enet, Henry W., preceptor of Croker, 45d 
George, Henry, influence of, on independent vot- 
ing" 569; on Archbishop ("orrigan's meddling in 
politics, 246 ; supports ballot reform, 570 
Geor^^'e Washington Memorial Association, 559 
GibbSns, Cardinal, 214. 293, 336, 614 A; acknowl- 
edges receipt without comment of request troni 
Nalional League to desist seeking Government 
appropriations, 529 ; on religion in schools, 325; 
petitions Congress to reopen contract-school ques- 
tion, 301 ; President of Bureau Catholic Indian 
Missions, 293 



Gilmour, Bishop, on Catholic relatione to chnrch 
and state, 487 

(iilroy, ex-Mayor, 4-18 

Gladstone, Ri. Hon William E., 210, 218; believes 
Catholics in a minority of Christians, 506 • on the 
demands of the Pope, 207 ; on the Vuticuu de- 
crees, 612 A 

Glasgow Kreninrj Xews, 405 

Godefroy, 44 

God in the Constitution, Presupposed, 70 

Gorman, Senator, presents Cardinal Gibbons' peti- 
tion in Senate, 302 

Gosnold names Cape Cod, 24 

Goujon, 44 

"Governor and Company of the Massacbueettii 
Bay in New Knglaiid," 32 

Governor's council, established, 27 

Grace, ex-Mayor, 448 

Grady, Senator, punished by Croker for disobedi- 
ence, 437 

Granada, statu&of Columbus stoned at, lt;2 

Grant. President, l.'i.i ; on free schools, lul ; school 
legislation of, defeated by Francis Keriiun, 291 

"Great American Battle, The," 418 

Great Britain, treaty with, how defeated, 288 

Green, quoted, 29 

Gridley, Captain Charles V., quoted, 153 

Guahan (Guam), 170 

Gustavus Adolplius, 61 

Gutenberg, John, inventor of printing, 113 

Ilagner, District Judge, anti-sectarian decisioo of, 
overruled by Catholic Judges, 309 

Half Moon, 15 

Hallam quoted, 86 

Halliday, Rev. S. B., 410 

Hanna, Mark, 207 

Hanotaux, M., instructs M. Cambon to prevent War 
with Spain, 614 .\ 

Harper's Weekly, Franklin Matthews in, on " Wide- 
open New York," 445 

Harris, Hon. William T., believes in complete secu- 
larization, 339; defines province of t^chojls iu 
relation to morality, 3;i8; Senator, 538 

Harrison, President, 522; Calholic Rerieir's ct\i'\\\'Mu 
of, 261 ; defeat of, explained by Wentern Catho'ic 
News, 259 ; false charge against, 261; N. Y. Piess 
explains hostile vote of Connecticut, 261 ; sup- 
ports Commissioner Morgan against Romanist 
attack, 295 

Hartford, Pioneers of. .36 

Harvard, College founded, 31 ; John, bequest to 
college, death of, 34 

Havana. 164; Bishop of, at Afaine funeral, 497 

Hawaiian, Commission, members of, 173 ; Islands, 
description of, 171; Republic, annexation of, 173 

Hawaiians, description of, 172 

Hawks, Dr. Francis L., on Lord Baltimore's policy, 
59 

Healey, Bishop James A., 293 

Hecker, Father, astounding statement of, 510 ; 
opinion of proper relations of church and state 
of, 324 ; quoted, 130 ; spirit of Rome misrepre- 
sented by, 621 A ; sums up the Catholic situation, 
512 

Helena, Bishop Brondell of, 293 

Henry II., of France, persecution of Protestants by, 
40 

Henry IV., of France, abjures Protestant Faith, 41; 
assassination of, 42 

Henry of Navarre, 44 

Henry VIII., 28 

Henry, Patrick, 56 , , „ , . 

Herald, New York, 361; Archbishop Ireland s let- 
ter to the Pope in, 491; on anxiety of Vatican as 
to Philippines, 618 A; on nomination of Judge 
Daly, 435; on Papal intervention, 614 A ; quoted, 
312; quoted, on Afaine funeral, 498 

Herald of Gospel lAherty, The, 118 

Heresy "great, of the nineteenth century, 216 

Hershey, Rev. Dr., on Catholic coercing of Pension 
Department Clerks, 312 

Hierarchy, defined, 604 A 

Hif'inson, Francis, confession of faith drawn up 
by, 32 

Ilii^her education, accessibility of, 106; meaning of, 
106 



034 



Index. 



Highland Falls, N. Y.. 303 . „ . , 

Hill, Governor Oavul B., oppopes ballot reform, 
501* iipposet- coiitinnation of Wheeler H. Peck- 
ham, while senator, olti; vetoes relorni bill, 570 

Mill School, Stillwater, Minn., 329 

lljcpaniola, fate of its inhabitants, 126 

•■ llistorvof Civilization," BiioUle, quoted, 132 

•• History of Catholic Church," Kii9iu;,'er and Shea's, 
quoted, 193, 202, -408, 409, 417; snmiuary of his- 
tory in, diirini; 1801 ; 417, 418 

Hitchcock, Dr. Koswell, quoted, 138 

Hut. Couixressnian, 173 

H..:ir, Sen.ilor, quoted approvingly by La Voce 
■ i,:hi ViTita. 620 A 

ll..iluian House, editorial dinner at, 363; Irish- 
American nieetinp at, 483 

Hoffman's Catholic Mrtctory, quoted, 203, 512; 
statistics of Catholicism, 512 

H.inan, M. J., 48.3 

Holland, Uames of New Netherlands, 559; Society, 
.'•..'•.8 

Hollow Laud (Low Land), 13 

" Holy experiment," 55 

Holman, W". S., 529 

Honolulu, 172 

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, pioneer of Hartford, op- 
poses restricted suffrage, 36 

House of Refuge (Randall's Island), 390 

Howland. Henry E., 31G, 519 

Hudson, Henry, 15 

HuL'lies, Archbishop (quoted), 134; Hugh Price, 
declares Romanism to be declining all over the 
wt)rld, 507 

Hugo, Victor, discusses Rome as an educator, 320 

Huguenot, colonization, first attempts at, 45, 46; 
derivation of, 38; history in France, three periods, 
39; name imported from Geneva, 38; period of 
immunity, 40; Society, 47; Society of America, 
5.58 

Huguenots, cbarncteriitation of, 49, 50; "Children 
of the bible," 44; origin of, 38; persecuted by 
Richelieu, 42 

Humboldt (quoted), 135 

llus^ite8, 3« 

Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, banished from Plymouth, 
settles Newport and Portsmouth, 36 

Iggoiotes, 168 

Ignorance of the voter, Dr. Curry on, 544 

Illegal registration, 442 

Immigration, Bill, defeat of, 288; restriction of, 
5t;7; statistics of, 625 

haifiitiident, 410; letter of, 333; Mr. Byron's allu- 
sion to. 345; symposium on Sixteenth Amend- 
ment, 525 

Index, Catholic culture controlled by, 360 

iiiilian, .Appropriation Bill, how amended in House 
of Representatives, 537; retrograde action, 538; 
Bureau, ai)propriatioii.s for sectarian education 
cut down, ,523; education, in Fifty-third Con- 
gress, 535; schools. Catholic, enumeration of. 
2*j3; schools, Government and Catholic, con- 
trasted, 300; school service. President places, 
under civil service rules, 296; Service, two con- 
trolling principles in appointments to, 295 

" Indigestible morsels " of the body politic, 568 

Individual rights, restriction of, 374; sovereignty, 
Declaration of Indepindence announces, 208 

Infidlibility dogma. Dr. DCjIlinger on, 318; dogma 
of, defined by Vatican Council of 1870, 206 

" Intluence of Sea-Power upon History," 128 

Hinocent IV. (Pope), 605 A 

Inquisition, 14, 127, 161; and inquisitors, 608 A: 
penalties of, 123; restrictions of, on printing, 116; 
sketch of, 122 

" In-ulars," 165 

"Intercolonial Committee of Correspondence," 58 

International law, requirements of, exceeded by 
President's jjroclamation, 157 

Iiilolenince, Romish, Palmerston on, 218 

luioa, 15.3 

Ireland, Archbishop, 177; as agent of the Vatican, 
014 A; as a pr)]ili(:ian, 47.''>; attempts of, to inllu- 
ence appointments on I'eace Commission, 475; 
" brevet commission from Holy See," 277; claims 
to be friendly to Slate schools, 340; defends his 
Faribault plan to the Pope, 341; efforts of. 



in connection with Spanish bonds, 476; extract 
from letter of, to the Pope, 353; Faribault 
plan of, 330; indorses Father MuUer's abusive 
book on public schools, 340; interference of, in 
New York politics, 279; letter of, to National 
Commilteeiuan Thomas H. Carter, 265; letter re 
Faribault, .342, .343; liberal utterances of, do not 
represent Rome's purpose. 214; meddling of, with 
Indian Department of Government, 314; on 
"American Citizenship," 235; on future of 
Catholicity in the U. S., 199, 20O; opposes isola- 
tion of Catholics in a letter to Leo XIII., 491; 
later, in addressing laymen, advises solidaiity, 
492; plea of, to the Pope, for toleration of Fari- 
bault plan, 330; sermon of, on "The Church and 
the Age," 478; submission of, 621 A; vacillation 
of, 278 

Ireland, Board of. National Education of, as re- 
visers, 322; North and South of, educational con- 
trast between, 320 

Irving, Washington, 126; first president of St. 
Nicholas Society, .558 ; quoted, 135 

Isabella of Spain, 121, 122, 134, ei seq. 

Italia cables Vatican of President McKinley's 
friendly attitude, 616 A 

Italian-American press, criticisms of papacy in, 
contrasted, 365 

Jackson, Andrew, President, leader of Tammany, 

420 
James I. ("England), 72; ascends throne, 22, 29; 

failure of, to understand English spirit, 29 
Jay, John, 519 ; William, 51 
Jefferson. I'resideut, 74, '15; declares free schools 

essential to the republic. 542 ; quoted on separation 

of church ;ind state. 88 
Jenkins, Rev. Thomas J., pamphlet of, on Godless 

schools. 325 
Jerusalem, Beth Jacob Synagogue in, 160 
Jesuit allies of Indians, 48 ; priest, letter of, against 

Education Bill, 290 
Jesuitism, progress of, 505 
Jesuits, abolition of, by Clement XIV., 198 ; 

Carlyle's characterization of, 198; Dr. William 

Butler on. 255; instrumental in securing decree 

of papal infallibility, 197; Leo XIII. pupil of, 

195 ; Leo XIII. restorer of, to power, 198 : Order 

of, sketch of, 197 ; remarks on, 473, 474 
Jewish liberality, 227 
Jews, expulsion of, from Spain, 124 
Journal, New York, interview with Leo XIII. in, 

514 ; on Pope's interest in Spain, 614 A ; on 

"Tammany Hall clique," 442 
Jovrnalof Commeice. on " imperialism," 591, 592 
Judieo-Riunan combinations, 281 
"Judges of Faith and Godless Schools, The," 325 
Junior Order Aiuerican Mechanics, .564 
Jury trial established among Pilgrims, 27 
Jus canonicum, and equivalent terms, 602 A 
Jus commune, 603 A 
Jus iiationale, 603 A 

Kaiser, William, obtains support of Centrists by 

l)rotecting Catholic interests, 254 
Kamehameha III., 172 
Katzer, Archbishop, 343 
Kearney, "Ed.," 442 

Keller, John W., Charities Commissioner, 440 
Kelly, John, relations of, with Richard Croker. 456 
Kensington, Cardinal Manning's sermon at, 208 
Kerens, R. C, kills Republican plank against 

sectarian appropriations, 266 
Kernaii, Fiancis, defeats school legislation in U. S. 

Senate, 291 
King, James M., 519 
Klopsch, Dr., 147 

Knights of Columbus, 396, 397 ; of Malta, 565 
Knox, John, 56, 97 

Know-Nothingism, in Low vote, 272, 273 
Know-Nothings, 192 ; General Grant classed with, 

321 
Klilile, School Superintendent, relations of, with 

Archbishop Ireland, 348 

Labor organizations, Leo XIII. on, 394 ; relations 

of Romanism to, ,392 
Ladrone Islands, 168 ; description of, 170 



Index. 



C8; 



I-afayette, Marquis de, 71 ; on American liberties, 

Laishley, Chevalier, report of, on American educa- 
tional system, 103 

Lakewood, Cioker at, 429, 451 

La Lega Lombarodia et Milano, on triumph of 
America, 620 A 

La Liberia CaUolica (Naples), on American " evo- 
lution " during war, 620 A 

Lamont, Secretary of War, grants permit to erect 
K. C. chapel on West Point grounds, 303 ; revokes 
it, 304 ; on political pressure, again grants it, 30,") 

La Montague, Dr., 17 

Langevin, Hon. Mr., elected to Canadian Parliament 
by clerical intimidation, 236 

Langlois, Rev. Father, on liberalism in Canada, 237 

La Rabida, Juan Perez, prior of, 130 

La Rochelle, siege of, 42 

"Las Marianas," 170 

Lathrop, George Parsons, on "Religious Tolera- 
tion," 228 

Latin and Anglo-Saxon Civilizations, 121 

Latin civilization, reason for failure of, 143 • 
Powers, decadence of. 131 ' 

Lattimer (Pa.), prosecuting committee, composition 
of, 399 ; riots at, 399 

Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, memorializes the Pope against 
ecclesiastical interference in Canadian politics, 
496 

Lauterbach, Edward, kills Republican plank 
against sectarian appropriations, 266 

Lavelle, Rev. M. J., 429 

La Vera Roma, on aggression of the United States, 
620 A 

La Voce de/la Verita (Rome), on Papal mediation, 
619 A ; hopes for Democratic success, 620 A 

Law, civil anil common, 65 

Lawrence, Rev. Mr., 410 

League of the Red, White, and Blue, 559 

Lecky, Wiilter, on political power of priests in Ire- 
land, 256; quoted on relations of Catholic Church 
to the state, 287 

Lee, General FitzIIugh, 153,498; Richard Henry, 
58 

Leicester, Francis Higginson of, 33 

Le Lievre, A., on numerical strength of Romanism, 
506 

Leo XII. restores Collegio Romano to the Jesuits, 
196 

Leo XIII., accused by catholic layman of illiberality, 
422 ; advises Catholics to exert political power in 
United States, 215 ; advises isolation of Catholics, 
481 ; anxiety of, to arbitrate in Spanish-American 
War, 462; arbitrates between Spain and Germany, 
472 ; declares himself prisoner of the Vatican, 
283 ; deplores American principle of separation of 
church and statf, 231, 222 ; educated by Jesuits, 
196; encyclical of, against Freemasonry, 397; 
encyclical of 189."), opinion of Catholic on, 422 ; 
encyclical of, in labor organizations, 394 ; en- 
cyclical of, on Manitoba school law, 339 ; his 
opinion of Thomas Aquina'', 209; instructs 
Catholics in their political duties, 2.53 ; intimate 
knowledge of obscure politicians of,285; letter of 
submission of American Catholic editors to, 361 ; 
many-sided political ability of, 205 ; on duty of 
Catholics in politics, 263 ; on religious freedom, 
375 ; on Spanish-American War, 514 ; political 
ambition of, 195 ; regrets Protestant move- 
ment in Italy, 370; restores Jesuits to power, 
198; teaches resistance to civil law, when it con- 
flicts with laws of Church, 210 

Lepanto, battle of, 128 

Lessons from our history, 583, 584 

Letter of Pius IX., facsimile of, to Jefferson Davis, 
415; of Roman Catholic Archbishops at outbreak 
of Spanish War, 465 

Lewis, Charities Superintendent Herbert W., report 
of, on inefficient government-supported Catholic 
charities, 383 

Lexow Investigating Commission, 422, 431, 433, 434 

Leyden, Pilgrims remove to, 22 

Liberal, Catholicism, Schroeder on, 216 ; Catholics, 
Pius IX. condemns, 214 

Liberty, and Law, definitions of, 61-65; civil, and 
religious limitations, of , 80 ; modern, Leo XIII. 
on, 215 ; of the press, date of, in European 



countries, 115 ; religious, in America, history of, 

" Liberty of perdition," 185 

"Liberty of Unlicensed Printing," 115 

Lieber, quoted, 64, 187 

" Life of Columbus," 120 

" Life of Leo XIII.," (juoted, 142, HKl, l!tO 47-,' 

Liliuokalani, C^iieeii, 172 

Lima, assault on school fund at, 34H 

Lillte James, Pilgrim ship, arrival of, ut Ph rn< uili, 
26 

Lobby, R. C.,292; incorporiilorR of recoustrucled 
303; peril from, oulliiud, 303 

Loco Foco party, origin of, 420 

Lodge, Senator, 267 

Lollards, 38 

London Company, 23 

" Los Ladrones," l.O 

Louis XIV., oppression of Huguenots by, 42 

Louisiana purchase, effect of, 087 

Low Land (Hollow Liiiidl, 13 

Low, Seth, defeat of, ixpl.iined by Hugh McLaugh- 
lin, 271 ; vote, the, Hugh .McLaughlin on, 271 

Lowell, James Hiissill, (|iiiile(l on immigration, 5<J8 

Loyal, Orange liistiliii]i>u of the United States 
of America, .504 ; Women of American Liberty, 
.564 ' 

Loyalty to church or state, conflict as to, 211 ; to 
church before state, Bishoi) Oilmour prescribes, 
487 

" Loyalty to Church and State," extract from, 176 

Lusk, Charles S., 293 

Luther, Martin, 38, 45, 122 

Luzon, 167 

MacArthur, Rev. Dr. R. S., 410 

Macaulay, on church and state, 83; on polity of 
Church of Rome, 187 ; quoted, 2.s, 43, 114 

Mack, Commissioner Jaenb W., on Mayor Van 
Wyck's school-board appointiiiems, Ai'i 

Madison, President, 74 ; on religion and govern- 
ment, 84 

Magellan, Hernando, discovers I adrone Islands, 
170 ; Philippines, 107 ; reaches Straits of .Magellan, 
168 

Mahan, Captain, quoted, 128 

Maine Chattleship), chaplain of, 484 ; destruction 
of, 156; Father Pliehiii on, 371; funeral of vic- 
tims ; experiences of Hishop Fitz Gerald and Cap- 
tain Sigsbee in connection therewith, 490. 497 

Maine, attempted amendment to Constitution of, 
226 ; chief sectarian jiggressors in, Protestants, 
530 ; fate of amendment, 530 ; theory and prac- 
tice of a certnin college president in, 227 

Maintenon, Mme. de, 42 

Mainz, 113 

Malone, Father Sylvester, 279 ; address of, on Tam- 
many's opportunities for good, 427 

Manhattan Island, 15; first American public school 
on. 98; price of, 16 

Manifest destiny, 585 

Manila, 170; Bay, 129 

Manitoba school law. Encyclical of Leo XIII. on, 
339 

Manning, Cardinal, on relations of the Church to 
society and the state, 189 ; quoted on infallibility, 
191 ; on the claims of the Pope, 208 

Manning's (Rev. Dr. H. E.) " The Present Crisis of 
the Holy See," 612 A 

Margaret of Valois, 44 

Marion, Francis, protest of, to South Carolina 
Colonial Convention, 52 

Marot, 44 

Marriage and epclesiastical power, 609 A 

Mars, Rev. Father, opposes Catholic liberalism in 
Canada, 237 

Marsh, George P., on Index Expnrgatorine, 360 

Martin, "Jimmy," 442 

Martinelli. Mgr., Delegate, decision of, in re 
Father Rosen, 277; important dispatch to Vatican, 
617 A ; news as to Spanish armistice reaches him 
first, 617 A ; on President McKinley'sgood wishes 
for success of papal mediation, 616 A 

Marty, Bishop M., 278, 293 

Mary, Queen of Scots, 41 

Maryland, religious toleration in, 220 ; R. C. coloni- 
zation of, 59 



036 



Index. 



Maasachueetts, echool law (1647), 107 ; first Ameri- 
can college in, 108 

" Miif^'nctiiiMtta Bay in New England, Governor 
aud Company of the," 32 

MasiMtsoic, Iiitliaii chief, *^ 

Matanza.", l(il 

Material reuoiircea and strength of U. S., 72 

Mather, I'otinn, (luoted, 50; Richard, 37 

Mittnmonial causes, suiuuiarv judicial proceedings 
in. 009 A 

Maiihews, Franklin, scores Tammany in Harper's 
Wttkly for its corruption, 445 

Maxiiiiilian, 501 

Mayatriiez, IGO 

Manrtoivtr. 557; first Pilgrim ship, leaves Plymouth, 
•i\; returns to Kngland, 26; second expedition of, 
32 

MayllowtT compact, 24,55 * 

Mayor of New York, S. F. B. Morse's candidacy, 
for, 420 

Mcl'arren, Senator Patrick H., as a link between 
Konieaiid the press, 363 

McCartney, Commissioner, allows Sisters of Charity 
only to collect money in his Department, 441 

McDonnell, Bishop, orders removal of U. S. flag 
decorating Brooklyn church, 494 

McDonough, John 1., 483 

McGee, Professor, declares the expansion of 1898 
will make us the naval nation of the earth, 586 

Mann, Horace, on legislators' influence for good or 
evil in schools, 543 

McGlynn, Father Edward, 182; baptizes Richard 
Croker, 455; denounces traducers of public 
schools, 345; on origin and peril of temporal 
power. 223; on Pope's influence in politics, 284; 
on temporal |)Ower of the Popes, 203; supports 
ballot reform, 570 

Mcliiiire, Congressman, presents Cardinal Gibbons' 
petition in House of Representatives, 302 

McKenna, Aitorney General, abused by his core- 
ligionists for his decision in West Point Catholic 
chapel case, 487; opinion of, on West Point Catho- 
lic chapel grant, 305; disappointment of corelig- 
ionists of, over, 306; John, killed in altercation 
ill which CJroker was engaged, 456 

McKiiiley, President, declares American policy, 
589; Message of, to Congress on the Cuban War, 
148, 149; on Hawaiian assimilation, 173; refers 
Lament's West Point grant to Catholics to At- 
torney General, 305; speech of, at Chicago l\'ace 
Jubilee, 157; speech of, concerning work of 
Hawaiian Commission, quoted, 173 

McLaughlin, Hugh, admits Catholic interference in 
Brooklyn politics, 271; master of Democratic 
party, 275; thanked by iiunduy Democrat, 272 

McLellan, John, 519 

McMahon, Daniel P., 452 

McMillan. Senator, 538 

MrMurdy, Rev. Dr., 409 

Mc(^uaid, Bishop, a candidate for Regent, 279; 
criticism of, by Sunday Democrat, 277; preaches 
against Archbishop Ireland, 280; rebuked therefor 
by Rome, 281 

M.aiix, 40 

Mecklenburg CN. C), declaration of, 57 

Media-val to modern history, transition from, 33 

Medici de, Catherine, duplicity of 40, 41 

Memorable events in American history, 595 A 

Menemlez (Melendez), 72; murders Huguenot 
setllers, 40 

Meiiiionite Mission Board, 536 

Merchant Adventurers. 27 

Merri:im, (iovernor, 277 

" .Mer-.-engerof the Press," 114 

Meffeiiaer of the Sacred Heart, 323 

Methodist Book Concern, 363 

J/et/iodist Times, quoted, 507 

Mexico, conquest of. 126; liberation of, 126; Dr. 
William Butler on, 255 

" Mexico in Trunsitjoii from the Power of Political 
Koinanism to Civil and Religious Liberty," 255 

Mi( liiiclluB, John, 16 

Mllii.-iry Order of Foreign Wars, 555 

Mill, John Stuart, on American popular intelligence, 
117 r 1- „ , 

Miller, Hear Admiral, at Hawaii, 173 
Milton, John, 114, 115; on Popery, 191 • 



Mindanao, 167; discovered by Magellan, 168 

Mindoro, 167 

Ministers, conference of, on Spanish crisis, 155 

Minnesota, refractory priest in, episode of, 314 

Minturn, Lawyer, quoted, 177 

Minuit, Peter, tiist governor, 15 

Misgovernnent of cities, Dr. Orestes A. Brownson 
on, 413 

Mission of Mgr. SatoUi, objects of, 193 

Missionary enterprise, 95 

Modera, civilization, genesis of, 595 A; history, 
three chapters in, 502; society. Cardinal Man- 
ning's definition of, 190 

Monroe, doctrine, 589, .587; James, 74 

" Monks and their Decline," extract from, 515; pro- 
scribed by Sacred Congregation, 515 

Moors, expulsion of, from Spain, 125 

" .Morality in the Schools," quoted, 338 

Moiey letter, 261 

Morgan, Indian Commissioner Thomas J., confir- 
mation of, opposed by R. C. Indian lobby, 
294; elHciency of, 300; R. C. inlerference wiih, 
314; severs official relations with Bureau of 
Catholic Indian Missions, 297: Senator, 173; Wil- 
liam Fellowes, 519 

Moriarty, School Comniissioner, 449 

Mormonism, defense of school funds by, 289 

Morse, Professor Samuel F. B., 184; as a native 
candidate for Mayor, 420 

Morton, Governor, approves ballot reform bill, 571 

Moss, Hon. Frank, letter of, to Governor Roosevelt 
on demoralized police force, 444 

Motley, quoted. 14 

MuUer, Rev. Michael, book of, abusing public 
schools. 341; on the Pope's Divine authority, 213 

Slnlry, Thomas J., interest of Church authorities 
ill appointment of, 440 

Municipal employment, indorsement of religious 
order in connection with, 392 

Murphy, Edward, Jr., master of Democratic party, 
275 

Murray, Father, relation of, to city administration, 
439 

Myers voting machine, unconstitutionality of, 236 

Naguabo, 166 

Napoleon III., 501 

Naragansett Bay, 35, 36 

National, debt, amount of, 73; Educational Asso- 
ciation, Archbishop Ireland's address before, .340; 
his explanation thereof, 341; Ijeagne for Pro- 
tection of American Institutions, 52, 289, 303, 347, 
385, 387; address R. C. Archbishops and Legate 
Satolli, 529; future purposes of, 542; iiicoipora- 
tors and officers of, 519; Law Committee of, 316, 
objects of, 316, 520; proposes amendment to U. 
S. Constitution, 520; work of, f)lSet neq. 

"National ulcer," what it is, 404 

Nationality and sovereignty, 66 

Naughton, Daniel J., 483 

Naumkeag (Salem), 31 

Naval Order of the U. S., 556 

Nic;ea, Council of, 115 

Negritos, 168 

Negro domination in South, effect of fear of, 418 

Negros, 167 

Netlierhind nation. Motley's cliaracterization of, 14; 
slate of, under AlvM, 127 

New Amsterdam, 16, 17 

Newark, Bishop Corrigan of, on taxation of clerical 
property, 247; Bishop Wigger of, 239 

Newburgh, birthplace of the Society of the Cincin- 
nati, 551 

New England Society, 5.57 

New Hampshire, settlement of, 35 

New Mexico, English language for schools defeated, 
288; reason for non-admission of, into Union, 504 

New Netherland, 15 

New patriotism, disquisition on, 549 et seg.; the, 
152 

Newtown renamed Cambridge. 34 

New Year visits, among Dutch, 17 

New York, Archbishop Corrigan of, 293; Bisliop 
Farley of, 239; City public schools, state of aSairs 
in, 315; first licensed teachers in, 98; "gangs " in 
the Sixties, noiiieiiclature of, 454; services of. to 
education, 98; State Revised Constitution 



Index. 



637 



adopted, 534; Union of Catholic Young Men's 
Societies, sermon before, 399; Herald, on politi- 
cal Romanism, 252; Journal, 306; Press, 261; 
Tablet, opinion of, as to conflict between civil 
and ecclesiastical courts, 310; Times, on defeat of 
Charities Amendment, 388; on important epoch 
in the life of Mr. Croker, 455 

New Zealand report on State education, extract 
from, 102 

Aorlh American Review, Professor Waldsteln in, 
144; Richard Croker in, 423 

" Notes on Second Plenary Council of Baltimore," 
quoted, 610 A 

Nozaleda de Villa, Archbishop, hopes some strong 
Western Power will hold Philippines, 466 

"Numerical Strength of Romanism," article on, 
506,507 

Oahu, 172 

Oaths, administering of, to officials and witnesses 
in matrimonial causes, 609 A 

O'Bierne, Commissioner, avowedly appointed by 
Mayor Strong to represent Catholic interests, 439 

O'Brien, Judge Morgan J., 387; School Commis- 
sioner, 449 

Ogdensburg, Bishop Gabriels, of. 239 

O'Keefe, Father, applies for permission to erect 
R. C. chapel on West Point grounds, 303 

Old books, rarity of, explained, 360 

old Guard, 556 

Olympia, cruiser, 153, 188 

Orange, Prince of, 14 

Order of Descendants of Colonial Governors, 558; 
Founders and Patriots of America, 557; Golden 
Rose, 616 A; Washington, 556 

Oregon, battleship, 153 

O'Reilly, on arbitration by Leo XIII., 472; on rela- 
tions of the Papacy to governments, 193; quoted. 
142 

Organizations for defense against politico-ecclesi- 
ticism, 561 etseg.; common platform of, 562 

Ogservatore Romano, 432; Archbishop Ireland's 
letter in, 622 A; on Papal intervention, 620 A; on 
the treaty of peace, 621 A 

" Our Christian Heritage," 214, 325 

Oxford (Mass.), 48 

Palawan, 167 
Palissy, 44 

Palmer, Ex-Attorney General. 399 
Palmerston, Lord, on Roman intolerance, 218 
Pan ay. 167 

Papacy, attitude of, to French Republic, 212; un- 
dying nature of. 202 
" Papacy, and the Civil Power, The," 184 
Papal authorities friendly to Spain in the War, 
619-620; election, interest of Germany in. 2.54; of 
Austria, of France and America, 255; envoys, 
powers of, 607 A; infallibility, belief in, neces- 
sary to salvation, 613 A; Nuncio in the Philip- 
pines, 619 A; supremacy, rights of, 605 A; Zouaves, 
allusion to, 417 
Papers, R. C.smiill support of, 363; warned agamst 

criticism of bishops, 362 
Parents and guardians, right of control, how lost, 

378 
Paris, First National Synod of Reformed Churches 
in France, 40; first Protestant Church in, 40; jour- 
nals, statistics of, 364; press, result of Roman 
attempt to control, 364 
Parnell, Charles S., invents the boycott, 402 
" Parochial Free School Bill " (1893), 328 
Parochial school*, American Catholics hostile to, 
345- schools, Archbishop Corrigan's demonstra- 
tion in favor of 343; schools. Dr. Brownson on, 
344; schools, regulations as to, 326 
Parties in city management, absurdity of, 575 
Party organization in city, Roosevelt on, 405 
Passaro, Cape, destruction of Spanish navy at, 129 
Patriotic, Daughters of America, 559 ; League of 
the Revolution, 559 ; Order Sons of America, 564; 
orders, harmony between, suggested, 566; Or- 
ganizations of U. S., National Council of, 522; 
societies, utility of, 560 
Patroon, system. 17 ; title of, 16 
Paul, "constitutional lawyer of N. T., 65 
Paulist Fathers, Child-study Congress of, 339 ; one 



of, quoted, 234 ; submiseion of, 621 A ; n pudiate 
Father Oeckcr, 623 A 

Pavani, Father Vincent, 196 

Peace Jubilee, in Chicago, 157 ; protocol, debnt« 
on, 161 

Peckham, Wheeler IL. 520; denies anlagonism to 
Catholic Church, 317; eleciiou to U. S. Supreme 
Court defeated by R. C. inrtuence, 317 

Penal institutions, R. C, contributions to, 414 

"Peninsulars," 16.'") 

Penn, William, colonizing of Pennsylvania by. 48 • 
founding of Philadelphia by, 55 ; Quaker declara- 
tion of, 54 

Pension Bureau, reliuious tax levied on, 313 

Peoria, Bishop J. L. S|ialdi!ig of, 2.59 

Periguiiix, Bislioj) of, letter of Leo XIII. to, 222 

Persecution of Protestants by Henry 11. of France, 
40 

Peru, conquest of, 126 ; liberation of, 126 

Peter's pence, 283; collection (1897), Archbishop 
Corrigan's Letter at, 2.39 

Phelan, Rev. Father 1). S., opposes parochial 
schools in Western Watchman, .%7 ; ordered to 
apologize by Archbishop Kmn, ;«)9 ; vigoroiiBly 
declines to do so, 370 ; but finally rccauta 
publicly, 370 

Philadelphia, Archbishoj) Ryan of, 393 

Philip II., 14 ; sketch of, 127 

Philip, Commodore, quoted, 158 

Philippine Islands. descrii)tion of, 167 ; effect of 
acquisition of, 586; Spanish Archbishop of, on 
situation, 466 

Philippinos, characteristics of, 168 ; excessive 
Spanish taxation of, 169; superstition of, 169 

Picquart case, 135 

Pilgrims, 19 ; arrival of, at Cape Cod, 24; celebrate 
first Thanksgiving Day, 26 ; first worship of, at 
Gainsborough, 20 ; grant to, from London 
Company, 24; landing of, at I'lymoiilh, 25; 
migration of, to Amsterdam, 22 ; removal of, to 
Leyden, 22; treaty of, with .Maseasoit, 25 ; com- 
pact of, 24 

Pilot, 3-33 ; on submission to Pope, quoted, 211 

Pinar Del Rio, 164 

Pinta, 137 

Pinzon, Martin Alonzo, quoted, 136 

Pius IX., 282; alleged lil)erality of, 195 ; declares 
against freedom of worship, 221 ; encyclical of, 
on " Errors," 503 ; letter of, to Jefferson Davis, 
415 ; on civil law, 209 ; on rights of church and 
state, 222 

Pizarro, characterization of, 126 

Platform, Republican and Democratic, in 1892, 
quoted, 262 

Piatt, Senator O. H., presents Sixteenth Amend- 
ment in Senate, 525 

Penary Council, Third, of Baltimore, 603 A 

Plymouth, Pilgrims land at, 24 

Police Department, history of, under Tammany. 
443, 444 ; letter of Hon. Frank Moss on, 444 

Police Gazette, allusion to, 363 

Political, not religious, Roman Catholicism objected 
to, 489 

Politico-ecclesiastical penalties in i>olitics. i'l-'stra- 
tions of, 437 

Politico-ecclesiastical Romanism, as partner of 
Tammany, 457, 458; attitude of, in Spanish 
War, 461 ; claims, relations, and nuthoiis of, 
175 ; claims of, as to union of church and 
state, 218 et seq. ; as to the voter, 2.30 ; concerted 
action of, 481 ; indictment of, 427 ; relations of, 
to party politics, 250 

Polo, Seiior, proceedings of, previone to outbreak 
of Spanish-American War, 617 A 

Polygamy, grounds for prohibition of, 80 

Ponce, 166 

Pope, and free-will, 602 A ; and national canon 
law, 603 A ; a prisoner, objects of assertion, 
283; (Leo XIII.), biography of, quoted, 196; 
Bismarck on power of, 254 ; cannot lie punished, 
612 A ; his efforts at mediation in Spanish War, 
463; influence of, in politics, McGlynn on, 284 ; 
intiinitt knowledge of local affairs by, 285 ; letter 
of, as to Satolli's mission, 328 ; nations favored 
by, 501, 502; nations still faithful to, 502; sove- 
reignty of, canon law on, 208 ; claims concern- 
ing education condemned by, 323, 32-1 ; power of, 



638 



Index. 



in temporal tliiii<:P ; four opinions as to, 605 A ; 
proofs of temporiil power, 006 A 

" ropi''« liiill nfjiiinpt riviliziiion, wliat," ."jOS ; 
bciiL-Jiclioii and analliciiiu in history, 503, f)01 ; 
letter on •• AnuTicani-ni " ; sul)niis(^i<in of Arch- 
bishop Iri-hiiul and the Paiilist Fallicrs, 6'Jl A; 
rclalions to Spanisli-Anierican War, clir<iiiol()f;ic,al 
record of, 614 A-619 A ; ri<;lit to determine 
province of liis own rif,'lits, Gladstone on, 207 

Topiilation, AnjiloSaxon. proportion of, 140; Teu- 
tonic, Ml; Celtic, HI 

rorter, Mrs. J. Addison, 130 

Portland, Bir-hoj) Healy of, 293 

Port Royal (Acadia), 46; (S. C), 45 

Porto Uieo, description of, 166 

Post, ofticc of, 21 

Potestascocrcitiva, 604 A: judicialis, 604 A 

PoiiKhkecpsie, assault on school fund at, 348 

I'resDj'ierian Church, General Assembly of, make 
addition to proposed Sisteentli Amendment, ,526 

Prescott, characterization of Torqueuiada by, 122 

Presentation Nuns, 322 

" Present Crisis of the Holy See," quoted (1861), 
612 A 

Piets, 423 

Press, censorship of the, 114; Roman ccnsorsliip of, 
365 

Preston, Vicar-Gcneral, on civil liberty, 210 

Price, Rev. Mr., 410 

Private property, exempt from seizure, 157 

Privateering, abstinence of U. S. from, 157 

" Profanation of sacred Soil," 498 

Propaganda, decree of, as to Masonic funerals, 258 

Propositions condemned by Holy See, 1831-1864, 
612 A 

Protection, 74 

Protestant Alliance, on "Numerical Strength of 
Romanism," 500. .507 

Protestants persecuted by Henry II of France, 40 

"Protestantism and Infidelity," 413 

Providence, settlement of, 35; (R. I ), Roger Wil- 
liams at, 59 

Prussia, educational pre-eminence of, 98 

Publication statistics, 120 

Public school, at Philadelphia, 55; education. Rev. 
M. Muller on, 213; cost of, 104; proportion of 
State tax for support of, 104; system, object of, 
according to Rev. Michael Muller, 340 

"Public School Education" (Rev. M. Muller), ex- 
tracts from, 341 

Puck, 425 

Puerto Principe, 164 

Punishments and death penalty, power of church to 
inflict, 604 A 

Purcell, Bishop, 343 

Puritans the, 28 

Puritan Sunday, chimera of, 426 

Pym, John, 30 

Quaker, declaration, 54; The, 53 

Qnnkers (Children of the Light, Friends), 63, 54; 

organized as church, 53; pecularities of, 54 
Queen Regent of Spain, 015 A-619 A 
Questions which must be answered, 357 
Quimper, Pius IX. 's address to Catholic Society of, 

214 
Quintard, Bishop, 52 

Paleigh, 153; historical parallel, 129 

Rampolla, Cardinal, 614 A, 615 A; advises Spain to 
abatulon Cuba on condition of establishment of 
Roman Catholic republic, 463 

Randall's I^land, qualifications for positions in 
institutions on, 439; to vote for Strong, a dis- 
qualification, 440 

Rascon, C<iui)t de, Spanish Ambassador to Great 
Britain, quoted, 015 A 

Ravaillar. assussinntion of Henry IV. by, 42 

Raymond, Henry J., on cause of opposition to the 
Irish, 488 

lieconcentrado Byntcm, results of, 147 

Reconrentrailoii, treatment of, l.'iO 

Red Book of Spanish (Jnvernmeiil, digest of, 017 A 

Reform victory in 1891, Puck on, 425 

Reformation, i4 

Re^iKlriition of voters, regulations as to, .571, 572 

"Religion and the State/' Father Young's indorse- 



ment of Dr. King's lecture on, .351; reason for 
author's change of attitude, .352 

Kelif^'ious, equality, encyclical on, 375; liberty, 
America'sconlribution to, 90; liberty in America, 
history of, 84: liberty, corner-stone of Dutch 
ReiHiblic, 87; Liberty, Virginia and New York 
first to guarantee, 85; liherty; what it does not 
mean, 229; resources, 93; tests, abolition of, 87; 
toleration, absence of, in Cuba, l(i5; toleration, 
Leo Xill. on, 370; toleration, Syllabus of Pius 
IX. on, 221 

" Religious Toleration," Lathrop's lecture on, 228 

Report, of Superintendent of Charities. D. C. 383; 
(1897) of U. S. Commissioner of Education, 109 

Republic, historic origin of, 09 

lierum Novarnm. allusion to ('ucyclical, 394 

Resolutions of Congress relating to Cuba, 149 

Resources, religious, 93 

Restrictions on powers of Church, confessed. 604 A 

Retreat and imprisonment (ecclesiastical), 611 A 

Reviews of Reviews on postponement of President's 
Mes.sage, 618 A 

Revocation of Edict of Nantes, 42 ; effects of, 43 

Rhode Island, charter of, 87 ; settlement of, 35 

llibault, Jean, leads Huguenot expedition to Port 
Royal, S. C, 45 

Richards, James M., on desirability of Irish Catho- 
lic officeholders, 274 

Richelieii, Cardinal, opposes Huguenots, 42 

Right of Revolution, source of, 66 

Righter, Judge N. H., unlawful decision of, 311 

Rio de Janeiro, 45 

" Rise of the Dutch Republic," quoted, 126 

Roberts, Rev. Dr., 410 

Robinson, Jolin, 20 ; becomes pastor of Pilgrims at 
Leyden, 22 ; death of, at Leyden, 27 

Rochester, Bishop McQiiaid of, 239 ; gems from 
sermon by, 280 

Roman attitude on school question, i)urpo6e of, 
353 ; conclusions on, suninied up, .S.5.3-3,56 

Roman Catholic, balance of jiower, 490 ; charitable 
institutions, non-existent, under Tweed, 420 ; 
Church, decline of, Hugh Price Hughes on, 507 ; 
increase of. Father Hecker on, 511, 512; Church 
in U. S., Dr. Brownson on foreign quality of, 
481, 482; Church status of, in various countries, 
219, 220; Foundling Asylum, 390; hierarchv, in 
politics, strength of, 233 ; isolation. Archbishop 
Ireland's comments on, 491 ; but for opposite 
view at Baltimore, 492 ; loyalty, animadversions 
on, 485; political leaders, three, 275 ; press, in 
war with Spain, 40;3 ; Protectory (Westchester), 
episode on history of, 382 ; saloon-keepers. Dr. 
Brownson on, 414 ; Father Elliott on, 414 ; school 
commissioners, undue proportion of, 449 ; 
schools, complaints of Indian chiefs concerning, 
349; the English, .59; triumvirate, 452; wealth, 
increase of. Father Hecker on, 510 

Roman Catholicism, as a political unit, 231 ; nu- 
merical and political decline of, 501 ef seg.; two 
sources of strength, 514; losses of, 514, 515 

Roman College, Vincent Pecci pupil at, 196 

Romanism, and Rebellion, 415 et «#$'. ; ecclesiasti- 
cal, demoralizing features of, 195; foundation 
syllogism of, 187; political, source of wealth of, 
194 

Rome as an educator, Victor Hugo on, 320, 321 ; 
capital of United Italy, 502 ; decision of, final, 
216; opjjosition of, to common education ac- 
counted for, 319 ; refusal to take politics from, 
284 ; secret service of, at Washington, 318 

Rondout, assault on school fund at, 34S 

Roosevelt, Theodore, demands Americanizing of 
foreigners remaining here, 482; on city politics 
and the " boss," 405 

Rosen, Rev. Peter, decision of Delegate Martinelli 
against, 277 

Ross, Mrs. Betsy, makes the Stars and Stripes, 628 

" Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," 409 et seq. 

Sabbath, physical and moral utility of, 582 

Sadowa, ,504 

Sas;!ista, Premier, characterization of Spanish race 

by, 101 
Salem (Naumkcag), 31 ; (N. J.), 54 
Samar, 107 
Sau Francisco, Archbishop Riordan of, 293 



Index. 



G39 



San Jaan (Porto Rico), 168 

SanSalvador, 45, 162 

Santa Clara, 164 

Sanla Fe, Archbishop Chapelle of, 393 

Santander, Bishop, refuses permission for Protes- 
tant services over Maine's dead in Colon ceme- 
tery, 498 

Santiago, 12!) ; Red Cross at, 130 

Satolli, Archl)i8hop, acknowledges receipt without 
comment of request from National League to de- 
sist seeking Government approijrimions, ,'529 ; 
address of, to archbishops on school question, 
326 ; declares Catholic education safeguards the 
Constitution, 332 ; object of mission of, 193 ; 
Pope's commission to, 194 ; efforts of, to settle 
school question, 194 ; quoted on church and 
state, 176 

Saurin, 44 

Saxony, free-school system in, 9" 

Saxton, Hon. Charles T., elected Lieutenant Gover- 
nor, 571 ; introduces ballot reform law and corrupt 
practices bill, 582; untiring efforts of, for ballot 
reform, 509 

Schaff, Dr. Philip, 217; on church and state, 91; 
on separation of Church and State, 81; quoted, 
100; translation of "Syllabus Errorum," 323 

School, question, three plans as to, suggested by 
Archbishop Satolli, 326; system, legitimate pur- 
pose of, 101 

Schools, attack of Tammany on, 448-450; Indian, 
contrast between Government and Catholic, 300: 
parochial and public. Dr. McGlynn on, 346 

Schroeder, Mgr., defines liberal Catholicism, 216 

Scotch, The, importance of , as a factor in settling 
America, 5(i 

Scrooby, Pilgrims meet in, 20, 21, 22 

Secret societies, Roman, 395 

Secretary of War (Alger), favors sectarian invasion 
of West Point; negative opinion of Attorney 
General McKenna, 306; (Lamont) grants permit 
for erection of R. C. chapel on, .303 

Sect and sectarianism, definition of, 224 

Sectarian, appropriation, 82; appropriations, declar- 
ation of U. S. Congress against, 302; appropria- 
tions, national, abolition of, 384; appropriations, 
reductions in, 540, 541; classification of juvenile 
delinquents, 376; fallacy in scheme, 377; how met 
by R. C, 379; schools. Dr. Orestes A. Brownson's 
arguments against, 344 

Sedan, overthrow of imperialism at, 502 

" Senatorial courtesy," instance of, 317 

Separatists, 20; organize church, 21; settlement in 
Holland, drawbacks to, 23 

Servis, Rev. Father, on liberalism in Canada, 236 

Seward, Governor William H., 546 

Sheedy, Father, claims Catholic Church disapproves 
liquor traffic, 425 

Sheehan, John C, and William F., punished by 
CroktT for disobedience, 437 

Shipmau, Chaplain Herbert, 304 

Sigel, Franz, quoted, 136 

Sigsbi'e, Captain, statement of, showing refusal of 
Bishop of Havana to allow Protestant ceremonies 
over Maine's Protestant dead, 497 

Single-tax campaign, 232; intimidation in, 249 

Sisters of Christian Charity, 322; of the Holy Child 
Jesus, 322 

Sixteenth Amendment, presented to Congress, 525; 
denominational action in support of, 526, 527; 
National Conventions evade, 528 

Sixty-ninth Regiment, attends church, how, 494; 
by whom reviewed on return from South, 495 

Skinner, Hon. Charles R., decision of, in St. Bridget's 
(Walervliet) school case, 347; upheld by Justice 
Chester, 348 

Smith, Captain John, explores New England coast, 
24; Goldwin, quoted, 92; Rev. Dr. S. B , on 
"Elements of Ecclesiastical Law," 602 A «< ^e?-. 

Society, for Prevention of Cruelty to Children, 382; 
of American Wars. 556; of Colonial Wars, 555; 
of Mayflower Defcendants, 5.57; of New England 
Women, 559; of the War of 1812, 555 

Sons of the American Revolution, 554; of the Revo- 
lution, 419, 552 

Sorbonne, Faculty of, 39 

Sources of American republican Christian civiliza- 
tion, 13; of power of state, 68; of support of 
common schools, 99 



®°c"'^*',V^°^^'''*^"" '■«Pu*'''ce. attitude of, toward U. 
h., 163; Carolina, Constitutional Convention in. 
535 

South, reason for jmt-Mlirni democracy of 271 

Sovereignty of races, simiHtics of, .')(IH 

Spain, and Turkey, p njtinil decay of, 1(5; con- 
cordat between, and Holy See, 320; iniliclnient 
against, 1,">5; military depot for CliarleH V l'>7- 
proceedings of, in Cuba, 147; numbers of force 
of, m Cuba, 148 

Spaldiug, Archbishop, on the rcsulls to Rome of 
separation of church and state in the U. S , 505 

Spanish, -American War of civilization, 146- coIoiumI 
control, four elements of, 162; Kmi)irc, |mrtitioii- 
ing of, 1.59; mehdaeity, 12il; nation, conxlilueut 
elements of, 121; theory of government, 124 

Speedwell, first Pilgrim sliii), proves unseaworlhy, 

Spoils and merit systems contrasted, .573, 574 

Springer, Congressman, presents Sixteenili Amend- 
ment in House, 525 

Slandanl, 3C() ; controversy of. with Arehbi-hnp 
Corrigan, 246 ; on papal blessing of Spanish 
arms, 617 A f i 

Stanhope, Lord, on religious toleration, UO 

Star Chamber, 114 

Stars and Stripes, history of, 628 

State, aid to Roman Catholic institutions, Father 
Phelan on, 309; Constitution, Amendment, .liidgc 
Charles P. Daly on, and his experience, 487; 
definition of, 60; education, Father Hccker on, 
324; election of 1898, facts concerning, 441, 412; 
Greek idea of, 04; Roman idea of, 64; poweis of, 
sources of, 68; ration d'etre of, V.); right of to 
educate, 324; limitations of, 335; teachers' con- 
vention, first, 98 

States adopting anti-sectarian provisions, 525 

Statistics, Anglo-Saxon and Lulin, 145 

Stephan, Rr. Rev. Director, J. A., 292, 301; op- 
poses confirmation of General Morgan, 291; nport 
of, to Superior, concerning Bureau of Catholic 
Indian Missions, 260 

Stillwater, Minn., school question at,. 329 

St. Augustine (Fla.), 45 

St. Bartholomew, massacre of, 41 

St. Bridget's Parochial School, 346, 5.30 ; decision of 
State Superintendent Skinner in the matter of, 
347 

St. Cloud, Bishop Martv of, 293 

St. Gregory, Order of, 388 

St. Nicholas Club, bh% ; Society, 5.58 

St. Paul's CroPS, Tyndale's Bible burned at, 116 

St. Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, sketch 
of, 419, 420 ; cardinal doctrine of, 419 

Storrs, Dr. Richard S., quoted, 52; on the perma- 
nency of governments, 580 ; on the power of 
Christianity to liberate, 582 

Story, Judge, quoted on religious liberty, 87 

Strong, Dr. Josiah, on separation of church nnd 
state, 79, 113; Mayor, admits sectarian appoint- 
ments, 4.39 

Stuckenberg, Dr., declares Catholicism losing its 
hold, 505 

Stuyvesant, Peter, character of, 17 

Subjection of all men to Pope, Boniface VIll. de- 
crees, 198 

Sully, 44 ; aids Huguenots to obtain edict of Nantes, 
41 

Sun, on Judge White's aiipointment on Peace Com- 
mission, 618 A ; on Papal mediation between U. 
S. and Spain, 615 A, 016 A ; account of Catholic 
Club reception to Colonel Bliss and Mr. Coudert, 
387 

Sunday Democrat, 273; attacks school funds. 532; 
Dr. Walsh in, on division of school funds, 257 ; on 
Index Expurgatorius, ?M ; sectarian division of 
school fund advocated by, 331 

Sunday Union, on Mr, Croker's charities. 429, 430 

Superintendent of Indian Schools, Dr. Dorchester, 
attempt to defeat confirmation of. 292 

Stirratt, John H., escaping from U. S. is found in 
Papal Zouaves, 417 

Suspension Bridge, assault on school fund at, 348 

Swedes' colony in Delaware, 61 

"Syllabus Erronim," Dr. Schaff's translation of, 
217 ; Props. XLV. and XLVII. (Devare's transl. 
of) 323 



640 



Index. 



SyllHbii?, of BrrorP, Pius IX. in, quoted, 209 ; of 
Pius IX on religious toleratiou, 221 ; on righlB 
and powers of tlnirch, 222; referred to by Mr. 
Gladstone, 612 A, 013 A ; quotations from, 374 

Talleyrand declares chief object of state to teach 
its children to become good citizens, 541 

Tammany Sotielv, 395; cause of its power, 436; 
C'roker'8 essay i'n defense of, -12:} ; forced levies on 
liiisincss men by, 451 ; ituiictincnt of, by Franklin 
Matthews, 445; muiiicip;!) jjovtriimeiit, respon- 
sibility for claimed from t'atliedral pulpit, 425 ; 
orijjiual object of, 552 ; iiricstly protestant 
against, 431 ; religious toleration of, in politics, 
4.>3 ; restoration of, to power, in :S9H, 423 ; 
sketch of Croker as boss of, 456 ; terrorism prac- 
ticed by, 437; triple head of, 454; unlimited cor- 
ruption fund of, 450 

Temporal power of Pope, Uiritita CcUtoLca on, 228; 
Italian vote on, 234; Jesuits advocates of, 197; 
origin of, 006 A ; origin and peril of, 223 ; when 
lost, 204 

Thanksgiving Day, origin of, 26 

Thebes, Arclibishoj) of, Mgr. Cnjetan Bediiii, 192 

Thompson, Hon. K. VV., on Pajjacy and civil power, 
1*4 ; quoted, on the Jesuits, 503 

" Three great sources of our institutions," 49 

"Three plans," Satolli suggests, 326 

Times, New York, Harold Frederic, in, quoted, 4R3 ; 
Henry Raymond in, on Irishmen in America, 488 ; 
on John Kelly's protection of Croker, 456 

Toby, the Indian, tool of Governor of Canada, 48 

Toledo, Archbishop of, forges bull of dispensa- 
tion, 121 

Tonelli, Philippe, interview of, with Leo XIII. on 
Spanish-American War, 514 

Torquemada, Friar, Spanish Inquisitor, 122 

Tniftilgar, battle of, 129 

Treaty of Peace, signing of, 170 

Trent, Council of, and freedom of the press, 358 ; 
ten rules of, on proliibitcMl books, 359 

Tribuna (Rome) on Catholic interests in treaty of 
pence, 618 A 

Tribune, 425 ; on papal intervention, 615 A, 616 A ; 
quoted, 395 ; editorial, quoted, 589 ; on Croker as 
dictator, 459 ; on Croker's early political activity, 
454 ; on Tammany Board of Aldermen, 446, 447 ; 
on Tammany city administration, 447, 448 

Trinidad (W. I.), Archbishop Flood of, 239 

True American Catholic, anti-American campaign 
of, 623. 624 

Turkey and Spain, political decay of, 145 

Tweed, William M., relations of, with Catholic in- 
stitutions, 420 

Ultramontanisin, change of attitude of, 271 ; men- 
ace of, 270 

United, Americans, Order of, 192; American 
Mechanics, 5()3 

United States, Constitution, and the Pope, difference 
of opinion between, 185 ; RIaine Amendment to, 
291 ; defeat of. and result of defeat, 201 ; daugh- 
ters of, 1776-1812, 559 ; Navy, personnel of, 158 ; 
new possessions of, 163 et acq.; Nuncio sent to, 
by Pius IX., 191 ; i)olice of seas by, 156 ; Supreme 
Court, nomination of Wheeler II. Peckham for 
Justice of, how defeated, 316 

Unlawful things under any of the American Con- 
stitutions (Cooley), 101 

Ursuline nuns, exempt from appearance as vvit- 
nesseg, 311 

Utah, Constitutional Convention in, 535 

Utica, First State Teachers' Convention at, 98 

Van Twiller, Governor, 16, 17 

Van Wyck, Mayor, 429; appointments of, tend- 
ing to Romanize public schools, 448; appoint- 
ments of. really dictated by Croker, 451 ; not 
permitted to reward ex-Mayor Grant, 452 

Vatican Council, 213 ; Decrees, Gladstone on. 210 

"Vatican Deernes, The, in their Bearing on Civil 
Allegiance," 612 A 



Vaticanism, definition of, 269 

" Vaticanism in Germany and the United States," 

extracts from, 269, 270 
Venezuela, Vatican repudiated by, 504 
Vermont, Orestes A. Brownson, born in, 201 
Villegagnon, duplicity of, foils Huguenot expedi- 
tion, 45 
Vincent, Rev. Dr. John II., originator of Chautau- 
qua movement. 111 
Visitor (Providence), on Catholic losses, 514, 515 
Viterbo, Leo XIII., pupil of Jesuit college at, 196 
Von Schulte, Dr. G. F., on Roman canon law, 188 
Voice of Leo, when voice of Holy Ghost, 210 
Voters, power of the Pope over, 234 
Votes, massing of, under bosses, 406 
Voting, qualifications for, in States, 626 A; soli- 
darity ill, 490, ^91 
Voxpopuli, vox Dei, meaning of, 65 

Waite, Chief Justice, decision of, defining limits of 
religious liberty, 80 

Waldstein, Professor, on Anglo-Saxon unity, 144. 
145 

Walker, John Brieben, appeals to Democrats to 
overthrow Crokerism, 450 

Walter, Father, relations of, with Lincoln's assas- 
sins, 417 

Walworth, Father, disapproves of Pope's interfer- 
ence in Spanish-American War, 464 

Walsh, Dr. Michael, 277; frank statement of, of 
Catholic position to public-school funds. 258 ; on 
bill to establish denominational schools, 331 

Warning of Gambetta, 215 

Washington, George, 74 ; president-general of order 
of Cincinnati, 420, 522 

Washington, Satolli's educational address at, 332 

Watertown, protest of, 33 

Watervliet (West Troy), deadlock in board of 
education at, 348 ; school question in, 346 ; Super- 
inteiHlent Skinner's course described, 347, 348 

Webster, Daniel, 91 ; on influence of the press, 117 ; 
on John Jay, 51 

West India Comi)any, 15 

West Point, Attorney General McKenna's opinion 
on R. C. chapel at, 487 ; bill as to religious 
worship at, 307, 308 ; Cadet and Soldiers' chapels 
at, account of, 303 ; denominational petitions, 
object of, ,304 ; National Board of Visitors, 306; 
R. C. Chapel at, advice of League to denomina- 
tions, .540; Roman Catholic Chapel Bill, history 
of, 303 ; R. C. Chapel, history of, .539 et seq. 

We.Si. Jersey, laws of, 54 

Western Catholic Neivs, Harrison's defeat explained 
in, 259 

Western Watchman, 367 ; editor of, recants, 370 ; on 
school question, .368, 309 

Weyler, Captain General Valeriano, 132, 147 ; con- 
siders himself a merciful man, 148 

White, Rev. John, relieves colonists at Nauinkeag 
(Salem), 31 ; Senator, confirmed as Supreme 
Court Judge, 317 

Wickliffc, 21 

William of Orange, 87 

Williams, Roger, .59, 88; banished for claiming 
religious liberty, 86 ; settles Providence, 35 

Winslow, Edward, joins Pilgrims at Leyden, 23 

Winthrop, John, quoted, 86; electioa of, as Gov- 
ernor of Plymouth colony, 32 

Witherspoon, John, appeal of, to signers of Dec- 
laration of Independence, 57 

Worms, Luther at, 45 

Young. Father, indorses editor's attitude on schools, 
351 ; " Protestant and Catholic Countries Com- 
pared," 488 

Zola, Emile, 478 

Zurcher, Rev. Father George, gives some statistics 
showing Catholic decline in U. S.,515; his pam- 
phlet [iroscribed by the Sacred Congregation, flo 
he makes " submission," 515 



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